Dataset[{<|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=65393", "Date" -> DateObject[{1916, 9, 2}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "WoodrowWilson::4jw93"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"SeaGirt", "NewJersey", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Senator James, Gentlemen of the Notification Committee, Fellow-Citizens:\nI cannot accept the leadership and responsibility which the National Democratic Convention has again, in such generous fashion, asked me to accept without first expressing my profound gratitude to the party for the trust it reposes in me after four years of fiery trial in the midst of affairs of unprecedented difficulty, and the keen sense of added responsibility with which this honor fills (I had almost said burdens) me as I think of the great issues of national life and policy involved in the present and immediate future conduct of our Government. I shall seek, as I have always sought, to justify the extraordinary confidence thus reposed in me by striving to purge my heart and purpose of every personal and of every misleading party motive and devoting every energy I have to the service of the nation as a whole, praying that I may continue to have the counsel and support of all forward-looking men at every turn of the difficult business.\nFor I do not doubt that the people of the United States will wish the Democratic Party to continue in control of the Government. They are not in the habit of rejecting those who have actually served them for those who are making doubtful and conjectural promises of service. Least of all are they likely to substitute those who promised to render them particular services and proved false to that promise for those who have actually rendered those very services.\nBoasting is always an empty business, which pleases nobody but the boaster, and I have no disposition to boast of what the Democratic Party has accomplished. It has merely done its duty. It has merely fulfilled its explicit promises. But there can be no violation of good taste in calling attention to the manner in which those promises have been carried out or in adverting to the interesting fact that many of the things accomplished were what the opposition party had again and again promised to do but had left undone. Indeed that is manifestly part of the business of this year of reckoning and assessment. There is no means of judging the future except by assessing the past. Constructive action must be weighed against destructive comment and reaction. The Democrats either have or have not understood the varied interests of the country. The test is contained in the record.\nWhat is that record? What were the Democrats called into power to do? What things had long waited to be done, and how did the Democrats do them? It is a record of extraordinary length and variety, rich in elements of many kinds, but consistent in principle throughout and susceptible of brief recital.\nThe Republican Party was put out of power because of failure, practical failure and moral failure; because it had served special interests and not the country at large; because, under the leadership of its preferred and established guides, of those who still make its choices, it had lost touch with the thoughts and the needs of the nation and was living in a past age and under a fixed illusion, the illusion of greatness. It had framed tariff laws based upon a fear of foreign trade, a fundamental doubt as to American skill, enterprise, and capacity, and a very tender regard for the profitable privileges of those who had gained control of domestic markets and domestic credits; and yet had enacted anti-trust laws which hampered the very things they meant to foster, which were stiff and inelastic, and in part unintelligible. It had permitted the country throughout the long period of its control to stagger from one financial crisis to another under the operation of a national banking law of its own framing which made stringency and panic certain and the control of the larger business operations of the country by the bankers of a few reserve centers inevitable; had made as if it meant to reform the law but had faint-heartedly failed in the attempt, because it could not bring itself to do the one thing necessary to make the reform genuine and effectual, namely, break up the control of small groups of bankers. It had been oblivious, or indifferent, to the fact that the farmers, upon whom the country depends for its food and in the last analysis for its prosperity, were without standing in the matter of commercial credit, without the protection of standards in their market transactions, and without systematic knowledge of the markets themselves; that the laborers of the country, the great army of men who man the industries it was professing to father and promote, carried their labor as a mere commodity to market, were subject to restraint by novel and drastic process in the courts, were without assurance of compensation for industrial accidents, without federal assistance in accommodating labor disputes, and without national aid or advice in finding the places and the industries in which their labor was most needed. The country had no national system of road construction and development. Little intelligent attention was paid to the army, and not enough to the navy. The other republics of America distrusted us, because they found that we thought first of the profits of American investors and only as an afterthought of impartial justice and helpful friendship. Its policy was provincial in all things; its purposes were out of harmony with the temper and purpose of the people and the timely development of the nation's interests.\nSo things stood when the Democratic Party came into power. How do they stand now? Alike in the domestic field and in the wide field of the commerce of the world, American business and life and industry have been set free to move as they never moved before.\nThe tariff has been revised, not on the principle of repelling foreign trade, but upon the principle of encouraging it, upon something like a footing of equality with our own in respect of the terms of competition, and a Tariff Board has been created whose function it will be to keep the relations of American with foreign business and industry under constant observation, for the guidance alike of our business men and of our Congress. American energies are now directed towards the markets of the world.\nThe laws against trusts have been clarified by definition, with a view to making it plain that they were not directed against big business but only against unfair business and the pretense of competition where there was none; and a Trade Commission has been created with powers of guidance and accommodation which have relieved business men of unfounded fears and set them upon the road of hopeful and confident enterprise.\nBy the Federal Reserve Act the supply of currency at the disposal of active business has been rendered elastic, taking its volume, not from a fixed body of investment securities, but from the liquid assets of daily trade; and these assets are assessed and accepted, not by distant groups of bankers in control of unavailable reserves, but by bankers at the many centers of local exchange who are in touch with local conditions everywhere.\nEffective measures have been taken for the re-creation of an American merchant marine and the revival of the American carrying trade indispensable to our emancipation from the control which foreigners have so long exercised over the opportunities, the routes, and the methods of our commerce with other countries.\nThe Interstate Commerce Commission is about to be reorganized to enable it to perform its great and important functions more promptly and more efficiently. We have created, extended and improved the service of the parcels post.\nSo much we have done for business. What other party has understood the task so well or executed it so intelligently and energetically? What other party has attempted it at all? The Republican leaders, apparently, know of no means of assisting business but \"protection.\" How to stimulate it and put it upon a new footing of energy and enterprise they have not suggested.\nFor the farmers of the country we have virtually created commercial credit, by means of the Federal Reserve Act and the Rural Credits Act. They now have the standing of other business men in the money market. We have successfully regulated speculation in \"futures\" and established standards in the marketing of grains. By an intelligent Warehouse Act we have assisted to make the standard crops available as never before both for systematic marketing and as a security for loans from the banks. We have greatly added to the work of neighborhood demonstration on the farm itself of improved methods of cultivation, and, through the intelligent extension of the functions of the Department of Agriculture, have made it possible for the farmer to learn systematically where his best markets are and how to get at them.\nThe workingmen of America have been given a veritable emancipation, by the legal recognition of a man's labor as part of his life, and not a mere marketable commodity; by exempting labor organizations from processes of the courts which treated their members like fractional parts of mobs and not like accessible and responsible individuals; by releasing our seamen from involuntary servitude; by making adequate provision for compensation for industrial accidents; by providing suitable machinery for mediation and conciliation in industrial disputes; and by putting the Federal Department of Labor at the disposal of the workingman when in search of work.\nWe have effected the emancipation of the children of the country by releasing them from hurtful labor. We have instituted a system of national aid in the building of highroads such as the country has been feeling after for a century. We have sought to equalize taxation by means of an equitable income tax. We have taken the steps that ought to have been taken at the outset to open up the resources of Alaska. We have provided for national defense upon a scale never before seriously proposed upon the responsibility of an entire political party. We have driven the tariff lobby from cover and obliged it to substitute solid argument for private influence.\nThis extraordinary recital must sound like a platform, a list of sanguine promises; but it is not. It is a record of promises made four years ago and now actually redeemed in constructive legislation.\nThese things must profoundly disturb the thoughts and confound the plans of those who have made themselves believe that the Democratic Party neither understood nor was ready to assist the business of the country in the great enterprises which it is its evident and inevitable destiny to undertake and carry through. The breaking up of the lobby must especially disconcert them: for it was through the lobby that they sought and were sure they had found the heart of things. The game of privilege can be played successfully by no other means.\nThis record must equally astonish those who feared that the Democratic Party had not opened its heart to comprehend the demands of social justice. We have in four years come very near to carrying out the platform of the Progressive Party as well as our own; for we also are progressives.\nThere is one circumstance connected with this program which ought to be very plainly stated. It was resisted at every step by the interests which the Republican Party had catered to and fostered at the expense of the country, and these same interests are now earnestly praying for a reaction which will save their privileges, for the restoration of their sworn friends to power before it is too late to recover what they have lost. They fought with particular desperation and infinite resourcefulness the reform of the banking and currency system, knowing that to be the citadel of their control; and most anxiously are they hoping and planning for the amendment of the Federal Reserve Act by the concentration of control in a single bank which the old familiar group of bankers can keep under their eye and direction. But while the \"big men\" who used to write the tariffs and command the assistance of the Treasury have been hostile, all but a few with vision, the average business man knows that he has been delivered, and that the fear that was once every day in his heart, that the men who controlled credit and directed enterprise from the committee rooms of Congress would crush him, is there no more, and will not return, unless the party that consulted only the \"big men\" should return to power, the party of masterly inactivity and cunning resourcefulness in standing pat to resist change.\nIn foreign affairs we have been guided by principles clearly conceived and consistently lived up to. Perhaps they have not been fully comprehended because they have hitherto governed international affairs only in theory, not in practice. They are simple, obvious, easily stated, and fundamental to American ideals.\nWe have been neutral not only because it was the fixed and traditional policy of the United States to stand aloof from the politics of Europe and because we had had no part either of action or of policy in the influences which brought on the present war, but also because it was manifestly our duty to prevent, if it were possible, the indefinite extension of the fires of hate and desolation kindled by that terrible conflict and seek to serve mankind by reserving cur strength and our resources for the anxious and difficult days of restoration and healing which must follow, when peace will have to build its house anew.\nThe rights of our own citizens of course became involved: that was inevitable. Where they did this was our guiding principle: that property rights can be vindicated by claims for damages and no modern nation can decline to arbitrate such claims; but the fundamental rights of humanity cannot be. The loss of life is irreparable. Neither can direct violations of a nation's sovereignty await vindication in suits for damages. The nation that violates these essential rights must expect to be checked and called to account by direct challenge and resistance. It at once makes the quarrel in part our own. These are plain principles and we have never lost sight of them or departed from them, whatever the stress or the perplexity of circumstance or the provocation to hasty resentment. The record is clear and consistent throughout and stands distinct and definite for anyone to judge who wishes to know the truth about it.\nThe seas were not broad enough to keep the infection of the conflict out of our own politics. The passions and intrigues of certain active groups and combinations of men amongst us who were born under foreign flags injected the poison of disloyalty into our own most critical affairs, laid violent hands upon many of our industries, and subjected us to the shame of divisions of sentiment and purpose in which America was contemned and forgotten. It is part of the business of this year of reckoning and settlement to speak plainly and act with unmistakable purpose in rebuke of these things, in order that they may be forever hereafter impossible. I am the candidate of a party, but I am above all things else an American citizen. I neither seek the favor nor fear the displeasure of that small alien element amongst us which puts loyalty to any foreign power before loyalty to the United States.\nWhile Europe was at war our own continent, one of our own neighbors, was shaken by revolution. In that matter, too, principle was plain and it was imperative that we should live up to it if we were to deserve the trust of any real partisan of the right as free men see it. We have professed to believe, and we do believe, that the people of small and weak states have the right to expect to be dealt with exactly as the people of big and powerful states would be. We have acted upon that principle in dealing with the people of Mexico.\nOur recent pursuit of bandits into Mexican territory was no violation of that principle. We ventured to enter Mexican territory only because there were no military forces in Mexico that could protect our border from hostile attack and our own people from violence, and we have committed there no single act of hostility or interference even with the sovereign authority of the Republic of Mexico herself. It was a plain case of the violation of our own sovereignty which could not wait to be vindicated by damages and for which there was no other remedy. The authorities of Mexico were powerless to prevent it.\nMany serious wrongs against the property, many irreparable wrongs against the persons of Americans have been committed within the territory of Mexico herself during this confused revolution, wrongs which could not be effectually checked so long as there was no constituted power in Mexico which was in a position to check them. We could not act directly in that matter ourselves without denying Mexicans the right to any revolution at all which disturbed us and making the emancipation of her own people await our own interest and convenience.\nFor it is their emancipation that they are seeking, blindly, it may be, and as yet ineffectually, but with profound and passionate purpose and within their unquestionable right, apply what true American principle you will, any principle that an American would publicly avow. The people of Mexico have not been suffered to own their own country or direct their own institutions. Outsiders, men out of other nations and with interests too often alien to their own, have dictated what their privileges and opportunities should be and who should control their land, their lives, and their resources, some of them Americans, pressing for things they could never have got in their own country. The Mexican people are entitled to attempt their liberty from such influences; and so long as I have anything to do with the action of our great Government I shall do everything in my power to prevent anyone standing in their way. I know that this is hard for some persons to understand; but it is not hard for the plain people of the United States to understand. It is hard doctrine only for those who wish to get something for themselves out of Mexico. There are men, and noble women, too, not a few, of our own people, thank God! whose fortunes are invested in great properties in Mexico who yet see the case with true vision and assess its issues with true American feeling. The rest can be left for the present out of the reckoning until this enslaved people has had its day of struggle towards the light. I have heard no one who was free from such influences propose interference by the United States with the internal affairs of Mexico. Certainly no friend of the Mexican people has proposed it.\nThe people of the United States are capable of great sympathies and a noble pity in dealing with problems of this kind. As their spokesman and representative, I have tried to act in the spirit they would wish me show. The people of Mexico are striving for the rights that are fundamental to life and happiness, 15,000,000 oppressed men, overburdened women, and pitiful children in virtual bondage in their own home of fertile lands and inexhaustible treasure! Some of the leaders of the revolution may often have been mistaken and violent and selfish, but the revolution itself was inevitable and is right. The unspeakable Huerta betrayed the very comrades he served, traitorously overthrew the government of which he was a trusted part, impudently spoke for the very forces that had driven his people to the rebellion with which he had pretended to sympathize. The men who overcame him and drove him out represent at least the fierce passion of reconstruction which lies at the very heart of liberty; and so long as they represent, however imperfectly, such a struggle for deliverance, I am ready to serve their ends when I can. So long as the power of recognition rests with me the Government of the United States will refuse to extend the hand of welcome to any one who obtains power in a sister republic by treachery and violence. No permanency can be given the affairs of any republic by a title based upon intrigue and assassination. I declared that to be the policy of this Administration within three weeks after I assumed the presidency. I here again vow it. I am more interested in the fortunes of oppressed men and pitiful women and children than in any property rights whatever. Mistakes I have no doubt made in this perplexing business, but not in purpose or object.\nMore is involved than the immediate destinies of Mexico and the relations of the United States with a distressed and distracted people. All America looks on. Test is now being made of us whether we be sincere lovers of popular liberty or not and are indeed to be trusted to respect national sovereignty among our weaker neighbors. We have undertaken these many years to play big brother to the republics of this hemisphere. This is the day of our test whether we mean, or have ever meant, to play that part for our own benefit wholly or also for theirs. Upon the outcome of that test (its outcome in their minds, not in ours) depends every relationship of the United States with Latin America, whether in politics or in commerce and enterprise. These are great issues and lie at the heart of the gravest tasks of the future, tasks both economic and political and very intimately inwrought with many of the most vital of the new issues of the politics of the world. The republics of America have in the last three years been drawing together in a new spirit of accommodation, mutual understanding, and cordial cooperation. Much of the politics of the world in the years to come will depend upon their relationships with one another. It is a barren and provincial statesmanship that loses sight of such things!\nThe future, the immediate future, will bring us squarely face to face with many great and exacting problems which will search us through and through whether we be able and ready to play the part in the world that we mean to play. It will not bring us into their presence slowly, gently, with ceremonious introduction, but suddenly and at once, the moment the war in Europe is over. They will be new problems, most of them; many will be old problems in a new setting and with new elements which we have never dealt with or reckoned the force and meaning of before. They will require for their solution new thinking, fresh courage and resourcefulness, and in some matters radical reconsiderations of policy. We must be ready to mobilize our resources alike of brains and of materials.\nIt is not a future to be afraid of. It is, rather, a future to stimulate and excite us to the display of the best powers that are in us. We may enter it with confidence when we are sure that we understand it, and we have provided ourselves already with the means of understanding it.\nLook first at what it will be necessary that the nations of the world should do to make the days to come tolerable and fit to live and work in; and then look at our part in what is to follow and our own duty of preparation. For we must be prepared both in resources and in policy.\nThere must be a just and settled peace, and we here in America must contribute the full force of our enthusiasm and of our authority as a nation to the organization of that peace upon world-wide foundations that cannot easily be shaken. No nation should be forced to take sides in any quarrel in which its own honor and integrity and the fortunes of its own people are not involved; but no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any wilful disturbance of the peace of the world. The effects of war can no longer be confined to the areas of battle. No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interests of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril. If hopeful and generous enterprise is to be renewed, if the healing and helpful arts of life are indeed to be revived when peace comes again, a new atmosphere of justice and friendship must be generated by means the world has never tried before. The nations of the world must unite in joint guarantees that whatever is done to disturb the whole world's life must first be tested in the court of the whole world's opinion before it is attempted.\nThese are the new foundations the world must build for itself, and we must play our part in the reconstruction, generously and without too much thought of our separate interests. We must make ourselves ready to play it intelligently, vigorously, and well.\nOne of the contributions we must make to the world's peace is this: We must see to it that the people in our insular possessions are treated in their own lands as we would treat them here, and make the rule of the United States mean the same thing everywhere, the same justice, the same consideration for the essential rights of men.\nBesides contributing our ungrudging moral and practical support to the establishment of peace throughout the world we must actively and intelligently prepare ourselves to do our full service in the trade and industry which are to sustain and develop the life of the nations in the days to come.\nWe have already been provident in this great matter and supplied ourselves with the instrumentalities of prompt adjustment. We have created, in the Federal Trade Commission, a means of inquiry and of accommodation in the field of commerce which ought both to coordinate the enterprises of our traders and manufacturers and to remove the barriers of misunderstanding and of a too technical interpretation of the law. In the new Tariff Commission we have added another instrumentality of observation and adjustment which promises to be immediately serviceable. The Trade Commission substitutes counsel and accommodation for the harsher processes of legal restraint, and the Tariff Commission ought to substitute facts for prejudices and theories. Our exporters have for some time had the advantage of working in the new light thrown upon foreign markets and opportunities of trade by the intelligent inquiries and activities of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce which the Democratic Congress so wisely created in 1912. The Tariff Commission completes the machinery by which we shall be enabled to open up our legislative policy to the facts as they develop.\nWe can no longer indulge our traditional provincialism. We are to play a leading part in the world drama whether we wish it or not. We shall lend, not borrow; act for ourselves, not imitate or follow; organize and initiate, not peep about merely to see where we may get in.\nWe have already formulated and agreed upon a policy of law which will explicitly remove the ban now supposed to rest upon cooperation amongst our exporters in seeking and securing their proper place in the markets of the world. The field will be free, the instrumentalities at hand. It will only remain for the masters of enterprise amongst us to act in energetic concert, and for the Government of the United States to insist upon the maintenance throughout the world of those conditions of fairness and of even-handed justice in the commercial dealings of the nations with one another upon which, after all, in the last analysis, the peace and ordered life of the world must ultimately depend.\nAt home also we must see to it that the men who plan and develop and direct our business enterprises shall enjoy definite and settled conditions of law, a policy accommodated to the freest progress. We have set the just and necessary limits. We have put all kinds of unfair competition under the ban and penalty of the law. We have barred monopoly. These fatal and ugly things being excluded, we must now quicken action and facilitate enterprise by every just means within our choice. There will be peace in the business world, and, with peace, revived confidence and life.\nWe ought both to husband and to develop our natural resources, our mines, our forests, our water power. I wish we could have made more progress than we have made in this vital matter; and I call once more, with the deepest earnestness and solicitude, upon the advocates of a careful and provident conservation, on the one hand, and the advocates of a free and inviting field for private capital, on the other, to get together in a spirit of genuine accommodation and agreement and set this great policy forward at once.\nWe must hearten and quicken the spirit and efficiency of labor throughout our whole industrial system by everywhere and in all occupations doing justice to the laborer, not only by paying a living wage but also by making all the conditions that surround labor what they ought to be. And we must do more than justice. We must safeguard life and promote health and safety in every occupation in which they are threatened or imperilled. That is more than justice, and better, because it is humanity and economy.\nWe must coordinate the railway systems of the country for national use, and must facilitate and promote their development with a view to that coordination and to their better adaptation as a whole to the life and trade and defense of the nation. The life and industry of the country can be free and unhampered only if these arteries are open, efficient, and complete.\nThus shall we stand ready to meet the future as circumstance and international policy effect their unfolding, whether the changes come slowly or come fast and without preface.\nI have not spoken explicitly, Gentlemen, of the platform adopted at St. Louis; but it has been implicit in all that I have said. I have sought to interpret its spirit and meaning. The people of the United States do not need to be assured now that that platform is a definite pledge, a practical program. We have proved to them that our promises are made to be kept.\nWe hold very definite ideals. We believe that the energy and initiative of our people have been too narrowly coached and superintended; that they should be set free, as we have set them free, to disperse themselves throughout the nation; that they should not be concentrated in the hands of a few powerful guides and guardians, as our opponents have again and again, in effect if not in purpose, sought to concentrate them. We believe, moreover, who that looks about him now with comprehending eye can fail to believe? that the day of Little Americanism, with its narrow horizons, when methods of \"protection\" and industrial nursing were the chief study of our provincial statesmen, are past and gone and that a day of enterprise has at last dawned for the United States whose field is the wide world.\nWe hope to see the stimulus of that new day draw all America, the republics of both continents, on to a new life and energy and initiative in the great affairs of peace. We are Americans for Big America, and rejoice to look forward to the days in which America shall strive to stir the world without irritating it or drawing it on to new antagonisms, when the nations with which we deal shall at last come to see upon what deep foundations of humanity and justice our passion for peace rests, and when all mankind shall look upon our great people with a new sentiment of admiration, friendly rivalry and real affection, as upon a people who, though keen to succeed, seeks always to be at once generous and just and to whom humanity is dearer than profit or selfish power.\nUpon this record and in the faith of this purpose we go to the country.", "Words" -> 5403, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 366, "of" -> 300, "and" -> 261, "to" -> 170, "in" -> 120, "have" -> 76, "a" -> 66, "that" -> 64, "our" -> 54, "for" -> 54, "be" -> 49, "it" -> 46, "with" -> 44, "which" -> 41, "not" -> 41, "We" -> 39, "we" -> 39, "is" -> 38, "by" -> 36, "The" -> 35, "are" -> 35, "their" -> 32, 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"plain" -> 5, "most" -> 5, "matter" -> 5, "making" -> 5, "last" -> 5, "industrial" -> 5, "Government" -> 5, "Federal" -> 5, "emancipation" -> 5, "big" -> 5, "bankers" -> 5, "also" -> 5, "Act" -> 5, "accommodation" -> 5, "within" -> 4, "war" -> 4, "themselves" -> 4, "Tariff" -> 4, "system" -> 4, "standing" -> 4, "some" -> 4, "service" -> 4, "same" -> 4, "republics" -> 4, "problems" -> 4, "platform" -> 4, "Mexican" -> 4, "like" -> 4, "just" -> 4, "itself" -> 4, "issues" -> 4, "involved" -> 4, "intelligent" -> 4, "inevitable" -> 4, "industry" -> 4, "humanity" -> 4, "his" -> 4, "him" -> 4, "he" -> 4, "get" -> 4, "fundamental" -> 4, "For" -> 4, "first" -> 4, "few" -> 4, "energy" -> 4, "done" -> 4, "direct" -> 4, "develop" -> 4, "definite" -> 4, "days" -> 4, "conditions" -> 4, "commerce" -> 4, "another" -> 4, "amongst" -> 4, "am" -> 4, "after" -> 4, "action" -> 4, "about" -> 4, "yet" -> 3, "wrongs" -> 3, "world's" -> 3, "work" -> 3, "women" -> 3, "whose" -> 3, "where" -> 3, "whatever" -> 3, "well" -> 3, "violation" -> 3, "understood" -> 3, "understand" -> 3, "true" -> 3, "Trade" -> 3, "This" -> 3, "test" -> 3, "territory" -> 3, "tariff" -> 3, "taken" -> 3, "substitute" -> 3, "stand" -> 3, "sovereignty" -> 3, "So" -> 3, "small" -> 3, "served" -> 3, "seek" -> 3, "responsibility" -> 3, "resourcefulness" -> 3, "Reserve" -> 3, "Republican" -> 3, "reform" -> 3, "reckoning" -> 3, "put" -> 3, "provincial" -> 3, "protection" -> 3, "property" -> 3, "promote" -> 3, "privileges" -> 3, "prevent" -> 3, "present" -> 3, "practical" -> 3, "past" -> 3, "opportunities" -> 3, "open" -> 3, "No" -> 3, "necessary" -> 3, "my" -> 3, "methods" -> 3, "merely" -> 3, "meant" -> 3, "mean" -> 3, "market" -> 3, "lost" -> 3, "look" -> 3, "longer" -> 3, "lobby" -> 3, "liberty" -> 3, "laws" -> 3, "know" -> 3, "keep" -> 3, "intelligently" -> 3, "influences" -> 3, "industries" -> 3, "In" -> 3, "immediate" -> 3, "here" -> 3, "hard" -> 3, "hand" -> 3, "groups" -> 3, "generous" -> 3, "four" -> 3, "foundations" -> 3, "fortunes" -> 3, "follow" -> 3, "fixed" -> 3, "fear" -> 3, "failure" -> 3, "extraordinary" -> 3, "everywhere" -> 3, "Europe" -> 3, "enterprises" -> 3, "duty" -> 3, "doubt" -> 3, "domestic" -> 3, "directed" -> 3, "development" -> 3, "Democrats" -> 3, "damages" -> 3, "credit" -> 3, "Congress" -> 3, "confidence" -> 3, "competition" -> 3, "commercial" -> 3, "circumstance" -> 3, "children" -> 3, "cannot" -> 3, "bring" -> 3, "Americans" -> 3, "always" -> 3, "already" -> 3, "added" -> 3, "actually" -> 3, "year" -> 2, "wide" -> 2, "whom" -> 2, "wholly" -> 2, "vital" -> 2, "vision" -> 2, "violent" -> 2, "violence" -> 2, "vindicated" -> 2, "view" -> 2, "Upon" -> 2, "unfair" -> 2, "understanding" -> 2, "trusted" -> 2, "trust" -> 2, "tried" -> 2, "treated" -> 2, "traditional" -> 2, "towards" -> 2, "touch" -> 2, "together" -> 2, "thrown" -> 2, "three" -> 2, "thoughts" -> 2, "thought" -> 2, "thing" -> 2, "tasks" -> 2, "systematic" -> 2, "sure" -> 2, "support" -> 2, "successfully" -> 2, "struggle" -> 2, "striving" -> 2, "stimulate" -> 2, "states" -> 2, "stated" -> 2, "stands" -> 2, "standards" -> 2, "something" -> 2, "slowly" -> 2, "single" -> 2, "sight" -> 2, "shaken" -> 2, "settled" -> 2, "services" -> 2, "serve" -> 2, "sentiment" -> 2, "selfish" -> 2, "seeking" -> 2, "search" -> 2, "said" -> 2, "road" -> 2, "revived" -> 2, "return" -> 2, "rests" -> 2, "restraint" -> 2, "restoration" -> 2, "rest" -> 2, "respect" -> 2, "republic" -> 2, "represent" -> 2, "rendered" -> 2, "remove" -> 2, "remain" -> 2, "releasing" -> 2, "relations" -> 2, "reconstruction" -> 2, "recognition" -> 2, "recital" -> 2, "real" -> 2, "reaction" -> 2, "quicken" -> 2, "quarrel" -> 2, "provident" -> 2, "provided" -> 2, "proved" -> 2, "proposed" -> 2, "promised" -> 2, "progress" -> 2, "program" -> 2, "profound" -> 2, "processes" -> 2, "private" -> 2, "principles" -> 2, "praying" -> 2, "powers" -> 2, "powerful" -> 2, "possible" -> 2, "political" -> 2, "plainly" -> 2, "pitiful" -> 2, "persons" -> 2, "passion" -> 2, "particular" -> 2, "over" -> 2, "outcome" -> 2, "Our" -> 2, "oppressed" -> 2, "old" -> 2, "often" -> 2, "observation" -> 2, "nor" -> 2, "noble" -> 2, "neutral" -> 2, "neither" -> 2, "neighbors" -> 2, "nation's" -> 2, "much" -> 2, "moral" -> 2, "mere" -> 2, "meaning" -> 2, "marketing" -> 2, "mankind" -> 2, "manifestly" -> 2, "man" -> 2, "machinery" -> 2, "loyalty" -> 2, "looks" -> 2, "local" -> 2, "living" -> 2, "live" -> 2, "Little" -> 2, "light" -> 2, "legal" -> 2, "left" -> 2, "leadership" -> 2, "leaders" -> 2, "lands" -> 2, "kinds" -> 2, "keen" -> 2, "irreparable" -> 2, "international" -> 2, "interference" -> 2, "interest" -> 2, "instrumentalities" -> 2, "initiative" -> 2, "indeed" -> 2, "improved" -> 2, "illusion" -> 2, "ideals" -> 2, "How" -> 2, "how" -> 2, "hostile" -> 2, "hopeful" -> 2, "honor" -> 2, "home" -> 2, "herself" -> 2, "helpful" -> 2, "healing" -> 2, "hands" -> 2, "guides" -> 2, "guidance" -> 2, "given" -> 2, "genuine" -> 2, "Gentlemen" -> 2, "functions" -> 2, "full" -> 2, "friendship" -> 2, "found" -> 2, "forward" -> 2, "forces" -> 2, "force" -> 2, "footing" -> 2, "feeling" -> 2, "farmers" -> 2, "facts" -> 2, "fact" -> 2, "facilitate" -> 2, "face" -> 2, "eye" -> 2, "extension" -> 2, "exporters" -> 2, "explicitly" -> 2, "expect" -> 2, "established" -> 2, "essential" -> 2, "enter" -> 2, "enough" -> 2, "elements" -> 2, "either" -> 2, "effect" -> 2, "easily" -> 2, "driven" -> 2, "drawing" -> 2, "disturb" -> 2, "disputes" -> 2, "disposal" -> 2, "difficult" -> 2, "did" -> 2, "depends" -> 2, "depend" -> 2, "Department" -> 2, "defense" -> 2, "dealt" -> 2, "dealing" -> 2, "currency" -> 2, "courts" -> 2, "counsel" -> 2, "coordinate" -> 2, "cooperation" -> 2, "continue" -> 2, "consistent" -> 2, "conflict" -> 2, "compensation" -> 2, "commodity" -> 2, "committed" -> 2, "Commerce" -> 2, "claims" -> 2, "checked" -> 2, "certain" -> 2, "centers" -> 2, "case" -> 2, "carrying" -> 2, "carried" -> 2, "called" -> 2, "By" -> 2, "But" -> 2, "build" -> 2, "better" -> 2, "best" -> 2, "being" -> 2, "based" -> 2, "banking" -> 2, "ban" -> 2, "await" -> 2, "authority" -> 2, "attention" -> 2, "attempted" -> 2, "attempt" -> 2, "assistance" -> 2, "assets" -> 2, "army" -> 2, "anyone" -> 2, "analysis" -> 2, "alike" -> 2, "alien" -> 2, "aid" -> 2, "advocates" -> 2, "adjustment" -> 2, "active" -> 2, "accomplished" -> 2, "accidents" -> 2, "accept" -> 2, "you" -> 1, "write" -> 1, "world-wide" -> 1, "workingmen" -> 1, "workingman" -> 1, "working" -> 1, "wishes" -> 1, "wisely" -> 1, "wilful" -> 1, "While" -> 1, "while" -> 1, "Where" -> 1, "welcome" -> 1, "weighed" -> 1, "weeks" -> 1, "weaker" -> 1, "weak" -> 1, "way" -> 1, "water" -> 1, "Warehouse" -> 1, "waited" -> 1, "wait" -> 1, "wage" -> 1, "vow" -> 1, "volume" -> 1, "virtually" -> 1, "virtual" -> 1, "violations" -> 1, "violates" -> 1, "vindication" -> 1, "vigorously" -> 1, "veritable" -> 1, "ventured" -> 1, "variety" -> 1, "varied" -> 1, "used" -> 1, "use" -> 1, "until" -> 1, "unspeakable" -> 1, "unquestionable" -> 1, "unprecedented" -> 1, "unmistakable" -> 1, "unless" -> 1, "unite" -> 1, "unintelligible" -> 1, "unhampered" -> 1, "ungrudging" -> 1, "unfounded" -> 1, "unfolding" -> 1, "undone" -> 1, "undertaken" -> 1, "undertake" -> 1, "unavailable" -> 1, "ultimately" -> 1, "ugly" -> 1, "turn" -> 1, "truth" -> 1, "trusts" -> 1, "trial" -> 1, "treat" -> 1, "Treasury" -> 1, "treasure" -> 1, "treachery" -> 1, "transactions" -> 1, "traitorously" -> 1, "traders" -> 1, "tolerable" -> 1, "title" -> 1, "timely" -> 1, "time" -> 1, "Thus" -> 1, "thus" -> 1, "threatened" -> 1, "though" -> 1, "thinking" -> 1, "think" -> 1, "theory" -> 1, "theories" -> 1, "then" -> 1, "theirs" -> 1, "That" -> 1, "thank" -> 1, "tested" -> 1, "Test" -> 1, "terrible" -> 1, "terms" -> 1, "tender" -> 1, "temper" -> 1, "technical" -> 1, "taxation" -> 1, "tax" -> 1, "taste" -> 1, "task" -> 1, "tariffs" -> 1, "taking" -> 1, "take" -> 1, "systems" -> 1, "systematically" -> 1, "sympathize" -> 1, "sympathies" -> 1, "sworn" -> 1, "sustain" -> 1, "susceptible" -> 1, "surround" -> 1, "supposed" -> 1, "supply" -> 1, "supplied" -> 1, "superintended" -> 1, "suits" -> 1, "suitable" -> 1, "suggested" -> 1, "suffered" -> 1, "suddenly" -> 1, "succeed" -> 1, "substitutes" -> 1, "subjected" -> 1, "subject" -> 1, "study" -> 1, "strive" -> 1, "stringency" -> 1, "stress" -> 1, "strength" -> 1, "stood" -> 1, "stir" -> 1, "stimulus" -> 1, "still" -> 1, "stiff" -> 1, "steps" -> 1, "step" -> 1, "statesmen" -> 1, "statesmanship" -> 1, "standard" -> 1, "stagger" -> 1, "St." -> 1, "squarely" -> 1, "spokesman" -> 1, "spoken" -> 1, "spoke" -> 1, "speculation" -> 1, "special" -> 1, "speak" -> 1, "sovereign" -> 1, "sound" -> 1, "Some" -> 1, "solution" -> 1, "solid" -> 1, "solicitude" -> 1, "social" -> 1, "skill" -> 1, "sister" -> 1, "sincere" -> 1, "simple" -> 1, "sides" -> 1, "show" -> 1, "shame" -> 1, "settlement" -> 1, "setting" -> 1, "servitude" -> 1, "serviceable" -> 1, "seriously" -> 1, "serious" -> 1, "separate" -> 1, "sense" -> 1, "Senator" -> 1, "seeks" -> 1, "security" -> 1, "securities" -> 1, "securing" -> 1, "seas" -> 1, "seamen" -> 1, "scale" -> 1, "save" -> 1, "sanguine" -> 1, "safety" -> 1, "safeguard" -> 1, "Rural" -> 1, "rule" -> 1, "routes" -> 1, "rooms" -> 1, "rivalry" -> 1, "rich" -> 1, "revival" -> 1, "revised" -> 1, "responsible" -> 1, "resisted" -> 1, "resistance" -> 1, "resist" -> 1, "reserving" -> 1, "reserves" -> 1, "reserve" -> 1, "resentment" -> 1, "require" -> 1, "Republic" -> 1, "representative" -> 1, "reposes" -> 1, "reposed" -> 1, "repelling" -> 1, "reorganized" -> 1, "renewed" -> 1, "render" -> 1, "remedy" -> 1, "relieved" -> 1, "relationships" -> 1, "relationship" -> 1, "rejoice" -> 1, "rejecting" -> 1, "regulated" -> 1, "regard" -> 1, "refuse" -> 1, "redeemed" -> 1, "re-creation" -> 1, "recover" -> 1, "reconsiderations" -> 1, "reckoned" -> 1, "recent" -> 1, "rebuke" -> 1, "rebellion" -> 1, "rather" -> 1, "railway" -> 1, "radical" -> 1, "putting" -> 1, "puts" -> 1, "pursuit" -> 1, "purposes" -> 1, "purge" -> 1, "publicly" -> 1, "provocation" -> 1, "provision" -> 1, "provincialism" -> 1, "providing" -> 1, "protect" -> 1, "prosperity" -> 1, "propose" -> 1, "properties" -> 1, "proper" -> 1, "promptly" -> 1, "prompt" -> 1, "promise" -> 1, "progressives" -> 1, "Progressive" -> 1, "profoundly" -> 1, "profits" -> 1, "profitable" -> 1, "profit" -> 1, "professing" -> 1, "professed" -> 1, "process" -> 1, "privilege" -> 1, "pretense" -> 1, "pretended" -> 1, "pressing" -> 1, "presidency" -> 1, "presence" -> 1, "prepared" -> 1, "prepare" -> 1, "preparation" -> 1, "prejudices" -> 1, "preferred" -> 1, "preface" -> 1, "practice" -> 1, "powerless" -> 1, "post" -> 1, "possessions" -> 1, "position" -> 1, "popular" -> 1, "poison" -> 1, "pledge" -> 1, "pleases" -> 1, "played" -> 1, "plans" -> 1, "planning" -> 1, "plan" -> 1, "places" -> 1, "place" -> 1, "pity" -> 1, "personal" -> 1, "perplexity" -> 1, "perplexing" -> 1, "permitted" -> 1, "permanency" -> 1, "period" -> 1, "peril" -> 1, "Perhaps" -> 1, "perform" -> 1, "penalty" -> 1, "peep" -> 1, "paying" -> 1, "pat" -> 1, "passions" -> 1, "passionate" -> 1, "parts" -> 1, "partisan" -> 1, "parcels" -> 1, "panic" -> 1, "paid" -> 1, "overthrew" -> 1, "overcame" -> 1, "overburdened" -> 1, "Outsiders" -> 1, "outset" -> 1, "ours" -> 1, "organize" -> 1, "organizations" -> 1, "organization" -> 1, "ordered" -> 1, "order" -> 1, "opposition" -> 1, "opponents" -> 1, "opinion" -> 1, "operations" -> 1, "operation" -> 1, "opened" -> 1, "One" -> 1, "occupations" -> 1, "occupation" -> 1, "obvious" -> 1, "obtains" -> 1, "oblivious" -> 1, "obliged" -> 1, "object" -> 1, "nursing" -> 1, "novel" -> 1, "Notification" -> 1, "none" -> 1, "nobody" -> 1, "Neither" -> 1, "neighborhood" -> 1, "needs" -> 1, "needed" -> 1, "need" -> 1, "near" -> 1, "navy" -> 1, "natural" -> 1, "National" -> 1, "narrowly" -> 1, "narrow" -> 1, "namely" -> 1, "mutual" -> 1, "Much" -> 1, "moved" -> 1, "move" -> 1, "motive" -> 1, "moreover" -> 1, "More" -> 1, "monopoly" -> 1, "money" -> 1, "moment" -> 1, "modern" -> 1, "mobs" -> 1, "mobilize" -> 1, "misunderstanding" -> 1, "Mistakes" -> 1, "mistaken" -> 1, "misleading" -> 1, "mines" -> 1, "minds" -> 1, "military" -> 1, "midst" -> 1, "Mexicans" -> 1, "merchant" -> 1, "members" -> 1, "meet" -> 1, "mediation" -> 1, "measures" -> 1, "matters" -> 1, "materials" -> 1, "masters" -> 1, "masterly" -> 1, "marketable" -> 1, "marine" -> 1, "Many" -> 1, "manufacturers" -> 1, "man's" -> 1, "manner" -> 1, "makes" -> 1, "maintenance" -> 1, "lovers" -> 1, "Louis" -> 1, "loss" -> 1, "loses" -> 1, "Look" -> 1, "loans" -> 1, "lives" -> 1, "lived" -> 1, "list" -> 1, "liquid" -> 1, "limits" -> 1, "likely" -> 1, "lies" -> 1, "lie" -> 1, "length" -> 1, "lend" -> 1, "legislative" -> 1, "legislation" -> 1, "Least" -> 1, "least" -> 1, "learn" -> 1, "leading" -> 1, "Latin" -> 1, "late" -> 1, "larger" -> 1, "large" -> 1, "land" -> 1, "laid" -> 1, "laborers" -> 1, "laborer" -> 1, "Labor" -> 1, "knows" -> 1, "knowledge" -> 1, "knowing" -> 1, "kindled" -> 1, "kind" -> 1, "kept" -> 1, "justify" -> 1, "judging" -> 1, "judge" -> 1, "joint" -> 1, "James" -> 1, "Its" -> 1, "irritating" -> 1, "inwrought" -> 1, "involuntary" -> 1, "inviting" -> 1, "investors" -> 1, "investment" -> 1, "invested" -> 1, "introduction" -> 1, "intrigues" -> 1, "intrigue" -> 1, "intimately" -> 1, "Interstate" -> 1, "interpretation" -> 1, "interpret" -> 1, "internal" -> 1, "interesting" -> 1, "interested" -> 1, "integrity" -> 1, "insular" -> 1, "instrumentality" -> 1, "institutions" -> 1, "instituted" -> 1, "insist" -> 1, "inquiry" -> 1, "inquiries" -> 1, "injected" -> 1, "initiate" -> 1, "influence" -> 1, "infinite" -> 1, "infection" -> 1, "inexhaustible" -> 1, "inelastic" -> 1, "ineffectually" -> 1, "indulge" -> 1, "individuals" -> 1, "indispensable" -> 1, "indifferent" -> 1, "indefinite" -> 1, "Indeed" -> 1, "income" -> 1, "inactivity" -> 1, "impudently" -> 1, "impossible" -> 1, "important" -> 1, "implicit" -> 1, "imperilled" -> 1, "imperfectly" -> 1, "imperative" -> 1, "impartial" -> 1, "immediately" -> 1, "imitate" -> 1, "If" -> 1, "husband" -> 1, "hurtful" -> 1, "Huerta" -> 1, "however" -> 1, "house" -> 1, "hostility" -> 1, "horizons" -> 1, "hoping" -> 1, "hope" -> 1, "hold" -> 1, "hitherto" -> 1, "highroads" -> 1, "hereafter" -> 1, "her" -> 1, "hemisphere" -> 1, "hearten" -> 1, "heard" -> 1, "health" -> 1, "hate" -> 1, "hasty" -> 1, "harsher" -> 1, "harmony" -> 1, "happiness" -> 1, "hampered" -> 1, "habit" -> 1, "guiding" -> 1, "guided" -> 1, "guardians" -> 1, "guarantees" -> 1, "group" -> 1, "greatness" -> 1, "greatly" -> 1, "gravest" -> 1, "gratitude" -> 1, "grains" -> 1, "government" -> 1, "governed" -> 1, "got" -> 1, "good" -> 1, "gone" -> 1, "God" -> 1, "go" -> 1, "gently" -> 1, "generously" -> 1, "generated" -> 1, "game" -> 1, "gained" -> 1, "futures" -> 1, "function" -> 1, "fully" -> 1, "fulfilled" -> 1, "friends" -> 1, "friendly" -> 1, "friend" -> 1, "fresh" -> 1, "freest" -> 1, "framing" -> 1, "framed" -> 1, "fractional" -> 1, "fought" -> 1, "fostered" -> 1, "foster" -> 1, "forward-looking" -> 1, "formulated" -> 1, "forgotten" -> 1, "forever" -> 1, "forests" -> 1, "foreigners" -> 1, "Foreign" -> 1, "forced" -> 1, "food" -> 1, "flags" -> 1, "fit" -> 1, "fires" -> 1, "finding" -> 1, "financial" -> 1, "fills" -> 1, "fiery" -> 1, "fierce" -> 1, "fertile" -> 1, "Fellow-Citizens" -> 1, "federal" -> 1, "fears" -> 1, "feared" -> 1, "favor" -> 1, "father" -> 1, "fatal" -> 1, "fast" -> 1, "fashion" -> 1, "farmer" -> 1, "farm" -> 1, "familiar" -> 1, "false" -> 1, "faith" -> 1, "fairness" -> 1, "faint-heartedly" -> 1, "failed" -> 1, "fail" -> 1, "extended" -> 1, "extend" -> 1, "expressing" -> 1, "explicit" -> 1, "expense" -> 1, "exercised" -> 1, "exempting" -> 1, "executed" -> 1, "excluded" -> 1, "excite" -> 1, "exchange" -> 1, "except" -> 1, "exactly" -> 1, "exacting" -> 1, "evident" -> 1, "everything" -> 1, "ever" -> 1, "even-handed" -> 1, "even" -> 1, "establishment" -> 1, "especially" -> 1, "equitable" -> 1, "equally" -> 1, "equalize" -> 1, "equality" -> 1, "entitled" -> 1, "entire" -> 1, "enthusiasm" -> 1, "enslaved" -> 1, "enjoy" -> 1, "energies" -> 1, "energetically" -> 1, "energetic" -> 1, "ends" -> 1, "encouraging" -> 1, "enacted" -> 1, "enabled" -> 1, "enable" -> 1, "empty" -> 1, "else" -> 1, "element" -> 1, "elastic" -> 1, "efficiently" -> 1, "efficient" -> 1, "efficiency" -> 1, "effectually" -> 1, "effectual" -> 1, "effects" -> 1, "Effective" -> 1, "effected" -> 1, "economy" -> 1, "economic" -> 1, "earnestness" -> 1, "earnestly" -> 1, "during" -> 1, "drove" -> 1, "draw" -> 1, "drastic" -> 1, "drama" -> 1, "doubtful" -> 1, "Domestic" -> 1, "doing" -> 1, "doctrine" -> 1, "divisions" -> 1, "disturbed" -> 1, "disturbance" -> 1, "distrusted" -> 1, "distressed" -> 1, "distracted" -> 1, "distinct" -> 1, "distant" -> 1, "disposition" -> 1, "displeasure" -> 1, "display" -> 1, "disperse" -> 1, "disloyalty" -> 1, "disconcert" -> 1, "directly" -> 1, "direction" -> 1, "difficulty" -> 1, "dictated" -> 1, "devoting" -> 1, "destructive" -> 1, "destiny" -> 1, "destinies" -> 1, "desperation" -> 1, "desolation" -> 1, "deserve" -> 1, "departed" -> 1, "denying" -> 1, "demonstration" -> 1, "demands" -> 1, "delivered" -> 1, "deliverance" -> 1, "definition" -> 1, "deepest" -> 1, "deep" -> 1, "decline" -> 1, "declared" -> 1, "dearer" -> 1, "dealings" -> 1, "deal" -> 1, "dawned" -> 1, "daily" -> 1, "cur" -> 1, "cunning" -> 1, "cultivation" -> 1, "crush" -> 1, "crops" -> 1, "critical" -> 1, "crisis" -> 1, "Credits" -> 1, "credits" -> 1, "cover" -> 1, "court" -> 1, "course" -> 1, "courage" -> 1, "countries" -> 1, "cordial" -> 1, "coordination" -> 1, "Convention" -> 1, "convenience" -> 1, "controlled" -> 1, "contributions" -> 1, "contributing" -> 1, "contribute" -> 1, "continents" -> 1, "continent" -> 1, "contemned" -> 1, "contained" -> 1, "consulted" -> 1, "Constructive" -> 1, "constructive" -> 1, "construction" -> 1, "constituted" -> 1, "constant" -> 1, "consistently" -> 1, "consideration" -> 1, "conservation" -> 1, "connected" -> 1, "conjectural" -> 1, "confusion" -> 1, "confused" -> 1, "confound" -> 1, "confined" -> 1, "confident" -> 1, "conduct" -> 1, "conciliation" -> 1, "concert" -> 1, "concentration" -> 1, "concentrated" -> 1, "concentrate" -> 1, "conceived" -> 1, "comrades" -> 1, "comprehending" -> 1, "comprehended" -> 1, "comprehend" -> 1, "completes" -> 1, "complete" -> 1, "Committee" -> 1, "committee" -> 1, "comment" -> 1, "command" -> 1, "comes" -> 1, "combinations" -> 1, "coached" -> 1, "clearly" -> 1, "clear" -> 1, "clarified" -> 1, "citizens" -> 1, "citizen" -> 1, "citadel" -> 1, "choices" -> 1, "choice" -> 1, "chief" -> 1, "check" -> 1, "changes" -> 1, "change" -> 1, "challenge" -> 1, "Certainly" -> 1, "ceremonious" -> 1, "century" -> 1, "catered" -> 1, "carry" -> 1, "careful" -> 1, "capital" -> 1, "capacity" -> 1, "capable" -> 1, "candidate" -> 1, "came" -> 1, "calling" -> 1, "call" 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"anxious" -> 1, "anti-trust" -> 1, "antagonisms" -> 1, "anew" -> 1, "And" -> 1, "among" -> 1, "Americanism" -> 1, "amendment" -> 1, "aloof" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "Alike" -> 1, "Alaska" -> 1, "Agriculture" -> 1, "agreement" -> 1, "agreed" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "afterthought" -> 1, "afraid" -> 1, "affection" -> 1, "advice" -> 1, "adverting" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "admiration" -> 1, "Administration" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "adaptation" -> 1, "activities" -> 1, "actively" -> 1, "acted" -> 1, "account" -> 1, "accommodating" -> 1, "accommodated" -> 1, "accessible" -> 1, "accepted" -> 1, "above" -> 1, "able" -> 1, "1912" -> 1, "15,000,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75571", "Date" -> DateObject[{1928, 8, 22}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "AlSmith::cz6mx"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Albany", "NewYork", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Upon the steps of this Capitol, where twenty-five years ago I first came into the service of the State, I receive my party's summons to lead it in the nation. Within this building, I learned the principles, the purposes and the functions of government and to know that the greatest privilege that can come to any man is to give himself to a nation which has reared him and raised him from obscurity to be a contender for the highest office in the gift of its people.\nHere I confirmed my faith in the principles of the Democratic Party so eloquently defined by Woodrow Wilson: \"First, the people as the source and their interests and desires as the text of laws and institutions. Second, individual liberty as the objective of all law.\" With a gratitude too strong for words and with humble reliance upon the aid of Divine Providence, I accept your summons to the wider field of action.\nGovernment should be constructive, not destructive; progressive, not reactionary. I am entirely unwilling to accept the old order of things as the best unless and until I become convinced that it cannot be made better.\nIt is our new world theory that government exists for the people as against the old world conception that the people exist for the government. A sharp line separates those who believe that an elect class should be the special object of the government's concern and those who believe that the government is the agent and servant of the people who create it. Dominant in the Republican Party today is the element which proclaims and executes the political theories against which the party liberals like Roosevelt and La Follette and their party insurgents have rebelled. This reactionary element seeks to vindicate the theory of benevolent oligarchy. It assumes that a material prosperity, the very existence of which is challenged, is an excuse for political inequality. It makes the concern of the government, not people, but material things.\nI have fought this spirit in my own State. I have had to fight it and to beat it, in order to place upon the statute books every one of the progressive, humane laws for whose enactment I assumed responsibility in my legislative and executive career. I shall know how to fight it in the nation.\nIt is a fallacy that there is inconsistency between progressive measures protecting the rights of the people, including the poor and the weak, and a just regard for the rights of legitimate business, great or small. Therefore, while I emphasize my belief that legitimate business promotes the national welfare, let me warn the forces of corruption and favoritism, that Democratic victory means that they will be relegated to the rear and the front seats will be occupied by the friends of equal opportunity.\nLikewise, government policy should spring from the deliberate action of an informed electorate. Of all men, I have reason to believe that the people can and do grasp the problems of the government. Against the opposition of the self-seeker and the partisan, again and again, I have seen legislation won by the pressure of popular demand, exerted after the people had had an honest, frank and complete explanation of the issues. Great questions of finance, the issuance of millions of dollars of bonds for public projects, the complete reconstruction of the machinery of the State government, the institution of an executive budget, these are but a few of the complicated questions which I, myself, have taken to the electorate. Every citizen has thus learned the nature of the business in hand and appreciated that the State's business is his business.\nThat direct contact with the people I propose to continue in this campaign and, if I am elected, in the conduct of the nation's affairs. I shall thereby strive to make the nation's policy the true reflection of the nation's ideals. Because I believe in the idealism of the party of Jefferson, Cleveland, and Wilson, my administration will be rooted in liberty under the law; liberty that means freedom to the individual to follow his own will so long as he does not harm his neighbor; the same high moral purpose in our conduct as a nation that actuates the conduct of the God-fearing man and woman; that equality of opportunity which lays the foundation for wholesome family life and opens up the outlook for the betterment of the lives of our children.\nIn the rugged honesty of Grover Cleveland there originated one of our party's greatest principles: \"Public office is a public trust.\" That principle now takes on new meaning. Political parties are the vehicle for carrying out the popular will. We place responsibility upon the party. The Republican Party today stands responsible for the widespread dishonesty that has honeycombed its administration.\nDuring the last presidential campaign the Republican managers were partially successful in leading the American people to believe that these sins should be charged against the individual rather than against the party. The question of personal guilt has now been thoroughly disposed of and in its place, challenging the wisdom and good judgment of the American people, is the unquestioned evidence of party guilt.\nThe Democratic Party asks the electorate to withdraw their confidence from the Republican Party and repose it with the Democratic Party pledged to continue those standards of unblemished integrity which characterized every act of the administration of Woodrow Wilson.\nBut I would not rest our claim for the confidence of the American people alone upon the misdeeds of the opposite party. Ours must be a constructive campaign.\nThe Republican Party builds its case upon a myth. We are told that only under the benevolent administration of that party can the country enjoy prosperity. When four million men, desirous to work and support their families, are unable to secure employment there is very little in the picture of prosperity to attract them and the millions dependent upon them.\nIn the year 1926, the latest figures available show that one-twentieth of one per cent of the 430,000 corporations in this country earned 40 per cent of their profits; 40 per cent of the corporations actually lost money; one-fourth of 1 per cent of these corporations earned two-thirds of the profits of all of them. Specific industries are wholly prostrate and there is widespread business difficulty and discontent among the individual business men of the country.\nProsperity to the extent that we have it is unduly concentrated and has not equitably touched the lives of the farmer, the wage-earner and the individual business man. The claim of governmental economy is as baseless as the claims that general business prosperity exists and that it can exist only under Republican administration.\nWhen the Republican Party came into power in 1921 it definitely promised reorganization of the machinery of government, and abolition or consolidation of unnecessary and overlapping agencies. A Committee was appointed. A representative of the President acted as Chairman. It prepared a plan of reorganization. The plan was filed in the archives. It still remains there. After seven years of Republican control the structure of government is worse than it was in 1921. It is fully as bad as the system which existed in New York State before we secured by constitutional amendment the legislation which consolidated more than one hundred offices, commissions and boards into eighteen coordinated departments, each responsible to the Governor. In contrast with this, the Republican Party in control at Washington when faced with the alternative of loss of patronage for faithful or more efficient and economical management of the government permitted the old order to continue for the benefit of the patronage seekers.\nThe appropriations for independent bureaus and offices not responsible to any cabinet officer increased from $3,400,000 in 1914 to $163,000,000 in 1921, and to $556,000,000 in 1928. No wonder that a cabinet officer of the Republican President of 1921 said \"if you could visualize the government as a business or administrative unit, you would see something like one of those grotesque spectacles of a big oyster shell to which in the course of years, big and irregular masses of barnacles have attached themselves without symmetry or relevancy.\" And the Chamber of Commerce of the United States said in its annual report this year: \"No progress has been made on the plan of reorganization of the government's departments as advocated by the Chamber.\" The administration spokesman answers only: \"We have given an economical administration,\" and that has been repeated so often that some people begin to believe it without the slightest proof. I assert that there is no proof.\nThe appropriation bills signed by the President of the United States for the last year are just one-half a billion dollars more than they were for the first year of his administration. The appropriations for the Executive Department itself (The President and Vice-President) have increased more than 10 per cent under President Coolidge.\nThe figures for expenditure as distinguished from appropriations tell the same story. Aside from interest on the public debt which has been reduced by retirement of bonds or by refinancing at lower interest rate, the actual expenditures for governmental activities during the fiscal year ending in 1928 were just $346,000,000 more than in President Coolidge's first year.\nIf the defenders of the administration answer that taxes have been reduced, they find themselves in a similar dilemma. The total taxes collected are $24,000,000 more than in the first year of the Coolidge administration. While tax rates have been reduced and some war-time taxes abandoned, the government actually took from the people in income taxes $383,000,000 more during the last fiscal year than during the first year of the Coolidge administration. And even these reductions in tax rates have been brought about primarily because the administration has committed the government to appropriations authorized but not made, amounting approximately to one billion dollars, which is an obligation that is being passed on to succeeding administrations. I wish to focus the public attention on these fundamental facts and figures when it is fed with picturesque trifles about petty economies, such as eliminating stripes from mail bags and extinguishing electric lights in the offices at night.\nWith this has gone a governmental policy of refusal to make necessary expenditures for purposes which would have effected a real economy. The Postmaster-General states that there was a large annual waste in the handling of mail, resulting from lack of modern facilities and equipment. Scarcely a large city in the country has adequate quarters for the transaction of Federal business. The government pays rent in the city of Washington alone of more than one million dollars annually. It is estimated that the government is paying rentals of twenty million dollars in the nation. True economy would be effected by the erection of Federal buildings, especially in the numerous instances where sites acquired many years ago have been left vacant because the administration did not desire to have these expenditures appear in the budget. It is not economy to refuse to spend money and to have our soldiers living in barracks which the Chief of Staff of the Army recently stated were indecent and below the standard for the meanest type of housing permitted anywhere. And the wise, properly timed construction of needed public improvements would substantially tend to lessen the evils of unemployment.\nIf the people commission me to do it, I shall with the aid of the Congress effect a real reorganization and consolidation of governmental activities upon a business basis and institute the real economy which comes from prudent expenditure. I shall aid programs for the relief of unemployment, recognizing its deep, human and social significance and shall strive to accomplish a national well-being resting upon the prosperity of the individual men and women who constitute the nation.\nActing upon the principle of \"Equal opportunity for all, special privileges for none,\" I shall ask Congress to carry out the tariff declaration of our platform. To be sure the Republican Party will attempt in the campaign to misrepresent Democratic attitude to the tariff. The Democratic Party does not and under my leadership will not advocate any sudden or drastic revolution in our economic system which would cause business unheaval and popular distress. This principle was recognized as far back as the passage of the Underwood Tariff Bill. Our platform restates it in unmistakable language. The Democratic Party stands squarely for the maintenance of legitimate business and high standard of wages for American labor. Both can be maintained and at the same time the tariff can be taken out of the realm of politics and treated on a strictly business basis.\nA leading Republican writing in criticism of the present tariff law, said: \"It stands as one of the most ill drawn pieces of legislation in recent political history. It is probably near the actual truth to say that taking for granted some principle of protection of American business and industry, the country has prospered due to post-war conditions abroad and in spite of, rather than on account of, the Fordney-McCumber tariff.\" What I have just quoted is no part of a campaign document. It was written a few months ago by Professor William Starr Myers of Princeton University, writing the history of his own party.\nAgainst the practice of legislative log-rolling, Woodrow Wilson pointed the way to a remedy. It provided for the creation and maintenance of a non-political, quasi-judicial, fact-finding commission which could investigate and advise the President and Congress as to the tariff duties really required to protect American industry and safeguard the high standard of American wages. In an administration anxious to meet political obligations, the Commission has ceased to function and it has been publicly stated by former members of it that the work of the Commission has been turned over to the advocates of special interests. To bring this about, it is a matter of record that the President demanded the undated resignation of one of its members before he signed his appointment.\nI shall restore this Commission to the high level upon which President Wilson placed it, in order that, properly manned, it may produce the facts that will enable us to ascertain how we may increase the purchasing power of everybody's income or wages by the adjustment of those schedules which are now the result of log-rolling and which upon their face are extortion-ate and unnecessary.\nPay no attention to the Republican propaganda and accept my assurance as the leader of our Party that Democratic tariff legislation will be honest. It will play no favorites. It will do justice to every element in the Nation.\nThe Constitution provides that treaties with foreign powers must be ratified by a vote of two-thirds of the Senate. This is a legal recognition of the truth that in our foreign relations we must rise above party politics and act as a united nation. Any foreign policy must have its roots deep in the approval of a very large majority of our people. Therefore, no greater service was ever rendered by any President than by Woodrow Wilson when he struck at the methods of secret diplomacy. Today we have close relations, vital to our commercial and world standing, with every other nation. I regard it, therefore, as a paramount duty to keep alive the interest of our people in these questions, and to advise the electorate as to facts and policies.\nThrough a long line of distinguished Secretaries of State, Republican and Democratic alike, this country had assumed a position of world leadership in the endeavor to outlaw war and substitute reason for force. At the end of President Wilson's administration we enjoyed not only the friendship but the respectful admiration of the peoples of the world. Today we see unmistakable evidences of a widespread distrust of us and unfriendliness to us, particularly among our Latin American neighbors.\nI especially stress the necessity for the restoration of cordial relations with Latin America and I take my text from a great Republican Secretary of State, Elihu Root, who said: \"We consider that the independence and equal rights of the smallest and weakest member of the family of nations deserve as much respect as those of the great empires. We pretend to no right, privilege or power that we do not freely concede to each one of the American Republics.\"\nThe present administration has been false to that declaration of one of its greatest party leaders. The situation in Nicaragua fairly exemplifies our departure from this high standard. The administration has intervened in an election dispute between two conflicting factions, sent our troops into Nicaragua , maintained them there for years, and this without the consent of Congress. To settle this internal dispute, our marines have died and hundreds of Nicaraguans in turn have been killed by our marines. Without consultation with Congress, the administration entered on this long continued occupation of the territory of a supposedly friendly nation by our armed troops.\nTo no declaration of our platform do I more heartily commit myself than the one for the abolition of the practice of the President of entering into agreements for the settlement of internal disputes in Latin American countries, unless the agreements have been consented to by the Senate as provided for in the Constitution of the United States. I personally declare what the platform declares: \"Interference in the purely internal affairs of Latin American countries must cease\" and I specifically pledge myself to follow this declaration with regard to Mexico as well as the other Latin American countries.\nThe Monroe Doctrine must be maintained but not as a pretext for meddling with the purely local concerns of countries which even though they be small are sovereign and entitled to demand and receive respect for their sovereignty. And I shall certainly do all that lies in my power to bring about the fullest concerted action between this country and all the Latin American countries with respect to any step which it may ever be necessary to take to discharge such responsibilities to civilization as may be placed upon us by the Monroe Doctrine.\nThe evil effect of the administration's policy with respect to Latin America has extended to our relations with the rest of the world. I am not one of those who contend that everything Republican is bad and everything Democratic is good. I approve the effort to renew and extend the arbitration treaties negotiated under the administration of President Wilson. But the usefulness of those treaties as deterrents of war is materially impaired by the reservations asserted by various nations of the right to wage defensive wars as those reservations are interpreted in the light of President Coolidge's record. Defending his policies he announced on April 25, 1927, the doctrine that the person and property of a citizen are a part of the national domain, even when abroad. I do not think the American people would approve a doctrine which would give to Germany, or France, or England, or any other country, the right to regard a citizen of that country or the property of a citizen of that country situated within the borders of the United States a part of the national domain of the foreign country. Our unwarranted intervention in internal affairs in Latin America and this specious reason for it constitute the basis upon which other countries may seek to justify imperialistic policies which threaten world peace and materially lessen the effectiveness which might otherwise lie in the multilateral treaties.\nThe real outlawry of war must come from a more substantial endeavor to remove the causes of war and in this endeavor the Republican administration has signally failed. I am neither militarist nor jingo. I believe that the people of this country wish to live in peace and amity with the world. Freedom from entangling alliances is a fixed American policy. It does not mean, however, that great nations should not behave to one another with the same decent friendliness and fair play that self-respecting men and women show to one another.\nIn 1921 there was negotiated a treaty for the limitation of the construction of battleships and battle cruisers of over ten thousand tons. It was approved without party dispute as a start of the process of removing from the backs of the toiling masses of the world the staggering burden of the hundreds of millions of dollars that are wrung from them every year for wasteful transformation into engines of destruction. For seven years the Republican administration has followed it with nothing effective. No limitation has been placed upon land armaments, submarines, vessels of war of under ten thousand tons displacement, poisonous gases or any of the other machinery devised by man for the destruction of human life. In this respect our diplomacy has been futile.\nI believe the American people desire to assume their fair share of responsibility for the administration of a world of which they are a part, without political alliance with any foreign nation. I pledge myself to a resumption of a real endeavor to make the outlawry of war effective by removing its causes and to substitute the methods of conciliation, conference, arbitration and judicial determination.\nThe President of the United States has two constitutional duties with respect to prohibition. The first is embodied in his oath of office. If, with one hand on the Bible and the other hand reaching up to Heaven, I promise the people of this country that \"I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States,\" you may be sure that I shall live up to that oath to the last degree. I shall to the very limit execute the pledge of our platform \"to make an honest endeavor to enforce the 18th Amendment and all other provisions of the Federal Constitution and all laws enacted pursuant thereto.\"\nThe President does not make the laws. He does his best to execute them whether he likes them or not. The corruption in enforcement activities which caused a former Republican Prohibition Administrator to state that three-fourths of the dry agents were political ward heelers named by politicians without regard to Civil Service laws and that prohibition is the \"new political pork barrel,\" I will ruthlessly stamp out. Such conditions can not and will not exist under any administration presided over by me.\nThe second constitutional duty imposed upon the President is \"To recommend to the Congress such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.\" Opinion upon prohibition cuts squarely across the two great political parties. There are thousands of so-called \"wets\" and \"drys\" in each. The platform of my party is silent upon any question of change in the law. I personally believe that there should be change and I shall advise the Congress in accordance with my constitutional duty of whatever changes I deem \"necessary or expedient.\" It will then be for the people and the representatives in the national and State legislatures to determine whether these changes shall be made.\nI will state the reasons for my belief. In a book \"Law and its Origin,\" recently called to my notice, James C. Carter, one of the leaders of the bar of this country, wrote of the conditions which exist \"when a law is made declaring conduct widely practiced and widely regarded as innocent to be a crime.\" He points out that in the enforcement of such a law \"trials become scenes of perjury and subornation of perjury; juries find abundant excuses for rendering acquittal or persisting in disagreement contrary to their oaths\" and he concludes \"Perhaps worst of all is that general regard and reverence for law are impaired, a consequence the mischief of which can scarcely be estimated.\" These words written years before the 18th Amendment or the Volstead Act were prophetic of our situation today.\nI believe in temperance. We have not achieved temperance under the present system. The mothers and fathers of young men and women throughout this land know the anxiety and worry which has been brought to them by their children's use of liquor in a way which was unknown before prohibition. I believe in reverence for law. Today disregard of the prohibition laws is insidiously sapping respect for all law. I raise, therefore, what I profoundly believe to be a great moral issue involving the righteousness of our national conduct and the protection of our children's morals.\nThe remedy, as I have stated, is the fearless application of Jeffersonian principles. Jefferson and his followers foresaw the complex activities of this great, widespread country. They knew that in rural, sparsely settled districts people would develop different desires and customs from those in densely populated sections and that if we were to be a nation united on truly national matters, there had to be a differentialion in local laws to allow for different local habits. It was for this reason that the Democratic platform in 1884 announced \"We oppose sumptuary laws which vex the citizens and interfere with individual liberty,\" and it was for this reason that Woodrow Wilson vetoed the Volstead Act.\nIn accordance with this Democratic principle, some immediate relief would come from an amendment to the Volstead Law giving a scientific definition of the alcoholic content of an intoxicating beverage. The present definition is admittedly inaccurate and unscientific. Each State would then be allowed to fix its own standard of alcoholic content, subject always to the proviso that that standard could not exceed the maximum fixed by the Congress.\nI believe moreover that there should be submitted to the people the question of some change in the provisions of the 18th Amendment. Certainly, no one foresaw when the amendment was ratified the conditions which exist today of bootlegging, corruption and open violation of the law in all parts of the country. The people themselves should after this eight years of trial, be permitted to say whether existing conditions should be rectified. I personally believe in an amendment in the 18th Amendment which would give to each individual State itself only after approval by a referendum popular vote of its people the right wholly within its borders to import, manufacture or cause to be manufactured and sell alcoholic beverages, the sale to be made only by the State itself and not for consumption in any public place. We may well learn from the experience of other nations. Our Canadian neighbors have gone far in this manner to solve this problem by the method of sale made by the state itself and not by private individuals.\nThere is no question here of the return of the saloon. When I stated that the saloon \"is and ought to be a defunct institution in this country\" I meant it. I mean it today. I will never advocate nor approve any law which directly or indirectly permits the return of the saloon.\nSuch a change would preserve for the dry states the benefit of a national law that would continue to make interstate shipment of intoxicating beverages a crime. It would preserve for the dry states Federal enforcement of prohibition within their own borders. It would permit to citizens of other states a carefully limited and controlled method of effectuating the popular will wholly within the borders of those states without the old evil of the saloon.\nSuch a method would re-establish respect for law and terminate the agitation which has injected discord into the ranks of the great political parties which should be standing for the accomplishment of fundamental programs for the nation. I may fairly say even to those who disagree with me that the solution I offer is one based upon the historic policy of the Democratic Party, to assure to each State its complete right of local self-government. I believe it is a solution which would today be offered by Jefferson, or Jackson or Cleveland or Wilson, if those great leaders were with us.\nPublicity agents of the Republican administration have written so many articles on our general prosperity, that they have prevented the average man from having a proper appreciation of the degree of distress existing today among farmers and stockraisers. From 1910 to the present time the farm debt has increased by the striking sum of ten billions of dollars, or from four billion to fourteen billion dollars. The value of farm property between 1920 and 1925 decreased by twenty billions of dollars. This depression made itself felt in an enormous increase of bank failures in the agricultural districts. In 1927 there were 830 bank failures, with total liabilities of over 270 millions of dollars, almost entirely in the agricultural sections, as against 49 such failures during the last year of President Wilson's administration.\nThe report of November 17, 1927, of a Special Committee of the Association of Land Grant Colleges and Universities states: \"Incomes from farming since 1920 have not been sufficient to pay a fair return on the current value of capital used and a fair wage for the farmer's labor, or to permit farm people to maintain a standard of living comparable with other groups of like ability.\" The Business Men's Commission on Agriculture said in November, 1927, \"Since the war, the prices of farm products have persisted in an uneconomic and unfavorable adjustment to the general scale of prices of other goods and services;\" and \"the disparity between urban and farm incomes has emphasized the disparity in standards of living in the rural and urban populations.\" \"The value of farm land and farm property decreased heavily in the post-war deflation\" and \"large numbers of farmers have lost all their property in this process.\"\nWe have not merely a problem of helping the farmer. While agriculture is one of the most individualized and independent of enterprises, still as the report of the Business Men's Commission points out, \"Agriculture is essentially a public function, affected with a clear and unquestionable public interest.\" The country is an economic whole. If the buying power of agriculture is impaired, the farmer makes fewer trips to Main street. The shop owner suffers because he has lost a large part of this trade. The manufacturer who supplies him likewise suffers as does the wage earner, because the manufacturer is compelled to curtail his production. And the banker cannot collect his debts or safely extend further credit. This country cannot be a healthy, strong economic body if one of its members, so fundamentally important as agriculture, is sick almost to the point of economic death.\nThe normal market among the farmers of this country for the products of industry is ten billions of dollars. Our export market according to latest available figures is, exclusive of agricultural products, approximately one billion, six hundred millions of dollars. These large figures furnish striking indication of the serious blow to national prosperity as a whole which is struck when the buying power of the farmer is paralyzed.\nWhen, therefore, I say that I am in accord with our platform declaration that the solution of this problem must be a prime and immediate concern of the Democratic administration, I make no class appeal. I am stating a proposition as vital to the welfare of business as of agriculture.\nWith the exception of the administrations of Cleveland and Wilson, the government of this country has been in Republican hands for half a century. For nearly eight years the President and Congress have been Republican. What has been done to solve this problem? Many promises were made which have never been fulfilled. Certainly the promise of relief by tariff has not been fulfilled.\nThe tariff is ineffective on commodities of which there is exportable surplus without controlled sale of the surplus. Our platform points the way to make the tariff effective for crops of which we produce a surplus. There has been government interference with laws of supply and demand to benefit industry, commerce and finance. It has been one-sided because business, industry and finance would have been helped more if proper attention had been given to the condition of agriculture. Nothing of substance has been done to bring this basic part of our national life into conformity with the economic system that has been set up by law. Government should interfere as little as possible with business. But if it does interfere with one phase of economic life, be it by tariff, by assistance to merchant marine, by control of the flow of money and capital through the banking system, it is bad logic, bad economics and an abandonment of government responsibility to say that as to agriculture alone, the government should not aid.\nTwice a Republican Congress has passed legislation only to have it vetoed by a President of their own party, and whether the veto of that specific measure was right or wrong, it is undisputed that no adequate substitute was ever recommended to the Congress by the President and that no constructive plan of relief was ever formulated by any leader of the Republican Party in place of the plan which its Congress passed and its President vetoed. Only caustic criticism and bitter denunciation were provoked in the minds of the Republican leaders in answer to the nation-wide appeal for a sane endeavor to meet this crisis.\nCooperative, coordinated marketing and warehousing of surplus farm products is essential just as coordinated, cooperative control of the flow of capital was found necessary to the regulation of our country's finances. To accomplish financial stability, the Federal Reserve System was called into being by a Democratic administration. The question for agriculture is complex. Any plan devised must also be coordinated with the other phases of our business institutions. Our platform declares for the development of cooperative marketing and an earnest endeavor to solve the problem of the distribution of the cost of dealing with crop surpluses over the marketed unit of the crop whose producers are benefited by such assistance. Only the mechanics remain to be devised. I propose to substitute action for inaction and friendliness for hostility. In my administration of the government of my State, whenever I was confronted with a problem of this character, I called into conference those best equipped on the particular subject in hand. I shall follow that course with regard to agriculture. Farmers and farm leaders with such constructive aid as will come from sound economists and fair minded leaders of finance and business must work out the detail. There are varying plans for the attainment of the end which is to be accomplished. Such plans should be subjected at once to searching, able and fair minded analysis, because the interests of all require that the solution shall be economically sound.\nIf I am elected, I shall immediately after election ask leaders of the type I have named irrespective of party to enter upon this task. I shall join with them in the discharge of their duties during the coming winter and present to Congress immediately upon its convening, the solution recommended by the body of men best fitted to render this signal service to the nation. I shall support the activities of this body until a satisfactory law is placed upon the statute books.\nAdequate distribution is necessary to bring a proper return to production. Increased efficiency of railroad transportation and terminal handling means lowering of cost which in turn reflects itself in the form of increased purchasing power through reduction in the cost of everyday necessities of life.\nNor do railroads exhaust means of transportation. I believe in encouraging the construction and use of modern highways to carry the short haul of small bulk commodities and to aid in effective marketing of farm products.\nOf great importance and still in a highly undeveloped state are our transportation routes by waterways. Commodities of great bulk, where the freight cost is a large part of the cost to the ultimate consumer, are among the least profitable to railroads to carry and lend themselves most readily to water transportation.\nCertain areas of our country are deeply interested in opening up a direct route from the middle west to the sea by way of the Great Lakes and adjacent waterways. Controversy has arisen over the relative merits of the St. Lawrence route or the All-American route. As Governor of New York, I have heretofore expressed a preference for the All-American route, basing my view on engineers' reports made to me. The correctness of these reports and also of those favoring the St. Lawrence route has been challenged. As President of the United States, therefore, it would be my clear duty to restudy this question impartially upon engineers' reports the accuracy of which must be above question. When the results of such a study are given to Congress, I am entirely willing to abide by the decision of Congress.\nWith the development of inland waterways goes the control of floods thereon. The Mississippi flood of last year brought home to the nation the imperative need for a national policy of flood control. The last two administrations waited for this calamity and for universal demand that something be done instead of taking leadership in this important work. Forethought, courage, and leadership and knowledge of what real ultimate economy means would have done much to prevent this calamity with its ensuing waste and misery. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of first aid and relief. In the last Congress the Reid-Jones Bill laid down sound lines for the solution of this great problem. The policy thus initiated for the Mississippi must be carried through. The money actually appropriated for flood relief is too small to make even a start. Too much time has been spent in squabbling over who shall pay the bill.\nThe Mississippi river and its tributaries constitute a great network of waterways flowing through a large number of States. Much more than flood control is involved. Fullest development of the Mississippi river and its tributaries as arteries of commerce should be the goal.\nWide possibilities for public good are latent in what remains of our natural resources. I pledge myself to a progressive liberal conservation policy based upon the same principles to which I have given my support in the State of New York, and to fight against selfish aggression in this field wherever it appears and irrespective of whom it may involve. No nation in history has been more careless about the conservation of natural resources than has ours. We have denuded our forests. We have been slow to reclaim lands for development and have allowed to run to waste or have given to private exploitation our public waters with their great potential power for the development of electrical energy.\nThe value of this heritage can best be measured when we consider the recent disclosures of the methods employed by private monopolies to wrest our remaining water powers from public control.\nNo more dishonest or unpatriotic propaganda has ever been seen in this country than that disclosed by the investigation into the methods of certain utility corporations. Private corporations to gain control of public resources have procured the writing of textbooks for the public schools; have subsidized lecturers pretending to give to the country their own honest and unbiased advice; have employed as their agents former public officials and have endeavored to mislead public opinion by the retention of the services of leaders of the community in various parts of the country. Highly paid lobbyists, penetrated into every State and into the legislative halls of the nation itself.\nAs against propaganda, it is the duty of the Democratic Party to set up truth. The ownership of some of these great water powers is in the nation, of others in the several states. These sources of water power must remain forever under public ownership and control. Where they are owned by the Federal Government, they should remain under Federal control. Where they are owned by an individual State, they should be under the control of that State, or where they are owned by States jointly, they should be under the control of those States.\nWherever the development, the government agency, State or Federal as the case may be, must retain through contractual agreement with the distributing companies the right to provide fair and reasonable rates to the ultimate consumer and the similar right to insist upon fair and equal distribution of the power. This can be secured only by the absolute retention by the people of the ownership of the power by owning and controlling the site and plant at the place of generation. The government -- Federal, State or the authority representing joint States -- must control the switch that turns on or off the power so greedily sought by certain private groups without the least regard for the public good.\nI shall carry into Federal administration the same policy which I have maintained against heavy odds in my own State. Under no circumstances should private monopoly be permitted to capitalize for rate-making purposes water power sites that are the property of the people themselves. It is to me unthinkable that the government of the United States or any State thereof will permit either direct or indirect alienation of water power sites.\nElectrical energy generated from water power as an incident to the regulation of the flow of the Colorado river is the common heritage of all the States through which the river flows. The benefits growing from such development should be equitably distributed among the States having right of ownership. The duty of the Federal Government is confined to navigation. I am of the opinion that the best results would flow from the setting up of a Colorado River Authority, representative equally of all the States concerned. The development should be by the States through the agency of this authority by treaty ratified by Congress.\nIt will be the policy of my administration while retaining government ownership and control, to develop a method of operation for Muscle Shoals which will reclaim for the government some fair revenue from the enormous expenditure already made for its development and which is now a complete waste. In this way the original peace-time purpose of the construction of this plant will be achieved. The nation will be reimbursed, agriculture will be benefited by the cheap production of nitrates for fertilizer and the surplus power will be distributed to the people.\nThe remaining public natural resources now under control of the Federal Government must be administered in the interests of all of the people. Likewise a complete survey and study of the remaining undeveloped public resources of land, coal, oil and other minerals is greatly needed and should be undertaken.\nThe United States because its people use more wood than any other or earth is therefore more dependent on the forest than any other great nation. At the same time we are the most wasteful of all people in the destruction of our forest resources.\nThe use of our national forests for recreation should be greatly extended. I also pledge myself to give the same continuing interest and support to a national park, reforestation and recreation program as have brought about the establishment of a great Conservation and State Park System in the State of New York.\nIt was Grover Cleveland who first made our national forest and conservation policy into a great public question. Theodore Roosevelt followed in his footsteps. What these two men began must be continued and carried forward.\nThe American people constitute a structure of many component parts. One of its foundations is labor. The reasonable contentment of those who toil with the conditions under which they live and work is an essential basis of the nation's well-being. The welfare of our country therefore demands governmental concern for the legitimate interest of labor.\nThe Democratic Party has always recognized this fact and under the administration of Woodrow Wilson, a large body of progressive legislation for the protection of those laboring in industry, was enacted. Our platform continues that tradition of the party. We declare for the principle of collective bargaining which alone can put the laborer upon a basis of fair equality with the employer; for the human principle that labor is not a commodity; for fair treatment to government and Federal employees; and for specific and immediate attention to the serious problems of unemployment.\nFrom these premises it was inevitable that our platform should further recognize grave abuses in the issuance of injunctions in labor disputes which threaten the very principle of collective bargaining. Chief Justice Taft in 1919 stated that government of the relations between capital and labor by injunction was an absurdity. Justice Holmes and Justice Brandeis of the United States Supreme Court unite in an opinion which describes the restraints on labor imposed by a Federal injunction as a reminder of involuntary servitude.\nDissatisfaction and social unrest have grown from these abuses and undoubtedly legislation must be framed to meet just causes for complaint in regard to the unwarranted issuance of injunctions.\nThe Judiciary Committee of the United States Senate has already in progress a careful study of this situation. I promise full cooperation to the end that a definite remedy by law be brought forth to end the existing evils and preserve the constitutional guarantees of individual liberty, free assemblage and speech and the rights of peaceful persuasion.\nI shall continue my sympathetic interest in the advancement of progressive legislation for the protection and advancement of working men and women. Promotion of proper care of maternity, infancy and childhood and the encouragement of those scientific activities of the National Government which advance the safeguards of public health, are so fundamental as to need no expression from me other than my record as legislator and as Governor.\nNone can question my respect for and cooperation with the Civil Service nor my interest in proper compensation for government service. I believe in that true equality of women that opens to them without restriction all avenues of opportunity for which they can qualify in business, in government service and in politics.\nI have a full appreciation of what this country owes to our veteran soldiers. I know that when the country called, the veteran came promptly. When the veteran in distress calls to the country, the country should be equally prompt. Red tape and technicalities and autocratic bureaucracy should be brushed aside when the time comes for a grateful American people to recognize its debt to the men who offered themselves in our hour of need.\nDuring all of our national life the freedom of entry to the country has been extended to the millions who desired to take advantage of the freedom and the opportunities offered by America. The rugged qualities of our immigrants have helped to develop our country and their children have taken their places high in the annals of American history.\nEvery race has made its contribution to the betterment of America. While I stand squarely on our platform declaration that the laws which limit immigration must be preserved in full force and effect, I am heartily in favor of removing from the immigration law the harsh provision which separates families, and I am opposed to the principle of restriction based upon the figures of immigrant population contained in a census thirty-eight years old. I believe this is designed to discriminate against certain nationalities, and is an unwise policy. It is in no way essential to a continuance of the restriction advocated in our platform.\nWhile this is a government of laws and not of men, laws do not execute themselves. We must have people of character and outstanding ability to serve the nation. To me one of the greatest elements of satisfaction in my nomination is the fact that I owe it to no one man or set of men. I can with complete honesty make the statement that my nomination was brought about by no promise given or implied by me or any one in my behalf. I will not be influenced in appointments by the question of a person's wet or dry attitude, by whether he is rich or poor, whether he comes from the north, south, east or west, or by what church he attends in the worship of God. The sole standard of my appointments will be the same as they have been in my governorship -- integrity of the man or woman and his or her ability to give me the greatest possible aid in devoted service to the people.\nIn this spirit I enter upon the campaign. During its progress I shall talk at length on many of the issues to which I have referred in this acceptance address, as well as other important questions. I shall endeavor to conduct this campaign on the high plane that befits the intelligence of our citizens.\nVictory, simply for the sake of achieving it, is empty. I am entirely satisfied of our success in November because I am sure we are right and therefore sure that our victory means progress for our nation. I am convinced of the wisdom of our platform. I pledge a complete devotion to the welfare of our country and our people. I place that welfare above every other consideration and I am satisfied that our party is in a position to promote it. To that end I here and now declare to my fellow countrymen from one end of the United States to the other, that I will dedicate myself with all the power and energy that I possess to the service of our great Republic.", "Words" -> 8298, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 661, "of" -> 509, "and" -> 239, "to" -> 237, "in" -> 157, "a" -> 130, "I" -> 111, "that" -> 106, "for" -> 101, "is" -> 87, "be" -> 74, "by" -> 72, "The" -> 67, "this" -> 63, "which" -> 61, "as" -> 61, "our" -> 58, "have" -> 57, "with" -> 49, "or" -> 46, "has" -> 46, "it" -> 41, "people" -> 39, "not" -> 35, "been" -> 35, "from" -> 34, "country" -> 33, "my" -> 32, "government" -> 31, "administration" -> 31, "are" -> 30, "will" -> 29, "its" -> 28, "upon" -> 27, "one" -> 27, "It" -> 26, "should" -> 25, "Republican" -> 25, "was" -> 24, "President" -> 24, "an" -> 24, "shall" -> 23, "on" -> 23, "would" -> 22, "State" -> 22, "business" -> 22, "States" -> 21, "public" -> 21, "nation" -> 21, "must" -> 20, "all" -> 20, "those" -> 19, 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2, "officer" -> 2, "Of" -> 2, "oath" -> 2, "nomination" -> 2, "Nicaragua" -> 2, "never" -> 2, "neighbors" -> 2, "negotiated" -> 2, "needed" -> 2, "named" -> 2, "moral" -> 2, "Monroe" -> 2, "modern" -> 2, "minded" -> 2, "Men's" -> 2, "measures" -> 2, "mean" -> 2, "materially" -> 2, "material" -> 2, "masses" -> 2, "market" -> 2, "marines" -> 2, "manufacturer" -> 2, "makes" -> 2, "maintenance" -> 2, "mail" -> 2, "log-rolling" -> 2, "lives" -> 2, "little" -> 2, "line" -> 2, "limitation" -> 2, "limit" -> 2, "Likewise" -> 2, "lessen" -> 2, "least" -> 2, "learned" -> 2, "leading" -> 2, "leader" -> 2, "Lawrence" -> 2, "Law" -> 2, "latest" -> 2, "issues" -> 2, "irrespective" -> 2, "intoxicating" -> 2, "integrity" -> 2, "institutions" -> 2, "institution" -> 2, "injunctions" -> 2, "injunction" -> 2, "independent" -> 2, "increase" -> 2, "income" -> 2, "imposed" -> 2, "immigration" -> 2, "immediately" -> 2, "hundreds" -> 2, "hundred" -> 2, "how" -> 2, "honesty" -> 2, "heritage" -> 2, "here" -> 2, "helped" -> 2, "heartily" -> 2, "He" -> 2, "having" -> 2, "handling" -> 2, "guilt" -> 2, "Grover" -> 2, "groups" -> 2, "greatly" -> 2, "Great" -> 2, "government's" -> 2, "gone" -> 2, "further" -> 2, "function" -> 2, "fulfilled" -> 2, "From" -> 2, "friendliness" -> 2, "four" -> 2, "forests" -> 2, "foresaw" -> 2, "force" -> 2, "For" -> 2, "followed" -> 2, "fixed" -> 2, "fiscal" -> 2, "find" -> 2, "field" -> 2, "few" -> 2, "far" -> 2, "family" -> 2, "families" -> 2, "fairly" -> 2, "fact" -> 2, "extend" -> 2, "expedient" -> 2, "exists" -> 2, "executive" -> 2, "evils" -> 2, "evil" -> 2, "everything" -> 2, "Every" -> 2, "estimated" -> 2, "especially" -> 2, "equitably" -> 2, "equally" -> 2, "enter" -> 2, "enormous" -> 2, "engineers" -> 2, "enacted" -> 2, "employed" -> 2, "election" -> 2, "elected" -> 2, "eight" -> 2, "effected" -> 2, "economical" -> 2, "earned" -> 2, "domain" -> 2, "Doctrine" -> 2, "doctrine" -> 2, "districts" -> 2, "distributed" -> 2, "distinguished" -> 2, "disputes" -> 2, "disparity" -> 2, "discharge" -> 2, "diplomacy" -> 2, "different" -> 2, "desires" -> 2, "desire" -> 2, "dependent" -> 2, "departments" -> 2, "degree" -> 2, "definition" -> 2, "deep" -> 2, "decreased" -> 2, "declares" -> 2, "crop" -> 2, "criticism" -> 2, "crime" -> 2, "course" -> 2, "cooperative" -> 2, "cooperation" -> 2, "Coolidge's" -> 2, "convinced" -> 2, "controlled" -> 2, "continued" -> 2, "content" -> 2, "consumer" -> 2, "consolidation" -> 2, "consider" -> 2, "confidence" -> 2, "conference" -> 2, "complex" -> 2, "commodities" -> 2, "commission" -> 2, "commerce" -> 2, "Colorado" -> 2, "collective" -> 2, "clear" -> 2, "class" -> 2, "claim" -> 2, "Civil" -> 2, "city" -> 2, "children's" -> 2, "children" -> 2, "Chief" -> 2, "character" -> 2, "changes" -> 2, "Chamber" -> 2, "challenged" -> 2, "Certainly" -> 2, "cause" -> 2, "case" -> 2, "carried" -> 2, "calamity" -> 2, "cabinet" -> 2, "buying" -> 2, "Business" -> 2, "bulk" -> 2, "budget" -> 2, "books" -> 2, "bonds" -> 2, "Bill" -> 2, "big" -> 2, "beverages" -> 2, "betterment" -> 2, "benevolent" -> 2, "benefited" -> 2, "belief" -> 2, "being" -> 2, "become" -> 2, "bargaining" -> 2, "bank" -> 2, "available" -> 2, "authority" -> 2, "attitude" -> 2, "At" -> 2, "assumed" -> 2, "assistance" -> 2, "ask" -> 2, "arbitration" -> 2, "approximately" -> 2, "approval" -> 2, "appreciation" -> 2, "appointments" -> 2, "appeal" -> 2, "Any" -> 2, "answer" -> 2, "another" -> 2, "annual" -> 2, "announced" -> 2, "always" -> 2, "already" -> 2, "almost" -> 2, "allowed" -> 2, "All-American" -> 2, "Agriculture" -> 2, "agreements" -> 2, "agency" -> 2, "Against" -> 2, "again" -> 2, "advocated" -> 2, "advocate" -> 2, "advancement" -> 2, "adjustment" -> 2, "adequate" -> 2, "actual" -> 2, "Act" -> 2, "act" -> 2, "achieved" -> 2, "accordance" -> 2, "accomplish" -> 2, "abuses" -> 2, "abroad" -> 2, "abolition" -> 2, "40" -> 2, "1928" -> 2, "1920" -> 2, "$556,000,000" -> 1, "$383,000,000" -> 1, "$346,000,000" -> 1, "$3,400,000" -> 1, "$24,000,000" -> 1, "$163,000,000" -> 1, "your" -> 1, "young" -> 1, "wrung" -> 1, "wrote" -> 1, "wrong" -> 1, "wrest" -> 1, "worth" -> 1, "worst" -> 1, "worship" -> 1, "worse" -> 1, "worry" -> 1, "working" -> 1, "wood" -> 1, "wonder" -> 1, "won" -> 1, "Without" -> 1, "Within" -> 1, "withdraw" -> 1, "wise" -> 1, "winter" -> 1, "willing" -> 1, "William" -> 1, "wider" -> 1, "Wide" -> 1, "whom" -> 1, "wholesome" -> 1, "Wherever" -> 1, "wherever" -> 1, "whenever" -> 1, "whatever" -> 1, "wets" -> 1, "wet" -> 1, "weakest" -> 1, "weak" -> 1, "waters" -> 1, "war-time" -> 1, "wars" -> 1, "warn" -> 1, "warehousing" -> 1, "ward" -> 1, "waited" -> 1, "wage-earner" -> 1, "visualize" -> 1, "violation" -> 1, "vindicate" -> 1, "view" -> 1, "Victory" -> 1, "Vice-President" -> 1, "vex" -> 1, "veto" -> 1, "vessels" -> 1, "vehicle" -> 1, "varying" -> 1, "vacant" -> 1, "utility" -> 1, "usefulness" -> 1, "used" -> 1, "Upon" -> 1, "unwise" -> 1, "unwilling" -> 1, "unthinkable" -> 1, "unscientific" -> 1, "unrest" -> 1, "unquestioned" -> 1, "unquestionable" -> 1, "unpatriotic" -> 1, "unknown" -> 1, "University" -> 1, "Universities" -> 1, "universal" -> 1, "unite" -> 1, "unheaval" -> 1, "unfriendliness" -> 1, "unfavorable" -> 1, "uneconomic" -> 1, "unduly" -> 1, "undoubtedly" -> 1, "undisputed" -> 1, "Underwood" -> 1, "undertaken" -> 1, "Under" -> 1, "undated" -> 1, "unblemished" -> 1, "unbiased" -> 1, "unable" -> 1, "Twice" -> 1, "twenty-five" -> 1, "turns" -> 1, "turned" -> 1, "trust" -> 1, "truly" -> 1, "True" -> 1, "trips" -> 1, "trifles" -> 1, "trials" -> 1, "trial" -> 1, "treatment" -> 1, "treated" -> 1, "transformation" -> 1, "transaction" -> 1, "tradition" -> 1, "trade" -> 1, "touched" -> 1, "took" -> 1, "Too" -> 1, "told" -> 1, "toiling" -> 1, "toil" -> 1, "timed" -> 1, "throughout" -> 1, "Through" -> 1, "three-fourths" -> 1, "thousands" -> 1, "though" -> 1, "thoroughly" -> 1, "thirty-eight" -> 1, "think" -> 1, "They" -> 1, "thereto" -> 1, "thereon" -> 1, "thereof" -> 1, "thereby" -> 1, "theories" -> 1, "Theodore" -> 1, "textbooks" -> 1, "territory" -> 1, "terminate" -> 1, "terminal" -> 1, "tend" -> 1, "tell" -> 1, "technicalities" -> 1, "task" -> 1, "Tariff" -> 1, "tape" -> 1, "talk" -> 1, "takes" -> 1, "Taft" -> 1, "sympathetic" -> 1, "symmetry" -> 1, "switch" -> 1, "survey" -> 1, "surpluses" -> 1, "Supreme" -> 1, "supposedly" -> 1, "supply" -> 1, "supplies" -> 1, "sumptuary" -> 1, "sum" -> 1, "sufficient" -> 1, "sudden" -> 1, "successful" -> 1, "success" -> 1, "succeeding" -> 1, "substantially" -> 1, "substantial" -> 1, "substance" -> 1, "subsidized" -> 1, "subornation" -> 1, "submitted" -> 1, "submarines" -> 1, "subjected" -> 1, "stripes" -> 1, "strictly" -> 1, "stress" -> 1, "street" -> 1, "story" -> 1, "stockraisers" -> 1, "steps" -> 1, "step" -> 1, "stating" -> 1, "State's" -> 1, "statement" -> 1, "Starr" -> 1, "stand" -> 1, "stamp" -> 1, "staggering" -> 1, "Staff" -> 1, "stability" -> 1, "squabbling" -> 1, "spring" -> 1, "spokesman" -> 1, "spite" -> 1, "spent" -> 1, "spend" -> 1, "speech" -> 1, "spectacles" -> 1, "specious" -> 1, "specifically" -> 1, "Specific" -> 1, "Special" -> 1, "sparsely" -> 1, "sovereignty" -> 1, "sovereign" -> 1, "south" -> 1, "sources" -> 1, "source" -> 1, "sought" -> 1, "sole" -> 1, "so-called" -> 1, "smallest" -> 1, "slow" -> 1, "slightest" -> 1, "six" -> 1, "situated" -> 1, "site" -> 1, "sins" -> 1, "Since" -> 1, "since" -> 1, "simply" -> 1, "silent" -> 1, "significance" -> 1, "signally" -> 1, "signal" -> 1, "sick" -> 1, "short" -> 1, "shop" -> 1, "Shoals" -> 1, "shipment" -> 1, "shell" -> 1, "sharp" -> 1, "share" -> 1, "several" -> 1, "settlement" -> 1, "settled" -> 1, "settle" -> 1, "setting" -> 1, "servitude" -> 1, "serve" -> 1, "servant" -> 1, "sent" -> 1, "sell" -> 1, "self-seeker" -> 1, "self-respecting" -> 1, "selfish" -> 1, "self-government" -> 1, "seeks" -> 1, "seekers" -> 1, "seek" -> 1, "secure" -> 1, "Secretary" -> 1, "Secretaries" -> 1, "secret" -> 1, "Second" -> 1, "second" -> 1, "seats" -> 1, "searching" -> 1, "sea" -> 1, "schools" -> 1, "schedules" -> 1, "scenes" -> 1, "Scarcely" -> 1, "scarcely" -> 1, "scale" -> 1, "satisfactory" -> 1, "satisfaction" -> 1, "sapping" -> 1, "sane" -> 1, "sake" -> 1, "safely" -> 1, "safeguards" -> 1, "safeguard" -> 1, "ruthlessly" -> 1, "run" -> 1, "routes" -> 1, "roots" -> 1, "rooted" -> 1, "Root" -> 1, "River" -> 1, "rise" -> 1, "righteousness" -> 1, "rich" -> 1, "revolution" -> 1, "revenue" -> 1, "retirement" -> 1, "retaining" -> 1, "retain" -> 1, "resumption" -> 1, "resulting" -> 1, "result" -> 1, "restudy" -> 1, "restraints" -> 1, "restore" -> 1, "restoration" -> 1, "resting" -> 1, "restates" -> 1, "responsibilities" -> 1, "respectful" -> 1, "resignation" -> 1, "Reserve" -> 1, "required" -> 1, "require" -> 1, "Republics" -> 1, "Republic" -> 1, "representing" -> 1, "representatives" -> 1, "repose" -> 1, "repeated" -> 1, "rentals" -> 1, "rent" -> 1, "renew" -> 1, "rendering" -> 1, "rendered" -> 1, "render" -> 1, "remove" -> 1, "reminder" -> 1, "reliance" -> 1, "relevancy" -> 1, "relegated" -> 1, "relative" -> 1, "reimbursed" -> 1, "Reid-Jones" -> 1, "regarded" -> 1, "refuse" -> 1, "refusal" -> 1, "reforestation" -> 1, "reflects" -> 1, "reflection" -> 1, "refinancing" -> 1, "referred" -> 1, "referendum" -> 1, "re-establish" -> 1, "reductions" -> 1, "reduction" -> 1, "Red" -> 1, "rectified" -> 1, "reconstruction" -> 1, "recommend" -> 1, "recognizing" -> 1, "recognition" -> 1, "rebelled" -> 1, "reasons" -> 1, "reared" -> 1, "rear" -> 1, "realm" -> 1, "really" -> 1, "readily" -> 1, "reaching" -> 1, "rate-making" -> 1, "rate" -> 1, "ranks" -> 1, "raised" -> 1, "raise" -> 1, "railroad" -> 1, "race" -> 1, "quoted" -> 1, "quasi-judicial" -> 1, "quarters" -> 1, "qualities" -> 1, "qualify" -> 1, "put" -> 1, "pursuant" -> 1, "publicly" -> 1, "Publicity" -> 1, "Public" -> 1, "prudent" -> 1, "provoked" -> 1, "proviso" -> 1, "provision" -> 1, "provides" -> 1, "Providence" -> 1, "provide" -> 1, "protecting" -> 1, "prostrate" -> 1, "Prosperity" -> 1, "prospered" -> 1, "proposition" -> 1, "prophetic" -> 1, "promptly" -> 1, "prompt" -> 1, "Promotion" -> 1, "promotes" -> 1, "promote" -> 1, "promises" -> 1, "promised" -> 1, "projects" -> 1, "Prohibition" -> 1, "program" -> 1, "profoundly" -> 1, "profitable" -> 1, "Professor" -> 1, "producers" -> 1, "procured" -> 1, "proclaims" -> 1, "probably" -> 1, "privileges" -> 1, "Private" -> 1, "Princeton" -> 1, "prime" -> 1, "primarily" -> 1, "prevention" -> 1, "prevented" -> 1, "prevent" -> 1, "pretext" -> 1, "pretending" -> 1, "pretend" -> 1, "pressure" -> 1, "presidential" -> 1, "presided" -> 1, "preserved" -> 1, "prepared" -> 1, "premises" -> 1, "preference" -> 1, "practiced" -> 1, "pound" -> 1, "potential" -> 1, "Postmaster-General" -> 1, "possibilities" -> 1, "possess" -> 1, "pork" -> 1, "populations" -> 1, "population" -> 1, "populated" -> 1, "politicians" -> 1, "Political" -> 1, "poisonous" -> 1, "pointed" -> 1, "point" -> 1, "pledged" -> 1, "plane" -> 1, "places" -> 1, "pieces" -> 1, "picturesque" -> 1, "picture" -> 1, "phases" -> 1, "phase" -> 1, "petty" -> 1, "persuasion" -> 1, "person's" -> 1, "personal" -> 1, "person" -> 1, "persisting" -> 1, "persisted" -> 1, "permits" -> 1, "Perhaps" -> 1, "peoples" -> 1, "penetrated" -> 1, "peace-time" -> 1, "peaceful" -> 1, "pays" -> 1, "paying" -> 1, "Pay" -> 1, "passage" -> 1, "partisan" -> 1, "particularly" -> 1, "particular" -> 1, "partially" -> 1, "Park" -> 1, "park" -> 1, "paramount" -> 1, "paralyzed" -> 1, "paid" -> 1, "oyster" -> 1, "owning" -> 1, "owner" -> 1, "owes" -> 1, "owe" -> 1, "overlapping" -> 1, "outstanding" -> 1, "outlook" -> 1, "outlaw" -> 1, "Ours" -> 1, "ours" -> 1, "ounce" -> 1, "ought" -> 1, "otherwise" -> 1, "others" -> 1, "originated" -> 1, "original" -> 1, "Origin" -> 1, "opposition" -> 1, "opposite" -> 1, "opposed" -> 1, "oppose" -> 1, "opportunities" -> 1, "Opinion" -> 1, "operation" -> 1, "opening" -> 1, "open" -> 1, "one-twentieth" -> 1, "one-sided" -> 1, "one-half" -> 1, "one-fourth" -> 1, "One" -> 1, "once" -> 1, "oligarchy" -> 1, "oil" -> 1, "often" -> 1, "officials" -> 1, "offer" -> 1, "off" -> 1, "odds" -> 1, "occupied" -> 1, "occupation" -> 1, "obscurity" -> 1, "obligations" -> 1, "obligation" -> 1, "objective" -> 1, "object" -> 1, "oaths" -> 1, "numerous" -> 1, "numbers" -> 1, "number" -> 1, "notice" -> 1, "Nothing" -> 1, "nothing" -> 1, "north" -> 1, "normal" -> 1, "Nor" -> 1, "non-political" -> 1, "None" -> 1, "none" -> 1, "nitrates" -> 1, "night" -> 1, "Nicaraguans" -> 1, "network" -> 1, "neither" -> 1, "neighbor" -> 1, "necessity" -> 1, "necessities" -> 1, "nearly" -> 1, "near" -> 1, "navigation" -> 1, "nature" -> 1, "nation-wide" -> 1, "nationalities" -> 1, "National" -> 1, "Nation" -> 1, "myth" -> 1, "Myers" -> 1, "Muscle" -> 1, "multilateral" -> 1, "Much" -> 1, "mothers" -> 1, "moreover" -> 1, "morals" -> 1, "months" -> 1, "monopoly" -> 1, "monopolies" -> 1, "misrepresent" -> 1, "mislead" -> 1, "misery" -> 1, "misdeeds" -> 1, "mischief" -> 1, "minerals" -> 1, "minds" -> 1, "militarist" -> 1, "might" -> 1, "middle" -> 1, "Mexico" -> 1, "merits" -> 1, "merely" -> 1, "merchant" -> 1, "member" -> 1, "meddling" -> 1, "mechanics" -> 1, "measured" -> 1, "measure" -> 1, "meant" -> 1, "meaning" -> 1, "meanest" -> 1, "maximum" -> 1, "matters" -> 1, "matter" -> 1, "maternity" -> 1, "marketed" -> 1, "marine" -> 1, "Many" -> 1, "manufactured" -> 1, "manufacture" -> 1, "manner" -> 1, "manned" -> 1, "managers" -> 1, "management" -> 1, "majority" -> 1, "maintain" -> 1, "Main" -> 1, "lowering" -> 1, "lower" -> 1, "loss" -> 1, "logic" -> 1, "lobbyists" -> 1, "liquor" -> 1, "lines" -> 1, "limited" -> 1, "likewise" -> 1, "likes" -> 1, "lights" -> 1, "light" -> 1, "lies" -> 1, "lie" -> 1, "liberals" -> 1, "liberal" -> 1, "liabilities" -> 1, "level" -> 1, "let" -> 1, "length" -> 1, "lend" -> 1, "legislatures" -> 1, "legislator" -> 1, "legal" -> 1, "left" -> 1, "lecturers" -> 1, "learn" -> 1, "lead" -> 1, "lays" -> 1, "latent" -> 1, "language" -> 1, "lands" -> 1, "Land" -> 1, "Lakes" -> 1, "laid" -> 1, "lack" -> 1, "laboring" -> 1, "laborer" -> 1, "La" -> 1, "knowledge" -> 1, "knew" -> 1, "killed" -> 1, "keep" -> 1, "justify" -> 1, "justice" -> 1, "juries" -> 1, "Judiciary" -> 1, "judicial" -> 1, "judgment" -> 1, "judge" -> 1, "jointly" -> 1, "joint" -> 1, "join" -> 1, "jingo" -> 1, "Jeffersonian" -> 1, "James" -> 1, "Jackson" -> 1, "issue" -> 1, "irregular" -> 1, "involving" -> 1, "involved" -> 1, "involve" -> 1, "involuntary" -> 1, "investigation" -> 1, "investigate" -> 1, "intervention" -> 1, "intervened" -> 1, "interstate" -> 1, "interpreted" -> 1, "Interference" -> 1, "interference" -> 1, "interested" -> 1, "intelligence" -> 1, "insurgents" -> 1, "institute" -> 1, "instead" -> 1, "instances" -> 1, "insist" -> 1, "insidiously" -> 1, "innocent" -> 1, "inland" -> 1, "injected" -> 1, "initiated" -> 1, "informed" -> 1, "influenced" -> 1, "infancy" -> 1, "inevitable" -> 1, "inequality" -> 1, "ineffective" -> 1, "industries" -> 1, "individuals" -> 1, "individualized" -> 1, "indirectly" -> 1, "indirect" -> 1, "indication" -> 1, "independence" -> 1, "indecent" -> 1, "Increased" -> 1, "inconsistency" -> 1, "Incomes" -> 1, "incomes" -> 1, "including" -> 1, "incident" -> 1, "inaction" -> 1, "inaccurate" -> 1, "improvements" -> 1, "importance" -> 1, "import" -> 1, "implied" -> 1, "imperialistic" -> 1, "imperative" -> 1, "impartially" -> 1, "immigrants" -> 1, "immigrant" -> 1, "ill" -> 1, "ideals" -> 1, "idealism" -> 1, "humble" -> 1, "humane" -> 1, "however" -> 1, "housing" -> 1, "hour" -> 1, "hostility" -> 1, "honeycombed" -> 1, "home" -> 1, "Holmes" -> 1, "historic" -> 1, "himself" -> 1, "highways" -> 1, "Highly" -> 1, "highly" -> 1, "highest" -> 1, "heretofore" -> 1, "Here" -> 1, "her" -> 1, "helping" -> 1, "heelers" -> 1, "heavy" -> 1, "heavily" -> 1, "Heaven" -> 1, "healthy" -> 1, "health" -> 1, "haul" -> 1, "harsh" -> 1, "harm" -> 1, "hands" -> 1, "halls" -> 1, "half" -> 1, "habits" -> 1, "guarantees" -> 1, "grown" -> 1, "growing" -> 1, "grotesque" -> 1, "greedily" -> 1, "greater" -> 1, "grave" -> 1, "gratitude" -> 1, "grateful" -> 1, "grasp" -> 1, "granted" -> 1, "Grant" -> 1, "governorship" -> 1, "goods" -> 1, "goes" -> 1, "God-fearing" -> 1, "God" -> 1, "goal" -> 1, "giving" -> 1, "gift" -> 1, "Germany" -> 1, "generation" -> 1, "generated" -> 1, "gases" -> 1, "gain" -> 1, "futile" -> 1, "furnish" -> 1, "fundamentally" -> 1, "functions" -> 1, "fully" -> 1, "Fullest" -> 1, "fullest" -> 1, "front" -> 1, "friendship" -> 1, "friends" -> 1, "friendly" -> 1, "freight" -> 1, "freely" -> 1, "Freedom" -> 1, "free" -> 1, "frank" -> 1, "France" -> 1, "framed" -> 1, "fourteen" -> 1, "foundations" -> 1, "foundation" -> 1, "found" -> 1, "fought" -> 1, "forward" -> 1, "forth" -> 1, "formulated" -> 1, "form" -> 1, "forever" -> 1, "Forethought" -> 1, "Fordney-McCumber" -> 1, "forces" -> 1, "footsteps" -> 1, "followers" -> 1, "Follette" -> 1, "focus" -> 1, "flows" -> 1, "flowing" -> 1, "floods" -> 1, "fix" -> 1, "fitted" -> 1, "First" -> 1, "financial" -> 1, "finances" -> 1, "filed" -> 1, "fewer" -> 1, "fertilizer" -> 1, "felt" -> 1, "fellow" -> 1, "fed" -> 1, "fearless" -> 1, "favoritism" -> 1, "favorites" -> 1, "favoring" -> 1, "favor" -> 1, "fathers" -> 1, "farming" -> 1, "Farmers" -> 1, "farmer's" -> 1, "false" -> 1, "fallacy" -> 1, "faithfully" -> 1, "faithful" -> 1, "faith" -> 1, "failed" -> 1, "factions" -> 1, "fact-finding" -> 1, "facilities" -> 1, "faced" -> 1, "face" -> 1, "extortion-ate" -> 1, "extinguishing" -> 1, "extent" -> 1, "expression" -> 1, "expressed" -> 1, "exportable" -> 1, "export" -> 1, "exploitation" -> 1, "explanation" -> 1, "experience" -> 1, "existence" -> 1, "existed" -> 1, "exhaust" -> 1, "exerted" -> 1, "exemplifies" -> 1, "Executive" -> 1, "executes" -> 1, "excuses" -> 1, "excuse" -> 1, "exclusive" -> 1, "exception" -> 1, "exceed" -> 1, "evidences" -> 1, "evidence" -> 1, "everyday" -> 1, "everybody's" -> 1, "establishment" -> 1, "essentially" -> 1, 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-> 1, "acquired" -> 1, "achieving" -> 1, "accuracy" -> 1, "account" -> 1, "according" -> 1, "accord" -> 1, "accomplishment" -> 1, "accomplished" -> 1, "acceptance" -> 1, "abundant" -> 1, "absurdity" -> 1, "absolute" -> 1, "able" -> 1, "abide" -> 1, "abandonment" -> 1, "abandoned" -> 1, "830" -> 1, "49" -> 1, "430,000" -> 1, "270" -> 1, "25" -> 1, "1926" -> 1, "1925" -> 1, "1919" -> 1, "1914" -> 1, "1910" -> 1, "1884" -> 1, "17" -> 1, "10" -> 1, "1" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75174", "Date" -> DateObject[{1932, 7, 2}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "FranklinDRoosevelt::xj8jv"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I appreciate your willingness after these six arduous days to remain here, for I know well the sleepless hours which you and I have had. I regret that I am late, but I have no control over the winds of Heaven and could only be thankful for my Navy training.\nThe appearance before a National Convention of its nominee for President, to be formally notified of his selection, is unprecedented and unusual, but these are unprecedented and unusual times. I have started out on the tasks that lie ahead by breaking the absurd traditions that the candidate should remain in professed ignorance of what has happened for weeks until he is formally notified of that event many weeks later.\nMy friends, may this be the symbol of my intention to be honest and to avoid all hypocrisy or sham, to avoid all silly shutting of the eyes to the truth in this campaign. You have nominated me and I know it, and I am here to thank you for the honor.\nLet it also be symbolic that in so doing I broke traditions. Let it be from now on the task of our Party to break foolish traditions. We will break foolish traditions and leave it to the Republican leadership, far more skilled in that art, to break promises.\nLet us now and here highly resolve to resume the country's interrupted march along the path of real progress, of real justice, of real equality for all of our citizens, great and small. Our indomitable leader in that interrupted march is no longer with us, but there still survives today his spirit. Many of his captains, thank God, are still with us, to give us wise counsel. Let us feel that in everything we do there still lives with us, if not the body, the great indomitable, unquenchable, progressive soul of our Commander-in-Chief, Woodrow Wilson.\nI have many things on which I want to make my position clear at the earliest possible moment in this campaign. That admirable document, the platform which you have adopted, is clear. I accept it 100 percent.\nAnd you can accept my pledge that I will leave no doubt or ambiguity on where I stand on any question of moment in this campaign.\nAs we enter this new battle, let us keep always present with us some of the ideals of the Party: The fact that the Democratic Party by tradition and by the continuing logic of history, past and present, is the bearer of liberalism and of progress and at the same time of safety to our institutions. And if this appeal fails, remember well, my friends, that a resentment against the failure of Republican leadership--and note well that in this campaign I shall not use the word \"Republican Party,\" but I shall use, day in and day out, the words, \"Republican leadership\"--the failure of Republican leaders to solve our troubles may degenerate into unreasoning radicalism.\nThe great social phenomenon of this depression, unlike others before it, is that it has produced but a few of the disorderly manifestations that too often attend upon such times.\nWild radicalism has made few converts, and the greatest tribute that I can pay to my countrymen is that in these days of crushing want there persists an orderly and hopeful spirit on the part of the millions of our people who have suffered so much. To fail to offer them a new chance is not only to betray their hopes but to misunderstand their patience.\nTo meet by reaction that danger of radicalism is to invite disaster. Reaction is no barrier to the radical. It is a challenge, a provocation. The way to meet that danger is to offer a workable program of reconstruction, and the party to offer it is the party with clean hands.\nThis, and this only, is a proper protection against blind reaction on the one hand and an improvised, hit-or-miss, irresponsible opportunism on the other.\nThere are two ways of viewing the Government's duty in matters affecting economic and social life. The first sees to it that a favored few are helped and hopes that some of their prosperity will leak through, sift through, to labor, to the farmer, to the small business man. That theory belongs to the party of Toryism, and I had hoped that most of the Tories left this country in 1776\nBut it is not and never will be the theory of the Democratic Party. This is no time for fear, for reaction or for timidity. Here and now I invite those nominal Republicans who find that their conscience cannot be squared with the groping and the failure of their party leaders to join hands with us; here and now, in equal measure, I warn those nominal Democrats who squint at the future with their faces turned toward the past, and who feel no responsibility to the demands of the new time, that they are out of step with their Party.\nYes, the people of this country want a genuine choice this year, not a choice between two names for the same reactionary doctrine. Ours must be a party of liberal thought, of planned action, of enlightened international outlook, and of the greatest good to the greatest number of our citizens.\nNow it is inevitable--and the choice is that of the times--it is inevitable that the main issue of this campaign should revolve about the clear fact of our economic condition, a depression so deep that it is without precedent in modern history. It will not do merely to state, as do Republican leaders to explain their broken promises of continued inaction, that the depression is worldwide. That was not their explanation of the apparent prosperity of 1928. The people will not forget the claim made by them then that prosperity was only a domestic product manufactured by a Republican President and a Republican Congress. If they claim paternity for the one they cannot deny paternity for the other.\nI cannot take up all the problems today. I want to touch on a few that are vital. Let us look a little at the recent history and the simple economics, the kind of economics that you and I and the average man and woman talk.\nIn the years before 1929 we know that this country had completed a vast cycle of building and inflation; for ten years we expanded on the theory of repairing the wastes of the War, but actually expanding far beyond that, and also beyond our natural and normal growth. Now it is worth remembering, and the cold figures of finance prove it, that during that time there was little or no drop in the prices that the consumer had to pay, although those same figures proved that the cost of production fell very greatly; corporate profit resulting from this period was enormous; at the same time little of that profit was devoted to the reduction of prices. The consumer was forgotten. Very little of it went into increased wages; the worker was forgotten, and by no means an adequate proportion was even paid out in dividends--the stockholder was forgotten.\nAnd, incidentally, very little of it was taken by taxation to the beneficent Government of those years.\nWhat was the result? Enormous corporate surpluses piled up-- the most stupendous in history. Where, under the spell of delirious speculation, did those surpluses go? Let us talk economics that the figures prove and that we can understand. Why, they went chiefly in two directions: first, into new and unnecessary plants which now stand stark and idle; and second, into the call-money market of Wall Street, either directly by the corporations, or indirectly through the banks. Those are the facts. Why blink at them?\nThen came the crash. You know the story. Surpluses invested in unnecessary plants became idle. Men lost their jobs; purchasing power dried up; banks became frightened and started calling loans. Those who had money were afraid to part with it. Credit contracted. Industry stopped. Commerce declined, and unemployment mounted.\nAnd there we are today.\nTranslate that into human terms. See how the events of the past three years have come home to specific groups of people: first, the group dependent on industry; second, the group dependent on agriculture; third, and made up in large part of members of the first two groups, the people who are called \"small investors and depositors.\" In fact, the strongest possible tie between the first two groups, agriculture and industry, is the fact that the savings and to a degree the security of both are tied together in that third group--the credit structure of the Nation.\nNever in history have the interests of all the people been so united in a single economic problem. Picture to yourself, for instance, the great groups of property owned by millions of our citizens, represented by credits issued in the form of bonds and mortgages--Government bonds of all kinds, Federal, State, county, municipal; bonds of industrial companies, of utility companies; mortgages on real estate in farms and cities, and finally the vast investments of the Nation in the railroads. What is the measure of the security of each of those groups? We know well that in our complicated, interrelated credit structure if any one of these credit groups collapses they may all collapse. Danger to one is danger to all.\nHow, I ask, has the present Administration in Washington treated the interrelationship of these credit groups? The answer is clear: It has not recognized that interrelationship existed at all. Why, the Nation asks, has Washington failed to understand that all of these groups, each and every one, the top of the pyramid and the bottom of the pyramid, must be considered together, that each and every one of them is dependent on every other; each and every one of them affecting the whole financial fabric?\nStatesmanship and vision, my friends, require relief to all at the same time.\nJust one word or two on taxes, the taxes that all of us pay toward the cost of Government of all kinds.\nI know something of taxes. For three long years I have been going up and down this country preaching that Government--Federal and State and local--costs too much. I shall not stop that preaching. As an immediate program of action we must abolish useless offices. We must eliminate unnecessary functions of Government--functions, in fact, that are not definitely essential to the continuance of Government. We must merge, we must consolidate subdivisions of Government, and, like the private citizen, give up luxuries which we can no longer afford.\nBy our example at Washington itself, we shall have the opportunity of pointing the way of economy to local government, for let us remember well that out of every tax dollar in the average State in this Nation, 40 cents enter the treasury in Washington, D. C., 10 or 12 cents only go to the State capitals, and 48 cents are consumed by the costs of local government in counties and cities and towns.\nI propose to you, my friends, and through you, that Government of all kinds, big and little, be made solvent and that the example be set by the President of the United States and his Cabinet.\nAnd talking about setting a definite example, I congratulate this convention for having had the courage fearlessly to write into its declaration of principles what an overwhelming majority here assembled really thinks about the 18th Amendment. This convention wants repeal. Your candidate wants repeal. And I am confident that the United States of America wants repeal.\nTwo years ago the platform on which I ran for Governor the second time contained substantially the same provision. The overwhelming sentiment of the people of my State, as shown by the vote of that year, extends, I know, to the people of many of the other States. I say to you now that from this date on the 18th Amendment is doomed. When that happens, we as Democrats must and will, rightly and morally, enable the States to protect themselves against the importation of intoxicating liquor where such importation may violate their State laws. We must rightly and morally prevent the return of the saloon.\nTo go back to this dry subject of finance, because it all ties in together--the 18th Amendment has something to do with finance, too--in a comprehensive planning for the reconstruction of the great credit groups, including Government credit, I list an important place for that prize statement of principle in the platform here adopted calling for the letting in of the light of day on issues of securities, foreign and domestic, which are offered for sale to the investing public.\nMy friends, you and I as common-sense citizens know that it would help to protect the savings of the country from the dishonesty of crooks and from the lack of honor of some men in high financial places. Publicity is the enemy of crookedness.\nAnd now one word about unemployment, and incidentally about agriculture. I have favored the use of certain types of public works as a further emergency means of stimulating employment and the issuance of bonds to pay for such public works, but I have pointed out that no economic end is served if we merely build without building for a necessary purpose. Such works, of course, should insofar as possible be self-sustaining if they are to be financed by the issuing of bonds. So as to spread the points of all kinds as widely as possible, we must take definite steps to shorten the working day and the working week.\nLet us use common sense and business sense. Just as one example, we know that a very hopeful and immediate means of relief, both for the unemployed and for agriculture, will come from a wide plan of the converting of many millions of acres of marginal and unused land into timberland through reforestation. There are tens of millions of acres east of the Mississippi River alone in abandoned farms, in cut-over land, now growing up in worthless brush. Why, every European Nation has a definite land policy, and has had one for generations. We have none. Having none, we face a future of soil erosion and timber famine. It is clear that economic foresight and immediate employment march hand in hand in the call for the reforestation of these vast areas.\nIn so doing, employment can be given to a million men. That is the kind of public work that is self-sustaining, and therefore capable of being financed by the issuance of bonds which are made secure by the fact that the growth of tremendous crops will provide adequate security for the investment.\nYes, I have a very definite program for providing employment by that means. I have done it, and I am doing it today in the State of New York. I know that the Democratic Party can do it successfully in the Nation. That will put men to work, and that is an example of the action that we are going to have.\nNow as a further aid to agriculture, we know perfectly well-- but have we come out and said so clearly and distinctly?--we should repeal immediately those provisions of law that compel the Federal Government to go into the market to purchase, to sell, to speculate in farm products in a futile attempt to reduce farm surpluses. And they are the people who are talking of keeping Government out of business. The practical way to help the farmer is by an arrangement that will, in addition to lightening some of the impoverishing burdens from his back, do something toward the reduction of the surpluses of staple commodities that hang on the market. It should be our aim to add to the world prices of staple products the amount of a reasonable tariff protection, to give agriculture the same protection that industry has today.\nAnd in exchange for this immediately increased return I am sure that the farmers of this Nation would agree ultimately to such planning of their production as would reduce the surpluses and make it unnecessary in later years to depend on dumping those surpluses abroad in order to support domestic prices. That result has been accomplished in other Nations; why not in America, too?\nFarm leaders and farm economists, generally, agree that a plan based on that principle is a desirable first step in the reconstruction of agriculture. It does not in itself furnish a complete program, but it will serve in great measure in the long run to remove the pall of a surplus without the continued perpetual threat of world dumping. Final voluntary reduction of surplus is a part of our objective, but the long continuance and the present burden of existing surpluses make it necessary to repair great damage of the present by immediate emergency measures.\nSuch a plan as that, my friends, does not cost the Government any money, nor does it keep the Government in business or in speculation.\nAs to the actual wording of a bill, I believe that the Democratic Party stands ready to be guided by whatever the responsible farm groups themselves agree on. That is a principle that is sound; and again I ask for action.\nOne more word about the farmer, and I know that every delegate in this hall who lives in the city knows why I lay emphasis on the farmer. It is because one-half of our population, over 50,000,000 people, are dependent on agriculture; and, my friends, if those 50,000,000 people have no money, no cash, to buy what is produced in the city, the city suffers to an equal or greater extent.\nThat is why we are going to make the voters understand this year that this Nation is not merely a Nation of independence, but it is, if we are to survive, bound to be a Nation of interdependence--town and city, and North and South, East and West. That is our goal, and that goal will be understood by the people of this country no matter where they live.\nYes, the purchasing power of that half of our population dependent on agriculture is gone. Farm mortgages reach nearly ten billions of dollars today and interest charges on that alone are $560,000,000 a year. But that is not all. The tax burden caused by extravagant and inefficient local government is an additional factor. Our most immediate concern should be to reduce the interest burden on these mortgages.\nRediscounting of farm mortgages under salutary restrictions must be expanded and should, in the future, be conditioned on the reduction of interest rates. Amortization payments, maturities should likewise in this crisis be extended before rediscount is permitted where the mortgagor is sorely pressed. That, my friends, is another example of practical, immediate relief: Action.\nI aim to do the same thing, and it can be done, for the small home-owner in our cities and villages. We can lighten his burden and develop his purchasing power. Take away, my friends, that spectre of too high an interest rate. Take away that spectre of the due date just a short time away. Save homes; save homes for thousands of self-respecting families, and drive out that spectre of insecurity from our midst.\nOut of all the tons of printed paper, out of all the hours of oratory, the recriminations, the defenses, the happy-thought plans in Washington and in every State, there emerges one great, simple, crystal-pure fact that during the past ten years a Nation of 120,000,000 people has been led by the Republican leaders to erect an impregnable barbed wire entanglement around its borders through the instrumentality of tariffs which have isolated us from all the other human beings in all the rest of the round world. I accept that admirable tariff statement in the platform of this convention. It would protect American business and American labor. By our acts of the past we have invited and received the retaliation of other Nations. I propose an invitation to them to forget the past, to sit at the table with us, as friends, and to plan with us for the restoration of the trade of the world.\nGo into the home of the business man. He knows what the tariff has done for him. Go into the home of the factory worker. He knows why goods do not move. Go into the home of the farmer. He knows how the tariff has helped to ruin him.\nAt last our eyes are open. At last the American people are ready to acknowledge that Republican leadership was wrong and that the Democracy is right.\nMy program, of which I can only touch on these points, is based upon this simple moral principle: the welfare and the soundness of a Nation depend first upon what the great mass of the people wish and need; and second, whether or not they are getting it.\nWhat do the people of America want more than anything else? To my mind, they want two things: work, with all the moral and spiritual values that go with it; and with work, a reasonable measure of security--security for themselves and for their wives and children. Work and security--these are more than words. They are more than facts. They are the spiritual values, the true goal toward which our efforts of reconstruction should lead. These are the values that this program is intended to gain; these are the values we have failed to achieve by the leadership we now have.\nOur Republican leaders tell us economic laws--sacred, inviolable, unchangeable--cause panics which no one could prevent. But while they prate of economic laws, men and women are starving. We must lay hold of the fact that economic laws are not made by nature. They are made by human beings.\nYes, when--not if--when we get the chance, the Federal Government will assume bold leadership in distress relief. For years Washington has alternated between putting its head in the sand and saying there is no large number of destitute people in our midst who need food and clothing, and then saying the States should take care of them, if there are. Instead of planning two and a half years ago to do what they are now trying to do, they kept putting it off from day to day, week to week, and month to month, until the conscience of America demanded action.\nI say that while primary responsibility for relief rests with localities now, as ever, yet the Federal Government has always had and still has a continuing responsibility for the broader public welfare. It will soon fulfill that responsibility.\nAnd now, just a few words about our plans for the next four months. By coming here instead of waiting for a formal notification, I have made it clear that I believe we should eliminate expensive ceremonies and that we should set in motion at once, tonight, my friends, the necessary machinery for an adequate presentation of the issues to the electorate of the Nation.\nI myself have important duties as Governor of a great State, duties which in these times are more arduous and more grave than at any previous period. Yet I feel confident that I shall be able to make a number of short visits to several parts of the Nation. My trips will have as their first objective the study at first hand, from the lips of men and women of all parties and all occupations, of the actual conditions and needs of every part of an interdependent country.\nOne word more: Out of every crisis, every tribulation, every disaster, mankind rises with some share of greater knowledge, of higher decency, of purer purpose. Today we shall have come through a period of loose thinking, descending morals, an era of selfishness, among individual men and women and among Nations. Blame not Governments alone for this. Blame ourselves in equal share. Let us be frank in acknowledgment of the truth that many amongst us have made obeisance to Mammon, that the profits of speculation, the easy road without toil, have lured us from the old barricades. To return to higher standards we must abandon the false prophets and seek new leaders of our own choosing.\nNever before in modern history have the essential differences between the two major American parties stood out in such striking contrast as they do today. Republican leaders not only have failed in material things, they have failed in national vision, because in disaster they have held out no hope, they have pointed out no path for the people below to climb back to places of security and of safety in our American life.\nThroughout the Nation, men and women, forgotten in the political philosophy of the Government of the last years look to us here for guidance and for more equitable opportunity to share in the distribution of national wealth.\nOn the farms, in the large metropolitan areas, in the smaller cities and in the villages, millions of our citizens cherish the hope that their old standards of living and of thought have not gone forever. Those millions cannot and shall not hope in vain.\nI pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people. Let us all here assembled constitute ourselves prophets of a new order of competence and of courage. This is more than a political campaign; it is a call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to win in this crusade to restore America to its own people.", "Words" -> 4299, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 297, "of" -> 234, "and" -> 144, "to" -> 119, "that" -> 102, "in" -> 90, "a" -> 60, "I" -> 59, "is" -> 57, "for" -> 47, "are" -> 37, "have" -> 35, "it" -> 34, "this" -> 32, "we" -> 29, "on" -> 29, "our" -> 27, "by" -> 27, "be" -> 26, "not" -> 25, "all" -> 25, "us" -> 23, "people" -> 20, "with" -> 18, "as" -> 18, "they" -> 17, "no" -> 17, "has" -> 17, "will" -> 16, "Government" -> 16, "an" -> 16, "their" -> 15, "Nation" -> 15, "my" -> 15, "which" -> 13, "out" -> 13, "one" -> 13, "but" -> 13, "at" -> 13, "was" -> 12, "these" -> 12, "should" -> 12, "Republican" -> 12, "now" -> 12, "must" -> 12, "know" -> 12, "from" -> 12, "every" -> 12, "do" -> 12, "years" -> 11, "The" -> 11, "into" -> 11, "friends" -> 11, "you" -> 10, "That" -> 10, "or" -> 10, "more" -> 10, "groups" -> 10, "great" -> 10, "And" -> 10, "who" -> 9, "two" -> 9, "those" -> 9, 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the Democratic Convention, my friends:\nHere, and in every community throughout the land, we are met at a time of great moment to the future of the Nation. It is an occasion to be dedicated to the simple and sincere expression of an attitude toward problems, the determination of which will profoundly affect America.\nI come not only as a leader of a party, not only as a candidate for high office, but as one upon whom many critical hours have imposed and still impose a grave responsibility.\nFor the sympathy, help and confidence with which Americans have sustained me in my task I am grateful. For their loyalty I salute the members of our great party, in and out of political life in every part of the Union. I salute those of other parties, especially those in the Congress of the United States who on so many occasions have put partisanship aside. I thank the Governors of the several States, their Legislatures, their State and local officials who participated unselfishly and regardless of party in our efforts to achieve recovery and destroy abuses. Above all I thank the millions of Americans who have borne disaster bravely and have dared to smile through the storm.\nAmerica will not forget these recent years, will not forget that the rescue was not a mere party task. It was the concern of all of us. In our strength we rose together, rallied our energies together, applied the old rules of common sense, and together survived.\nIn those days we feared fear. That was why we fought fear. And today, my friends, we have won against the most dangerous of our foes. We have conquered fear.\nBut I cannot, with candor, tell you that all is well with the world. Clouds of suspicion, tides of ill-will and intolerance gather darkly in many places. In our own land we enjoy indeed a fullness of life greater than that of most Nations. But the rush of modern civilization itself has raised for us new difficulties, new problems which must be solved if we are to preserve to the United States the political and economic freedom for which Washington and Jefferson planned and fought.\nPhiladelphia is a good city in which to write American history. This is fitting ground on which to reaffirm the faith of our fathers; to pledge ourselves to restore to the people a wider freedom; to give to 1936 as the founders gave to 1776—an American way of life.\nThat very word freedom, in itself and of necessity, suggests freedom from some restraining power. In 1776 we sought freedom from the tyranny of a political autocracy—from the eighteenth century royalists who held special privileges from the crown. It was to perpetuate their privilege that they governed without the consent of the governed; that they denied the right of free assembly and free speech; that they restricted the worship of God; that they put the average man's property and the average man's life in pawn to the mercenaries of dynastic power; that they regimented the people.\nAnd so it was to win freedom from the tyranny of political autocracy that the American Revolution was fought. That victory gave the business of governing into the hands of the average man, who won the right with his neighbors to make and order his own destiny through his own Government. Political tyranny was wiped out at Philadelphia on July 4, 1776.\nSince that struggle, however, man's inventive genius released new forces in our land which reordered the lives of our people.. The age of machinery, of railroads; of steam and electricity; the telegraph and the radio; mass production, mass distribution—all of these combined to bring forward a new civilization and with it a new problem for those who sought to remain free.\nFor out of this modern civilization economic royalists carved new dynasties. New kingdoms were built upon concentration of control over material things. Through new uses of corporations, banks and securities, new machinery of industry and agriculture, of labor and capital—all undreamed of by the fathers—the whole structure of modern life was impressed into this royal service.\nThere was no place among this royalty for our many thousands of small business men and merchants who sought to make a worthy use of the American system of initiative and profit. They were no more free than the worker or the farmer. Even honest and progressive-minded men of wealth, aware of their obligation to their generation, could never know just where they fitted into this dynastic scheme of things.\nIt was natural and perhaps human that the privileged princes of these new economic dynasties, thirsting for power, reached out for control over Government itself. They created a new despotism and wrapped it in the robes of legal sanction. In its service new mercenaries sought to regiment the people, their labor, and their property. And as a result the average man once more confronts the problem that faced the Minute Man.\nThe hours men and women worked, the wages they received, the conditions of their labor—these had passed beyond the control of the people, and were imposed by this new industrial dictatorship. The savings of the average family, the capital of the small business man, the investments set aside for old age—other people's money—these were tools which the new economic royalty used to dig itself in.\nThose who tilled the soil no longer reaped the rewards which were their right. The small measure of their gains was decreed by men in distant cities.\nThroughout the Nation, opportunity was limited by monopoly. Individual initiative was crushed in the cogs of a great machine. The field open for free business was more and more restricted. Private enterprise, indeed, became too private. It became privileged enterprise, not free enterprise.\nAn old English judge once said: \"Necessitous men are not free men.\" Liberty requires opportunity to make a living—a living decent according to the standard of the time, a living which gives man not only enough to live by, but something to live for.\nFor too many of us the political equality we once had won was meaningless in the face of economic inequality. A small group had concentrated into their own hands an almost complete control over other people's property, other people's money, other people's labor—other people's lives. For too many of us life was no longer free; liberty no longer real; men could no longer follow the pursuit of happiness.\nAgainst economic tyranny such as this, the American citizen could appeal only to the organized power of Government. The collapse of 1929 showed up the despotism for what it was. The election of 1932 was the people's mandate to end it. Under that mandate it is being ended.\nThe royalists of the economic order have conceded that political freedom was the business of the Government, but they have maintained that economic slavery was nobody's business. They granted that the Government could protect the citizen in his right to vote, but they denied that the Government could do anything to protect the citizen in his right to work and his right to live.\nToday we stand committed to the proposition that freedom is no half-and-half affair. If the average citizen is guaranteed equal opportunity in the polling place, he must have equal opportunity in the market place.\nThese economic royalists complain that we seek to overthrow the institutions of America. What they really complain of is that we seek to take away their power. Our allegiance to American institutions requires the overthrow of this kind of power. In vain they seek to hide behind the Flag and the Constitution. In their blindness they forget what the Flag and the Constitution stand for. Now, as always, they stand for democracy, not tyranny; for freedom, not subjection; and against a dictatorship by mob rule and the over-privileged alike.\nThe brave and clear platform adopted by this Convention, to which I heartily subscribe, sets forth that Government in a modern civilization has certain inescapable obligations to its citizens, among which are protection of the family and the home, the establishment of a democracy of opportunity, and aid to those overtaken by disaster.\nBut the resolute enemy within our gates is ever ready to beat down our words unless in greater courage we will fight for them.\nFor more than three years we have fought for them. This Convention, in every word and deed, has pledged that that fight will go on.\nThe defeats and victories of these years have given to us as a people a new understanding of our Government and of ourselves. Never since the early days of the New England town meeting have the affairs of Government been so widely discussed and so clearly appreciated. It has been brought home to us that the only effective guide for the safety of this most worldly of worlds, the greatest guide of all, is moral principle.\nWe do not see faith, hope and charity as unattainable ideals, but we use them as stout supports of a Nation fighting the fight for freedom in a modern civilization.\nFaith— in the soundness of democracy in the midst of dictatorships.\nHope—renewed because we know so well the progress we have made.\nCharity— in the true spirit of that grand old word. For charity literally translated from the original means love, the love that understands, that does not merely share the wealth of the giver, but in true sympathy and wisdom helps men to help themselves.\nWe seek not merely to make Government a mechanical implement, but to give it the vibrant personal character that is the very embodiment of human charity.\nWe are poor indeed if this Nation cannot afford to lift from every recess of American life the dread fear of the unemployed that they are not needed in the world. We cannot afford to accumulate a deficit in the books of human fortitude.\nIn the place of the palace of privilege we seek to build a temple out of faith and hope and charity.\nIt is a sobering thing, my friends, to be a servant of this great cause. We try in our daily work to remember that the cause belongs not to us, but to the people. The standard is not in the hands of you and me alone. It is carried by America. We seek daily to profit from experience, to learn to do better as our task proceeds.\nGovernments can err, Presidents do make mistakes, but the immortal Dante tells us that divine justice weighs the sins of the cold-blooded and the sins of the warm-hearted in different scales.\nBetter the occasional faults of a Government that lives in a spirit of charity than the consistent omissions of a Government frozen in the ice of its own indifference.\nThere is a mysterious cycle in human events. To some generations much is given. Of other generations much is expected. This generation of Americans has a rendezvous with destiny.\nIn this world of ours in other lands, there are some people, who, in times past, have lived and fought for freedom, and seem to have grown too weary to carry on the fight. They have sold their heritage of freedom for the illusion of a living. They have yielded their democracy.\nI believe in my heart that only our success can stir their ancient hope. They begin to know that here in America we are waging a great and successful war. It is not alone a war against want and destitution and economic demoralization. It is more than that; it is a war for the survival of democracy. We are fighting to save a great and precious form of government for ourselves and for the world.\nI accept the commission you have tendered me. I join with you. 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1, "assembly" -> 1, "appreciated" -> 1, "applied" -> 1, "appeal" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "ancient" -> 1, "An" -> 1, "always" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "allegiance" -> 1, "alike" -> 1, "aid" -> 1, "agriculture" -> 1, "age—other" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "Against" -> 1, "affect" -> 1, "affairs" -> 1, "affair" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accumulate" -> 1, "according" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abuses" -> 1, "Above" -> 1, "A" -> 1, "4" -> 1, "1936" -> 1, "1932" -> 1, "1929" -> 1, "1776—an" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=15980", "Date" -> DateObject[{1940, 7, 19}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "FranklinDRoosevelt::xj8jv"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Members of the Convention—my friends:\nIt is very late; but I have felt that you would rather that I speak to you now than wait until tomorrow.\nIt is with a very full heart that I speak tonight. I must confess that I do so with mixed feelings—because I find myself, as almost everyone does sooner or later in his lifetime, in a conflict between deep personal desire for retirement on the one hand, and that quiet, invisible thing called \"conscience\" on the other.\nBecause there are self-appointed commentators and interpreters who will seek to misinterpret or question motives, I speak in a somewhat personal vein; and I must trust to the good faith and common sense of the American people to accept my own good faith—and to do their own interpreting.\nWhen, in 1936, I was chosen by the voters for a second time as President, it was my firm intention to turn over the responsibilities of Government to other hands at the end of my term. That conviction remained with me. Eight years in the Presidency, following a period of bleak depression, and covering one world crisis after another, would normally entitle any man to the relaxation that comes from honorable retirement.\nDuring the spring of 1939, world events made it clear to all but the blind or the partisan that a great war in Europe had become not merely a possibility but a probability, and that such a war would of necessity deeply affect the future of this nation.\nWhen the conflict first broke out last September, it was still my intention to announce clearly and simply, at an early date, that under no conditions would I accept reelection. This fact was well known to my friends, and I think was understood by many citizens.\nIt soon became evident, however, that such a public statement on my part would be unwise from the point of view of sheer public duty. As President of the United States, it was my clear duty, with the aid of the Congress, to preserve our neutrality, to shape our program of defense, to meet rapid changes, to keep our domestic affairs adjusted to shifting world conditions, and to sustain the policy of the Good Neighbor.\nIt was also my obvious duty to maintain to the utmost the influence of this mighty nation in our effort to prevent the spread of war, and to sustain by all legal means those governments threatened by other governments which had rejected the principles of democracy.\nSwiftly moving foreign events made necessary swift action at home and beyond the seas. Plans for national defense had to be expanded and adjusted to meet new forms of warfare. American citizens and their welfare had to be safeguarded in many foreign zones of danger. National unity in the United States became a crying essential in the face of the development of unbelievable types of espionage and international treachery.\nEvery day that passed called for the postponement of personal plans and partisan debate until the latest possible moment. The normal conditions under which I would have made public declaration of my personal desires were wholly gone.\nAnd so, thinking solely of the national good and of the international scene, I came to the reluctant conclusion that such declaration should not be made before the national Convention. It was accordingly made to you within an hour after the permanent organization of this Convention.\nLike any other man, I am complimented by the honor you have done me. But I know you will understand the spirit in which I say that no call of Party alone would prevail upon me to accept reelection to the Presidency.\nThe real decision to be made in these circumstances is not the acceptance of a nomination, but rather an ultimate willingness to serve if chosen by the electorate of the United States. Many considerations enter into this decision.\nDuring the past few months, with due Congressional approval, we in the United States have been taking steps to implement the total defense of America. I cannot forget that in carrying out this program I have drafted into the service of the nation many men and women, taking them away from important private affairs, calling them suddenly from their homes and their businesses. I have asked them to leave their own work, and to contribute their skill and experience to the cause of their nation.\nI, as the head of their Government, have asked them to do this. Regardless of party, regardless of personal convenience, they came—they answered the call. Every single one of them, with one exception, has come to the nation's Capital to serve the nation.\nThese people, who have placed patriotism above all else, represent those who have made their way to what might be called the top of their professions or industries through their proven skill and experience.\nBut they alone could not be enough to meet the needs of the times.\nJust as a system of national defense based on man power alone, without the mechanized equipment of modern warfare, is totally insufficient for adequate national defense, so also planes and guns and tanks are wholly insufficient unless they are implemented by the power of men trained to use them.\nSuch man power consists not only of pilots and gunners and infantry and those who operate tanks. For every individual in actual combat service, it is necessary for adequate defense that we have ready at hand at least four or five other trained individuals organized for non-combat services.\nBecause of the millions of citizens involved in the conduct of defense, most right thinking persons are agreed that some form of selection by draft is as necessary and fair today as it was in 1917 and 1918.\nNearly every American is willing to do his share or her share to defend the United States. It is neither just nor efficient to permit that task to fall upon any one section or any one group. For every section and every group depend for their existence upon the survival of the nation as a whole.\nLying awake, as I have, on many nights, I have asked myself whether I have the right, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to call on men and women to serve their country or to train themselves to serve and, at the same time, decline to serve my country in my own personal capacity, if I am called upon to do so by the people of my country.\nIn times like these—in times of great tension, of great crisis-the compass of the world narrows to a single fact. The fact which dominates our world is the fact of armed aggression, the fact of successful armed aggression, aimed at the form of Government, the kind of society that we in the United States have chosen and established for ourselves. It is a fact which no one longer doubts -which no one is longer able to ignore.\nIt is not an ordinary war. It is a revolution imposed by force of arms, which threatens all men everywhere. It is a revolution which proposes not to set men free but to reduce them to slavery—to reduce them to slavery in the interest of a dictatorship which has already shown the nature and the extent of the advantage which it hopes to obtain.\nThat is the fact which dominates our world and which dominates the lives of all of us, each and every one of us. In the face of the danger which confronts our time, no individual retains or can hope to retain, the right of personal choice which free men enjoy in times of peace. He has a first obligation to serve in the defense of our institutions of freedom—a first obligation to serve his country in whatever capacity his country finds him useful.\nLike most men of my age, I had made plans for myself, plans for a private life of my own choice and for my own satisfaction, a life of that kind to begin in January, 1941. These plans, like so many other plans, had been made in a world which now seems as distant as another planet. Today all private plans, all private lives, have been in a sense repealed by an overriding public danger. In the face of that public danger all those who can be of service to the Republic have no choice but to offer themselves for service in those capacities for which they may be fitted.\nThose, my friends, are the reasons why I have had to admit to myself, and now to state to you, that my conscience will not let me turn my back upon a call to service.\nThe right to make that call rests with the people through the American method of a free election. Only the people themselves can draft a President. If such a draft should be made upon me, I say to you, in the utmost simplicity, I will, with God's help, continue to serve with the best of my ability and with the fullness of my strength.\nTo you, the delegates of this Convention, I express my gratitude for the selection of Henry Wallace for the high office of Vice President of the United States. His first-hand knowledge of the problems of Government in every sphere of life and in every single part of the nation—and indeed of the whole world—qualifies him without reservation. His practical idealism will be of great service to me individually and to the nation as a whole.\nAnd to the Chairman of the National Committee, the Postmaster General of the United States—my old friend Jim Farley-I send, as I have often before and shall many times again, my most affectionate greetings. All of us are sure that he will continue to give all the leadership and support that he possibly can to the cause of American democracy.\nIn some respects, as I think my good wife suggested an hour or so ago—the next few months will be different from the usual national campaigns of recent years.\nMost of you know how important it is that the President of the United States in these days remain close to the seat of Government. Since last Summer I have been compelled to abandon proposed journeys to inspect many of our great national projects from the Alleghenies to the Pacific Coast.\nEvents move so fast in other parts of the world that it has be come my duty to remain either in the White House itself or at some near-by point where I can reach Washington and even Europe and Asia by direct telephone—where, if need be, I can be back at my desk in the space of a very few hours. And in addition, the splendid work of the new defense machinery will require me to spend vastly more time in conference with the responsible administration heads under me. Finally, the added task which the present crisis has imposed also upon the Congress, compelling them to forego their usual adjournment, calls for constant cooperation between the Executive and Legislative branches, to the efficiency of which I am glad indeed now to pay tribute.\nI do expect, of course, during the coming months to make my usual periodic reports to the country through the medium of press conferences and radio talks. I shall not have the time or the inclination to engage in purely political debate. But I shall never be loath to call the attention of the nation to deliberate or unwitting falsifications of fact, which are sometimes made by political candidates.\nI have spoken to you in a very informal and personal way. The exigencies of the day require, however, that I also talk with you about things which transcend any personality and go very deeply to the roots of American civilization.\nOur lives have been based on those fundamental freedoms and liberties which we Americans have cherished for a century and a half. The establishment of them and the preservation of them in each succeeding generation have been accomplished through the processes of free elective Government—the democratic-republican form, based on the representative system and the coordination of the executive, the legislative and the judicial branches.\nThe task of safeguarding our institutions seems to me to be twofold. One must be accomplished, if it becomes necessary, by the armed defense forces of the nation. The other, by the united effort of the men and women of the country to make our Federal and State and local Governments responsive to the growing requirements of modern democracy.\nThere have been occasions, as we remember, when reactions in the march of democracy have set in, and forward-looking progress has seemed to stop.\nBut such periods have been followed by liberal and progressive times which have enabled the nation to catch up with new developments in fulfilling new human needs. Such a time has been the past seven years. Because we had seemed to lag in previous years, we have had to develop, speedily and efficiently, the answers to aspirations which had come from every State and every family in the land.\nWe have sometimes called it social legislation; we have sometimes called it legislation to end the abuses of the past; we have sometimes called it legislation for human security; and we have sometimes called it legislation to better the condition of life of the many millions of our fellow citizens, who could not have the essentials of life or hope for an American standard of living.\nSome of us have labeled it a wider and more equitable distribution of wealth in our land. It has included among its aims, to liberalize and broaden the control of vast industries—lodged today in the hands of a relatively small group of individuals of very great financial power.\nBut all of these definitions and labels are essentially the expression of one consistent thought. They represent a constantly growing sense of human decency, human decency throughout our nation.\nThis sense of human decency is happily confined to no group or class. You find it in the humblest home. You find it among those who toil, and among the shopkeepers and the farmers of the nation. You find it, to a growing degree, even among those who are listed in that top group which has so much control over the industrial and financial structure of the nation. Therefore, this urge of humanity can by no means be labeled a war of class against class. It is rather a war against poverty and suffering and ill-health and insecurity, a war in which all classes are joining in the interest of a sound and enduring democracy.\nI do not believe for a moment, and I know that you do not believe either, that we have fully answered all the needs of human security. But we have covered much of the road. I need not catalogue the milestones of seven years. For every individual and every family in the whole land know that the average of their personal lives has been made safer and sounder and happier than it has ever been before. I do not think they want the gains in these directions to be repealed or even to be placed in the charge of those who would give them mere lip-service with no heart service.\nYes, very much more remains to be done, and I think the voters want the task entrusted to those who believe that the words \"human betterment\" apply to poor and rich alike.\nAnd I have a sneaking suspicion too, that voters will smile at charges of inefficiency against a Government which has boldly met the enormous problems of banking, and finance and industry which the great efficient bankers and industrialists of the Republican Party left in such hopeless chaos in the famous year 1933.\nBut we all know that our progress at home and in the other American nations toward this realization of a better human decency—progress along free lines— is gravely endangered by what is happening on other continents. In Europe, many nations, through dictatorships or invasions, have been compelled to abandon normal democratic processes. They have been compelled to adopt forms of government which some call \"new and efficient.\"\nThey are not new, my friends, they are only a relapse—a relapse into ancient history. The omnipotent rulers of the greater part of modern Europe have guaranteed efficiency, and work, and a type of security.\nBut the slaves who built the pyramids for the glory of the dictator Pharaohs of Egypt had that kind of security, that kind of efficiency, that kind of corporative state.\nSo did the inhabitants of that world which extended from Britain to Persia under the undisputed rule of the proconsuls sent out from Rome.\nSo did the henchmen, the tradesmen, the mercenaries and the slaves of the feudal system which dominated Europe a thousand years ago.\nSo did the people of those nations of Europe who received their kings and their government at the whim of the conquering Napoleon.\nWhatever its new trappings and new slogans, tyranny is the oldest and most discredited rule known to history. And whenever tyranny has replaced a more human form of Government it has been due more to internal causes than external. Democracy can thrive only when it enlists the devotion of those whom Lincoln called the common people. Democracy can hold that devotion only when it adequately respects their dignity by so ordering society as to assure to the masses of men and women reasonable security and hope for themselves and for their children.\nWe in our democracy, and those who live in still unconquered democracies, will never willingly descend to any form of this so-called security of efficiency which calls for the abandonment of other securities more vital to the dignity of man. It is our credo-unshakable to the end—that we must live under the liberties that were first heralded by Magna Carta and placed into glorious operation through the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United States and the Bill of Rights.\nThe Government of the United States for the past seven years has had the courage openly to oppose by every peaceful means the spread of the dictator form of Government. If our Government should pass to other hands next January-untried hands, inexperienced hands—we can merely hope and pray that they will not substitute appeasement and compromise with those who seek to destroy all democracies everywhere, including here.\nI would not undo, if I could, the efforts I made to prevent war from the moment it was threatened and to restrict the area of carnage, down to the last minute. I do not now soften the condemnation expressed by Secretary Hull and myself from time to time for the acts of aggression that have wiped out ancient liberty-loving, peace-pursuing countries which had scrupulously maintained neutrality. I do not recant the sentiments of sympathy with all free peoples resisting such aggression, or begrudge the material aid that we have given to them. I do not regret my consistent endeavor to awaken this country to the menace for us and for all we hold dear.\n· I have pursued these efforts in the face of appeaser fifth columnists who charged me with hysteria and war-mongering. But I felt it my duty, my simple, plain, inescapable duty, to arouse my countrymen to the danger of the new forces let loose in the world.\nSo long as I am President, I will do all I can to insure that that foreign policy remain our foreign policy.\nAll that I have done to maintain the peace of this country and to prepare it morally, as well as physically, for whatever contingencies may be in store, I submit to the judgment of my countrymen. We face one of the great choices of history.\nIt is not alone a choice of Government by the people versus dictatorship.\nIt is not alone a choice of freedom versus slavery.\nIt is not alone a choice between moving forward or falling back. It is all of these rolled into one.\nIt is the continuance of civilization as we know it versus the ultimate destruction of all that we have held dear—religion against godlessness; the ideal of justice against the practice of force; moral decency versus the firing squad; courage to speak out, and to act, versus the false lullaby of appeasement.\nBut it has been well said that a selfish and greedy people cannot be free.\nThe American people must decide whether these things are worth making sacrifices of money, of energy, and of self. They will not decide by listening to mere words or by reading mere pledges, interpretations and claims. They will decide on the record—the record as it has been made—the record of things as they are.\nThe American people will sustain the progress of a representative democracy, asking the Divine Blessing as they face the future with courage and with faith.", "Words" -> 3503, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 239, "of" -> 195, "to" -> 140, "and" -> 107, "in" -> 61, "I" -> 59, "a" -> 55, "that" -> 48, "have" -> 46, "which" -> 32, "my" -> 32, "for" -> 30, "it" -> 28, "is" -> 27, "by" -> 25, "not" -> 24, "be" -> 24, "as" -> 23, "or" -> 20, "with" -> 19, "their" -> 19, "our" -> 19, "all" -> 19, "we" -> 18, "It" -> 18, "has" -> 17, "been" -> 16, "will" -> 15, "who" -> 15, "those" -> 14, "are" -> 14, "them" -> 13, "nation" -> 13, "made" -> 13, "had" -> 13, "do" -> 13, "you" -> 12, "this" -> 12, "The" -> 12, "other" -> 12, "one" -> 12, "every" -> 12, "at" -> 12, "United" -> 11, "people" -> 11, "Government" -> 11, "from" -> 11, "can" -> 11, "world" -> 10, "was" -> 10, "States" -> 10, "on" -> 10, "me" -> 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2, "require" -> 2, "representative" -> 2, "represent" -> 2, "repealed" -> 2, "reelection" -> 2, "reduce" -> 2, "record" -> 2, "program" -> 2, "processes" -> 2, "problems" -> 2, "prevent" -> 2, "Presidency" -> 2, "political" -> 2, "point" -> 2, "peace" -> 2, "Party" -> 2, "partisan" -> 2, "over" -> 2, "obligation" -> 2, "normal" -> 2, "next" -> 2, "never" -> 2, "neutrality" -> 2, "need" -> 2, "National" -> 2, "moving" -> 2, "millions" -> 2, "merely" -> 2, "may" -> 2, "maintain" -> 2, "longer" -> 2, "live" -> 2, "Like" -> 2, "like" -> 2, "liberties" -> 2, "let" -> 2, "labeled" -> 2, "known" -> 2, "its" -> 2, "international" -> 2, "interest" -> 2, "intention" -> 2, "insufficient" -> 2, "institutions" -> 2, "individuals" -> 2, "indeed" -> 2, "imposed" -> 2, "important" -> 2, "If" -> 2, "however" -> 2, "hour" -> 2, "hold" -> 2, "His" -> 2, "him" -> 2, "heart" -> 2, "he" -> 2, "hand" -> 2, "governments" -> 2, "government" -> 2, "give" -> 2, "future" -> 2, "forms" -> 2, "forces" -> 2, "force" -> 2, "financial" -> 2, "felt" -> 2, "family" -> 2, "faith" -> 2, "experience" -> 2, "everywhere" -> 2, "Every" -> 2, "events" -> 2, "end" -> 2, "either" -> 2, "efforts" -> 2, "effort" -> 2, "each" -> 2, "During" -> 2, "due" -> 2, "dignity" -> 2, "dictatorship" -> 2, "dictator" -> 2, "devotion" -> 2, "Democracy" -> 2, "democracies" -> 2, "deeply" -> 2, "declaration" -> 2, "decision" -> 2, "debate" -> 2, "day" -> 2, "crisis" -> 2, "countrymen" -> 2, "control" -> 2, "continue" -> 2, "consistent" -> 2, "conscience" -> 2, "Congress" -> 2, "conflict" -> 2, "common" -> 2, "clear" -> 2, "civilization" -> 2, "cause" -> 2, "capacity" -> 2, "cannot" -> 2, "calls" -> 2, "branches" -> 2, "better" -> 2, "became" -> 2, "appeasement" -> 2, "answered" -> 2, "another" -> 2, "ancient" -> 2, "All" -> 2, "aid" -> 2, "after" -> 2, "affairs" -> 2, "adjusted" -> 2, "adequate" -> 2, "accomplished" -> 2, "abandon" -> 2, "zones" -> 1, "Yes" -> 1, "year" -> 1, "worth" -> 1, "world—qualifies" -> 1, "within" -> 1, "wiped" -> 1, "willingness" -> 1, "willingly" -> 1, "willing" -> 1, "wife" -> 1, "wider" -> 1, "why" -> 1, "whom" -> 1, "White" -> 1, "whim" -> 1, "where" -> 1, "whenever" -> 1, "Whatever" -> 1, "welfare" -> 1, "wealth" -> 1, "Washington" -> 1, "war-mongering" -> 1, "Wallace" -> 1, "wait" -> 1, "vital" -> 1, "view" -> 1, "Vice" -> 1, "vein" -> 1, "vastly" -> 1, "vast" -> 1, "useful" -> 1, "use" -> 1, "urge" -> 1, "up" -> 1, "unwitting" -> 1, "unwise" -> 1, "unless" -> 1, "unity" -> 1, "united" -> 1, "undo" -> 1, "undisputed" -> 1, "understood" -> 1, "understand" -> 1, "unconquered" -> 1, "unbelievable" -> 1, "types" -> 1, "type" -> 1, "twofold" -> 1, "trust" -> 1, "tribute" -> 1, "treachery" -> 1, "trappings" -> 1, "transcend" -> 1, "train" -> 1, "tradesmen" -> 1, "toward" -> 1, "totally" -> 1, "total" -> 1, "too" -> 1, "tonight" -> 1, "tomorrow" -> 1, "toil" -> 1, "Today" -> 1, "To" -> 1, "throughout" -> 1, "thrive" -> 1, "threatens" -> 1, "thousand" -> 1, "thought" -> 1, "Those" -> 1, "thing" -> 1, "these—in" -> 1, "Therefore" -> 1, "There" -> 1, "there" -> 1, "term" -> 1, "tension" -> 1, "telephone—where" -> 1, "talks" -> 1, "talk" -> 1, "sympathy" -> 1, "Swiftly" -> 1, "swift" -> 1, "suspicion" -> 1, "survival" -> 1, "sure" -> 1, "support" -> 1, "Summer" -> 1, "suggested" -> 1, "suffering" -> 1, "suddenly" -> 1, "successful" -> 1, "succeeding" -> 1, "substitute" -> 1, "submit" -> 1, "structure" -> 1, "strength" -> 1, "store" -> 1, "stop" -> 1, "steps" -> 1, "States—my" -> 1, "statement" -> 1, "standard" -> 1, "squad" -> 1, "spring" -> 1, "spoken" -> 1, "splendid" -> 1, "spirit" -> 1, "sphere" -> 1, "spend" -> 1, "speedily" -> 1, "space" -> 1, "sounder" -> 1, "sound" -> 1, "sooner" -> 1, "soon" -> 1, "somewhat" -> 1, "Some" -> 1, "solely" -> 1, "soften" -> 1, "social" -> 1, "so-called" -> 1, "sneaking" -> 1, "smile" -> 1, "small" -> 1, "slogans" -> 1, "slavery—to" -> 1, "Since" -> 1, "simply" -> 1, "simplicity" -> 1, "simple" -> 1, "shown" -> 1, "shopkeepers" -> 1, "shifting" -> 1, "sheer" -> 1, "shape" -> 1, "services" -> 1, "September" -> 1, "sentiments" -> 1, "sent" -> 1, "send" -> 1, "selfish" -> 1, "self-appointed" -> 1, "self" -> 1, "securities" -> 1, "Secretary" -> 1, "second" -> 1, "seat" -> 1, "seas" -> 1, "scrupulously" -> 1, "scene" -> 1, "satisfaction" -> 1, "same" -> 1, "said" -> 1, "safer" -> 1, "safeguarding" -> 1, "safeguarded" -> 1, "sacrifices" -> 1, "rulers" -> 1, "roots" -> 1, "Rome" -> 1, "rolled" -> 1, "road" -> 1, "Rights" -> 1, "rich" -> 1, "retains" -> 1, "retain" -> 1, "rests" -> 1, "restrict" -> 1, "responsive" -> 1, "responsible" -> 1, "responsibilities" -> 1, "resisting" -> 1, "reservation" -> 1, "requirements" -> 1, "Republican" -> 1, "Republic" -> 1, "reports" -> 1, "replaced" -> 1, "remember" -> 1, "remains" -> 1, "remained" -> 1, "reluctant" -> 1, "relaxation" -> 1, "relatively" -> 1, "relapse—a" -> 1, "relapse" -> 1, "rejected" -> 1, "regret" -> 1, "Regardless" -> 1, "regardless" -> 1, "record—the" -> 1, 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"peoples" -> 1, "peace-pursuing" -> 1, "peaceful" -> 1, "pay" -> 1, "patriotism" -> 1, "passed" -> 1, "pass" -> 1, "party" -> 1, "parts" -> 1, "Pacific" -> 1, "overriding" -> 1, "ourselves" -> 1, "Our" -> 1, "organized" -> 1, "organization" -> 1, "ordinary" -> 1, "ordering" -> 1, "oppose" -> 1, "operation" -> 1, "operate" -> 1, "openly" -> 1, "Only" -> 1, "One" -> 1, "omnipotent" -> 1, "oldest" -> 1, "old" -> 1, "often" -> 1, "office" -> 1, "offer" -> 1, "occasions" -> 1, "obvious" -> 1, "obtain" -> 1, "normally" -> 1, "nor" -> 1, "non-combat" -> 1, "nomination" -> 1, "nights" -> 1, "neither" -> 1, "Neighbor" -> 1, "necessity" -> 1, "Nearly" -> 1, "near-by" -> 1, "Navy" -> 1, "nature" -> 1, "nation—and" -> 1, "nation's" -> 1, "narrows" -> 1, "Napoleon" -> 1, "move" -> 1, "motives" -> 1, "Most" -> 1, "morally" -> 1, "moral" -> 1, "money" -> 1, "mixed" -> 1, "misinterpret" -> 1, "minute" -> 1, "milestones" -> 1, "mighty" -> 1, "might" -> 1, "method" -> 1, "met" -> 1, "mercenaries" -> 1, 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"condemnation" -> 1, "conclusion" -> 1, "compromise" -> 1, "complimented" -> 1, "compelling" -> 1, "compass" -> 1, "Committee" -> 1, "commentators" -> 1, "Commander-in-Chief" -> 1, "coming" -> 1, "comes" -> 1, "combat" -> 1, "columnists" -> 1, "Coast" -> 1, "close" -> 1, "clearly" -> 1, "classes" -> 1, "claims" -> 1, "circumstances" -> 1, "choices" -> 1, "children" -> 1, "cherished" -> 1, "charges" -> 1, "charged" -> 1, "charge" -> 1, "chaos" -> 1, "changes" -> 1, "Chairman" -> 1, "century" -> 1, "causes" -> 1, "catch" -> 1, "catalogue" -> 1, "Carta" -> 1, "carrying" -> 1, "carnage" -> 1, "Capital" -> 1, "capacities" -> 1, "candidates" -> 1, "campaigns" -> 1, "came—they" -> 1, "came" -> 1, "calling" -> 1, "businesses" -> 1, "built" -> 1, "broke" -> 1, "broaden" -> 1, "Britain" -> 1, "boldly" -> 1, "blind" -> 1, "Blessing" -> 1, "bleak" -> 1, "Bill" -> 1, "beyond" -> 1, "betterment" -> 1, "best" -> 1, "begrudge" -> 1, "begin" -> 1, "becomes" -> 1, "become" -> 1, "banking" -> 1, "bankers" -> 1, "away" -> 1, "awaken" -> 1, "awake" -> 1, "average" -> 1, "attention" -> 1, "assure" -> 1, "aspirations" -> 1, "asking" -> 1, "Asia" -> 1, "As" -> 1, "arouse" -> 1, "Army" -> 1, "arms" -> 1, "area" -> 1, "approval" -> 1, "apply" -> 1, "appeaser" -> 1, "answers" -> 1, "announce" -> 1, "Americans" -> 1, "America" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "along" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "Alleghenies" -> 1, "alike" -> 1, "aims" -> 1, "aimed" -> 1, "agreed" -> 1, "ago—the" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "again" -> 1, "affectionate" -> 1, "affect" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "adopt" -> 1, "admit" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "adjournment" -> 1, "adequately" -> 1, "addition" -> 1, "added" -> 1, "actual" -> 1, "acts" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "act" -> 1, "accordingly" -> 1, "acceptance" -> 1, "abuses" -> 1, "above" -> 1, "about" -> 1, "able" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "abandonment" -> 1, "1941" -> 1, "1939" -> 1, "1936" -> 1, "1933" -> 1, "1918" -> 1, "1917" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=16537", "Date" -> DateObject[{1944, 7, 20}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "FranklinDRoosevelt::xj8jv"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I have already indicated to you why I accept the nomination that you have offered me—in spite of my desire to retire to the quiet of private life.\nYou in this Convention are aware of what I have sought to gain for the Nation, and you have asked me to continue.\nIt seems wholly likely that within the next four years our armed forces, and those of our allies, will have gained a complete victory over Germany and Japan, sooner or later, and that the world once more will be at peace—under a system, we hope that will prevent a new world war. In any event, whenever that time comes, new hands will then have full opportunity to realize the ideals which we seek.\nIn the last three elections the people of the United States have transcended party affiliation. Not only Democrats but also forward-looking Republicans and millions of independent voters have turned to progressive leadership- a leadership which has sought consistently—and with fair success—to advance the lot of the average American citizen who had been so forgotten during the period after the last war. I am confident that they will continue to look to that same kind of liberalism to build our safer economy for the future.\nI am sure that you will understand me when I say that my decision, expressed to you formally tonight, is based solely on a sense of obligation to serve if called upon to do so by the people of the United States.\nI shall not campaign, in the usual sense, for the office. In these days of tragic sorrow, I do not consider it fitting. And besides, in these days of global warfare, I shall not be able to find the time. I shall, however, feel free to report to the people the facts about matters of concern to them and especially to correct any misrepresentations.\nDuring the past few days I have been coming across the whole width of the continent, to a naval base where I am speaking to you now from the train.\nAs I was crossing the fertile lands and the wide plains and the Great Divide, I could not fail to think of the new relationship between the people of our farms and cities and villages and the people of the rest of the world overseas- on the islands of the Pacific, in the Far East, and in the other Americas, in Britain and Normandy and Germany and Poland and Russia itself.\nFor Oklahoma and California, for example, are becoming a part of all these distant spots as greatly as Massachusetts and Virginia were a part of the European picture in 1778. Today, Oklahoma and California are being defended in Normandy and on Saipan; and they must be defended there—for what happens in Normandy and Saipan vitally affects the security and well-being of every human being in Oklahoma and California.\nMankind changes the scope and the breadth of its thought and vision slowly indeed. In the days of the Roman Empire eyes were focused on Europe and the Mediterranean area. The civilization in the Far East was barely known. The American continents were unheard of.\nAnd even after the people of Europe began to spill over to other continents, the people of North America in Colonial days knew only their Atlantic seaboard and a tiny portion of the other Americas, and they turned mostly for trade and international relationship to Europe. Africa, at that time, was considered only as the provider of human chattels. Asia was essentially unknown to our ancestors.\nDuring the nineteenth century, during that era of development and expansion on this continent, we felt a natural isolation—geographic, economic, and political—an isolation from the vast world which lay overseas.\nNot until this generation—roughly this century—have people here and elsewhere been compelled more and more to widen the orbit of their vision to include every part of the world. Yes, it has been a wrench perhaps—but a very necessary one.\nIt is good that we are all getting that broader vision. For we shall need it after the war. The isolationists and the ostriches who plagued our thinking before Pearl Harbor are becoming slowly extinct. The American people now know that all Nations of the world- large and small- will have to play their appropriate part in keeping the peace by force, and in deciding peacefully the disputes which might lead to war.\nWe all know how truly the world has become one- that if Germany and Japan, for example, were to come through this war with their philosophies established and their armies intact, our own grandchildren would again have to be fighting in their day for their liberties and their lives.\nSome day soon we shall all be able to fly to any other part of the world within twenty-four hours. Oceans will no longer figure as greatly in our physical defense as they have in the past. For our own safety and for our own economic good, therefore -if for no other reason- we must take a leading part in the maintenance of peace and in the increase of trade among all the Nations of the world.\nAnd that is why your Government for many, many months has been laying plans, and studying the problems of the near future—preparing itself to act so that the people of the United States may not suffer hardships after the war, may continue constantly to improve their standards, and may join with other Nations in doing the same. There are even now working toward that end, the best staff in all our history- men and women of all parties and from every part of the Nation. I realize that planning is a word which in some places brings forth sneers. But, for example, before our entry into the war it was planning. which made possible the magnificent organization and equipment of the Army and Navy of the United States which are fighting for us and for our civilization today.\nImprovement through planning is the order of the day. Even m military affairs, things do not stand still. An army or a navy trained and equipped and fighting according to a 1932 model would not have been a safe reliance in 1944. And if we are to progress in our civilization, improvement is necessary in other fields—in the physical things that are a part of our daily lives, and also in the concepts of social justice at home and abroad.\nI am now at this naval base in the performance of my duties under the Constitution. The war waits for no elections. Decisions must be made- plans must be laid—strategy must be carried out. They do not concern merely a party or a group. They will affect the daily lives of Americans for generations to come.\nWhat is the job before us in 1944? First, to win the war—to win the war fast, to win it overpoweringly. Second, to form worldwide international organizations, and to arrange to use the armed forces of the sovereign Nations of the world to make another war impossible within the foreseeable future. And third, to build an economy for our returning veterans and for all Americans—which will provide employment and provide decent standards of living.\nThe people of the United States will decide this fall whether they wish to turn over this 1944 job—this worldwide job—to inexperienced or immature hands, to those who opposed lend-lease and international cooperation against the forces of aggression and tyranny, until they could read the polls of popular sentiment; or whether they wish to leave it to those who saw the danger from abroad, who met it head-on, and who now have seized the offensive and carried the war to its present stages of success—to those who, by international conferences and united actions have begun to build that kind of common understanding and cooperative experience which will be so necessary in the world to come.\nThey will also decide, these people of ours, whether they will entrust the task of postwar reconversion to those who offered the veterans of the last war breadlines and apple-selling and who finally led the American people down to the abyss of 1932; or whether they will leave it to those who rescued American business, agriculture, industry, finance, and labor in 1933, and who have already planned and put through much legislation to help our veterans resume their normal occupations in a well-ordered reconversion process.\nThey will not decide these questions by reading glowing words or platform pledges—the mouthings of those who are willing to promise anything and everything—contradictions, inconsistencies, impossibilities—anything which might snare a few votes here and a few votes there.\nThey will decide on the record—the record written on the seas, on the land, and in the skies.\nThey will decide on the record of our domestic accomplishments in recovery and reform since March 4, 1933.\nAnd they will decide on the record of our war production and food production- unparalleled in all history, in spite of the doubts and sneers of those in high places who said it cannot be done.\nThey will decide on the record of the International Food Conference, of U.N.R.R.A., of the International Labor Conference, of the International Education Conference, of the International Monetary Conference.\nAnd they will decide on the record written in the Atlantic Charter, at Casablanca, at Cairo, at Moscow, and at Teheran.\nWe have made mistakes. Who has not?\nThings will not always be perfect. Are they ever perfect, in human affairs?\nBut the objective at home and abroad has always been clear before us. Constantly, we have made steady, sure progress toward that objective. The record is plain and unmistakable as to that—a record for everyone to read.\nThe greatest wartime President in our history, after a wartime election which he called the \"most reliable indication of public purpose in this country,\" set the goal for the United States, a goal in terms as applicable today as they were in 1865—-terms which the human mind cannot improve:\n\". . . .with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the Nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan- to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all Nations.\"", "Words" -> 1743, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 127, "and" -> 81, "of" -> 71, "to" -> 64, "in" -> 44, "a" -> 26, "will" -> 22, "that" -> 22, "for" -> 21, "our" -> 20, "have" -> 19, "I" -> 16, "who" -> 14, "war" -> 13, "they" -> 13, "people" -> 13, "on" -> 13, "which" -> 12, "all" -> 12, 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"agriculture" -> 1, "aggression" -> 1, "against" -> 1, "again" -> 1, "Africa" -> 1, "affiliation" -> 1, "affects" -> 1, "affect" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "actions" -> 1, "act" -> 1, "across" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "according" -> 1, "accomplishments" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abyss" -> 1, "about" -> 1, "4" -> 1, "1865" -> 1, "1778" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=12962", "Date" -> DateObject[{1948, 7, 15}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "HarrySTruman::nrj83"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Philadelphia", "Pennsylvania", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I AM SORRY that the microphones are in the way, but I must leave them the way they are because I have got to be able to see what I am doing--as I am always able to see what I am doing.\nI can't tell you how very much I appreciate the honor which you have just conferred upon me. I shall continue to try to deserve it.\nI accept the nomination.\nAnd I want to thank this convention for its unanimous nomination of my good friend and colleague, Senator Barkley of Kentucky. He is a great man, and a great public servant. Senator Barkley and I will win this election and make these Republicans like it--don't you forget that!\nWe will do that because they are wrong and we are right, and I will prove it to you in just a few minutes.\nThis convention met to express the will and reaffirm the beliefs of the Democratic Party. There have been differences of opinion, and that is the democratic way. Those differences have been settled by a majority vote, as they should be.\nNow it is time for us to get together and beat the common enemy. And that is up to you.\nWe have been working together for victory in a great cause. Victory has become a habit of our party. It has been elected four times in succession, and I am convinced it will be elected a fifth time next November.\nThe reason is that the people know that the Democratic Party is the people's party, and the Republican Party is the party of special interest, and it always has been and always will be.\nThe record of the Democratic Party is written in the accomplishments of the last 16 years. I don't need to repeat them. They have been very ably placed before this convention by the keynote speaker, the candidate for Vice President, and by the permanent chairman.\nConfidence and security have been brought to the people by the Democratic Party. Farm income has increased from less than $2 ј billion in 1932 to more than $18 billion in 1947. Never in the world were the farmers of any republic or any kingdom or any other country as prosperous as the farmers of the United States; and if they don't do their duty by the Democratic Party, they are the most ungrateful people in the world!\nWages and salaries in this country have increased from 29 billion in 1933 to more than $128 billion in 1947. That's labor, and labor never had but one friend in politics, and that is the Democratic Party and Franklin D. Roosevelt.\nAnd I say to labor what I have said to the farmers: they are the most ungrateful people in the world if they pass the Democratic Party by this year.\nThe total national income has increased from less than $40 billion in 1933 to $203 billion in 1947, the greatest in all the history of the world. These benefits have been spread to all the people, because it is the business of the Democratic Party to see that the people get a fair share of these things.\nThis last, worst 80th Congress proved just the opposite for the Republicans.\nThe record on foreign policy of the Democratic Party is that the United States has been turned away permanently from isolationism, and we have converted the greatest and best of the Republicans to our viewpoint on that subject.\nThe United States has to accept its full responsibility for leadership in international affairs. We have been the backers and the people who organized and started the United Nations, first started under that great Democratic President, Woodrow Wilson, as the League of Nations. The League was sabotaged by the Republicans in 1920. And we must see that the United Nations continues a strong and growing body, so we can have everlasting peace in the world.\nWe removed trade barriers in the world, which is the best asset we can have for peace. Those trade barriers must not be put back into operation again.\nWe have started the foreign aid program, which means the recovery of Europe and China, and the Far East. We instituted the program for Greece and Turkey, and I will say to you that all these things were done in a cooperative and bipartisan manner. The Foreign Relations Committees of the Senate and House were taken into the full confidence of the President in every one of these moves, and don't let anybody tell you anything else.\nAs I have said time and time again, foreign policy should be the policy of the whole Nation and not the policy of one party or the other. Partisanship should stop at the water's edge; and I shall continue to preach that through this whole campaign.\nI would like to say a word or two now on what I think the Republican philosophy is; and I will speak from actions and from history and from experience.\nThe situation in 1932 was due to the policies of the Republican Party control of the Government of the United States. The Republican Party, as I said a while ago, favors the privileged few and not the common everyday man. Ever since its inception, that party has been under the control of special privilege; and they have completely proved it in the 80th Congress. They proved it by the things they did to the people, and not for them. They proved it by the things they failed to do.\nNow, let's look at some of them--just a few.\nTime and time again I recommended extension of price control before it expired June 30, 1946. I asked for that extension in September 1945, in November 1945, in a Message on the State of the Union in 1946; and that price control legislation did not come to my desk until June 30, 1946, on the day on which it was supposed to expire. And it was such a rotten bill that I couldn't sign it. And 30 days after that, they sent me one just as bad. I had to sign it, because they quit and went home.\nThey said, when OPA died, that prices would adjust themselves for the benefit of the country. They have been adjusting themselves all right! They have gone all the way off the chart in adjusting themselves, at the expense of the consumer and for the benefit of the people that hold the goods.\nI called a special session of the Congress in November 1947--November 17, 1947--and I set out a 10-point program for the welfare and benefit of this country, among other things standby controls. I got nothing. Congress has still done nothing.\nWay back 4 1/2 years ago, while I was in the Senate, we passed a housing bill in the Senate known as the Wagner-Ellender-Taft bill. It was a bill to clear the slums in the big cities and to help to erect low-rent housing. That bill, as I said, passed the Senate 4 years ago. It died in the House. That bill was reintroduced in the 80th Congress as the Taft-Ellender-Wagner bill. The name was slightly changed, but it is practically the same bill. And it passed the Senate, but it was allowed to die in the House of Representatives; and they sat on that bill, and finally forced it out of the Banking and Currency Committee, and the Rules Committee took charge, and it still is in the Rules Committee.\nBut desperate pleas from Philadelphia in that convention that met here 3 weeks ago couldn't get that housing bill passed. They passed a bill they called a housing bill, which isn't worth the paper it's written on.\nIn the field of labor we needed moderate legislation to promote labor-management harmony, but Congress passed instead that so-called Taft-Hartley Act, which has disrupted labor-management relations and will cause strife and bitterness for years to come if it is not repealed, as the Democratic platform says it ought to be repealed.\nOn the Labor Department, the Republican platform of 1944 said, if they were in power, that they would build up a strong Labor Department. They have simply torn it up. Only one bureau is left that is functioning, and they cut the appropriation of that so it can hardly function.\nI recommended an increase in the minimum wage. What did I get? Nothing. Absolutely nothing.\nI suggested that the schools in this country are crowded, teachers underpaid, and that there is a shortage of teachers. One of our greatest national needs is more and better schools. I urged the Congress to provide $300 million to aid the States in the present educational crisis. Congress did nothing about it. Time and again I have recommended improvements in the social security law, including extending protection to those not now covered, and increasing the amount of benefits, to reduce the eligibility age of women from 65 to 60 years. Congress studied the matter for 2 years, but couldn't find the time to extend or increase the benefits. But they did find time to take social security benefits away from 750,000 people, and they passed that over my veto.\nI have repeatedly asked the Congress to pass a health program. The Nation suffers from lack of medical care. That situation can be remedied any time the Congress wants to act upon it.\nEverybody knows that I recommended to the Congress the civil rights program. I did that because I believed it to be my duty under the Constitution. Some of the members of my own party disagree with me violently on this matter. But they stand up and do it openly! People can tell where they stand. But the Republicans all professed to be for these measures. But Congress failed to act. They had enough men to do it, they could have had cloture, they didn't have to have a filibuster. They had enough people in that Congress that would vote for cloture.\nNow everybody likes to have low taxes, but we must reduce the national debt in times of prosperity. And when tax relief can be given, it ought to go to those who need it most, and not those who need it least, as this Republican rich man's tax bill did when they passed it over my veto on the third try.\nThe first one of these was so rotten that they couldn't even stomach it themselves. They finally did send one that was somewhat improved, but it still helps the rich and sticks a knife into the back of the poor.\nNow the Republicans came here a few weeks ago, and they wrote a platform. I hope you have all read that platform. They adopted the platform, and that platform had a lot of promises and statements of what the Republican Party is for, and what they would do if they were in power. They promised to do in that platform a lot of things I have been asking them to do that they have refused to do when they had the power.\nThe Republican platform cries about cruelly high prices. I have been trying to get them to do something about high prices ever since they met the first time.\nNow listen! This is equally as bad, and as cynical. The Republican platform comes out for slum clearance and low-rental housing. I have been trying to get them to pass that housing bill ever since they met the first time, and it is still resting in the Rules Committee, that bill.\nThe Republican platform favors educational opportunity and promotion of education. I have been trying to get Congress to do something about that ever since they came there, and that bill is at rest in the House of Representatives.\nThe Republican platform is for extending and increasing social security benefits. Think of that! Increasing social security benefits! Yet when they had the opportunity, they took 750,000 off the social security rolls !\nI wonder if they think they can fool the people of the United States with such poppycock as that!\nThere is a long list of these promises in that Republican platform. If it weren't so late, I would tell you all about them. I have discussed a number of these failures of the Republican 80th Congress. Every one of them is important. Two of them are of major concern to nearly every American family. They failed to do anything about high prices, they failed to do anything about housing.\nMy duty as President requires that I use every means within my power to get the laws the people need on matters of such importance and urgency.\nI am therefore calling this Congress back into session July 26th.\nOn the 26th day of July, which out in Missouri we call \"Turnip Day,\" I am going to call Congress back and ask them to pass laws to halt rising prices, to meet the housing crisis--which they are saying they are for in their platform.\nAt the same time I shall ask them to act upon other vitally needed measures such as aid to education, which they say they are for; a national health program; civil rights legislation, which they say they are for; an increase in the minimum wage, which I doubt very much they are for; extension of the social security coverage and increased benefits, which they say they are for; funds for projects needed in our program to provide public power and cheap electricity. By indirection, this 80th Congress has tried to sabotage the power policies the United States has pursued for 14 years. That power lobby is as bad as the real estate lobby, which is sitting on the housing bill.\nI shall ask for adequate and decent laws for displaced persons in place of this anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic law which this 80th Congress passed.\nNow, my friends, if there is any reality behind that Republican platform, we ought to get some action from a short session of the 80th Congress. They can do this job in 15 days, if they want to do it. They will still have time to go out and run for office.\nThey are going to try to dodge their responsibility. They are going to drag all the red herrings they can across this campaign, but I am here to say that Senator Barkley and I are not going to let them get away with it.\nNow, what that worst 80th Congress does in this special session will be the test. The American people will not decide by listening to mere words, or by reading a mere platform. They will decide on the record, the record as it has been written. And in the record is the stark truth, that the battle lines of 1948 are the same as they were in 1932, when the Nation lay prostrate and helpless as a result of Republican misrule and inaction.\nIn 1932 we were attacking the citadel of special privilege and greed. We were fighting to drive the money changers from the temple. Today, in 1948, we are now the defenders of the stronghold of democracy and of equal opportunity, the haven of the ordinary people of this land and not of the favored classes or the powerful few. The battle cry is just the same now as it was in 1932, and I paraphrase the words of Franklin D. Roosevelt as he issued the challenge, in accepting nomination in Chicago: \"This is more than a political call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to win in this new crusade to keep America secure and safe for its own people.\"\nNow my friends, with the help of God and the wholehearted push which you can put behind this campaign, we can save this country from a continuation of the 80th Congress, and from misrule from now on.\nI must have your help. You must get in and push, and win this election. 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-> 1, "appropriation" -> 1, "appreciate" -> 1, "anybody" -> 1, "anti-Semitic" -> 1, "anti-Catholic" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "amount" -> 1, "among" -> 1, "America" -> 1, "AM" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "allowed" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "after" -> 1, "afford" -> 1, "affairs" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "adjust" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "actions" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "Act" -> 1, "across" -> 1, "accomplishments" -> 1, "accepting" -> 1, "Absolutely" -> 1, "ably" -> 1, "65" -> 1, "60" -> 1, "3" -> 1, "29" -> 1, "2" -> 1, "1944" -> 1, "1920" -> 1, "17" -> 1, "16" -> 1, "15" -> 1, "14" -> 1, "1/2" -> 1, "10-point" -> 1, "ј" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75173", "Date" -> DateObject[{1952, 7, 26}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "AdlaiStevenson::q8273"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention, My Fellow Citizens.\nI accept your nomination and your program.\nI should have preferred to hear those words uttered by a stronger, a wiser, a better man than myself. But, after listening to the President's speech, I even feel better about myself. None of you, my friends, can wholly appreciate what is in my heart. I can only hope that you understand my words. They will be few.\nI have not sought the honor you have done me. I could not seek it, because I aspired to another office, which was the full measure of my ambition, and one does not treat the highest office within the gift of the people of Illinois as an alternative or as a consolation prize.\nI would not seek your nomination for the Presidency, because the burdens of that office stagger the imagination. Its potential for good or evil, now and in the years of our lives, smothers exultation and converts vanity to prayer.\nI have asked the Merciful Father -- the Father of us all -- to let this cup pass from me, but from such dreaded responsibility one does not shrink in fear, in self-interest, or in false humility. So, \"If this cup may not pass from me, except I drink it, Thy will be done.\"\nThat my heart has been troubled, that I have not sought this nomination, that I could not seek it in good conscience, that I would not seek it in honest self-appraisal, is not to say that I value it the less. Rather, it is that I revere the office of the Presidency of the United States. And now, my friends, that you have made your decision, I will fight to win that office with -- with all my heart and my soul. And, with your help, I have no doubt that we will win.\nYou have summoned me to the highest mission within the gift of any people. I could not be more proud. Better men than I were at hand for this mighty task, and I owe to you and to them every resource of mind and of strength that I possess to make your deed today a good one for our country and for our party. I am confident too, that your selection for -- of a candidate for Vice President will strengthen me and our party immeasurably in the hard, the implacable work that lies ahead of all of us.\nI know you join me in gratitude and respect for the great Democrats and the leaders of our generation whose names you have considered here in this convention, whose vigor, whose character, whose devotion to the Republic we love so well have won the respect of countless Americans and have enriched our party. I shall need them; we shall need them, because I have not changed in any respect since yesterday.\nYour nomination, awesome as I find it, has not enlarged my capacities, so I am profoundly grateful and emboldened by their comradeship and their fealty, and I have been deeply moved by their expressions of good will and of support. And I cannot, my friends, resist the urge to take the one opportunity that has been afforded me to pay my humble respects to a very great and good American, whom I am proud to call my kinsman, Alben Barkely of Kentucky.\nLet me say, too, that I have been heartened by the conduct of this convention. You have argued and disagreed, because as Democrats you care and you cared deeply. But you have disagreed and argued without calling each other liars and thieves, without despoiling our best traditions --you have not spoiled our best traditions in any naked struggles for power.\nAnd you have written a platform that neither equivocates, contradicts, nor evades. You have restated our party's record, its principles and its purposes, in language that none can mistake, and with a firm confidence in justice, freedom, and peace on earth that will raise the hearts and the hopes of mankind for that distant day when no one rattles a saber and no one drags a chain.\nFor all things I am grateful to you. But I feel no exultation, no sense of triumph. Our troubles are all ahead of us. Some will call us appeasers; others will say that we are the war party. Some will say we are reactionary; other swill say that we stand for socialism. There will be inevitable -- the inevitable cries of \"throw the rascals out,\" \"it's time for a change,\" and so on and so on.\nWe'll hear all those things and many more besides. But we will hear nothing that we have not heard before. I'm not too much concerned with partisan denunciation, with epithets and abuse, because the workingman, the farmer, the thoughtful businessman, all know that they are better off than ever before, and they all know the Great Depression under the hammer blows of the Democratic party.\nNor am I afraid that the precious two-party system is in danger. Certainly the Republican party looked brutally alive a couple of weeks ago -- and I mean both Republican parties. Nor am I afraid the Democratic party is old and fat and indolent. After a hundred and fifty years, it has been old for a long time, and it will never be indolent, as long as it looks forward and not back, as long as it commands the allegiance of the young and the hopeful who dream the dreams and see the visions of a better America and a better world.\nYou will hear many sincere and thoughtful people express concern about the continuation of one party in power for twenty years. I don't belittle this attitude. But change for the sake of change has no absolute merit in itself. If our greatest hazard is preservation of the values of Western civilization, in our self-interest alone, if you please, it is the part -- is it the part of wisdom to change for the sake of change to a party with a split personality, to a leader, whom we all respect, but who has been called upon to minister to a hopeless case of political schizophrenia?\nIf the fear is corruption in official position, do you believe with Charles Evans Hughes that guild is personal and knows no party? Do you doubt the power of any political leader, if he has the will too do so, to set his own house in order without his neighbors having to burn it down?\nWhat does concern me, in common with thinking partisans of both parties, is not just winning this election but how it is won, how well we can take advantage of this great quadrennial opportunity to debate issues sensibly and soberly. I hope and pray that we Democrats, win or lose, can campaign not as a crusade to exterminate the opposing party, as our opponents seem to prefer, but as a great opportunity to educated and elevate a people whose destiny is leadership, not alone of a rich and prosperous, contented country, as in the past, but of a world in ferment.\nAnd, my friends even more important than winning the election is governing the nation. That is the test of a political party, the acid, final test. When the tumult and the shouting die, when the bands are gone and the lights are dimmed, there is the stark reality of responsibility in an hour of history haunted with those gaunt, grim specters of strife, dissension, and materialism at home and ruthless, inscrutable, and hostile power abroad.\nThe ordeal of the twentieth century, the bloodiest, most turbulent era of the whole Christian age, is far from over. Sacrifice, patience, understanding, and implacable purpose may be our lot of years to come. Let's face it. Let's talk sense to the American people. Let's tell them the truth, that there are no gains without pains, that there -- that we are now on the eve of great decisions, not easy decisions, like resistance when you're attacked, but a long, patient, costly struggle which alone can assure triumph over the great enemies of man -- war, poverty, and tyranny -- and the assaults upon human dignity which are the most grievous consequences of each.\nLet's tell them that the victory to be won in the twentieth century, this portal to the Golden Age, mocks the pretensions of individual acumen and ingenuity, for it is a citadel guarded by thick walls of ignorance and of mistrust which do not fall before the trumpets' blast or the politicians' imprecations or even a general's baton. The are, they are, my friends, walls that must be directly stormed by the hosts of courage, of morality, and of vision, standing shoulder to shoulder, unafraid of ugly truth, contemptuous of lies, half truths, circuses, and demagoguery.\nThe people are wise, wiser than the Republicans think. And the Democratic party is the people's party -- not the labor party, not the farmers' party, not the employers' party -- it is the party of no one because it is the party of everyone.\nThat, that, I -- I think, is our ancient mission. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in these years of darkness, of doubt, and of crisis which stretch beyond the horizon of tonight's happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose, Thus we will serve our great tradition greatly.\nI ask of you all you have. I will give you all I have, even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic party, by a lifetime of service and bravery that will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and of the Democratic party -- President Harry S. Truman.\nAnd finally, my friends, in this staggering task you have assigned me, I shall always try \"to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with my God.\"", "Words" -> 1708, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 101, "of" -> 71, "and" -> 69, "I" -> 44, "to" -> 38, "that" -> 33, "a" -> 31, "in" -> 28, "not" -> 25, "have" -> 25, "is" -> 22, "you" -> 21, "party" -> 21, "will" -> 20, "it" -> 20, "for" -> 20, "we" -> 18, "our" -> 16, "my" -> 16, "as" -> 14, "me" -> 12, "are" -> 12, "with" -> 11, "this" -> 11, "all" -> 11, "no" -> 10, "be" -> 9, "your" -> 8, "people" -> 8, "one" -> 8, "has" -> 8, "than" -> 7, "great" -> 7, "by" -> 7, "And" -> 7, "or" -> 6, "friends" -> 6, "can" -> 6, "but" -> 6, "better" -> 6, "been" -> 6, "because" -> 6, "am" -> 6, "years" -> 5, "whose" -> 5, "which" -> 5, "us" -> 5, "them" -> 5, "so" -> 5, "say" -> 5, "office" -> 5, "good" -> 5, "do" -> 5, "Democratic" -> 5, "change" -> 5, "But" -> 5, "You" -> 4, "without" -> 4, "who" -> 4, "too" -> 4, "there" -> 4, "seek" 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-> 1, "alive" -> 1, "Alben" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "Age" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "after" -> 1, "afforded" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "acumen" -> 1, "acid" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abuse" -> 1, "absolute" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75172", "Date" -> DateObject[{1956, 8, 17}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "AdlaiStevenson::q8273"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen of the Convention, My Fellow Citizens:\nI accept your nomination and your program. And I pledge to you every resource mind and strength that I possess to make your deed today a good one for our country and for our party.\nFour years ago I stood in this same place and uttered those same words to you. But four years ago we lost. This time we will win!\nMy heart is full tonight, as the scenes and faces and events of those busy years in between crowd my mind.\nTo you here tonight and across the country who have sustained me in this great undertaking for months and even years, I am deeply, humbly grateful: and to none more than the noble lady who is also the treasurer of a legacy of greatness -- Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, who has reminded us so movingly that this is 1956 and not 1932, nor even 1952; that our problems alter as well as their solutions; that change is the law of life, and that political parties, no less than individuals ignore it as their peril.\nI salute also the distinguished American who has been more than equal to the hard test of disagreement and has now reaffirmed our common cause so graciously -- President Harry Truman. I am glad to have you on my side again, Sir!\nI am sure that the country is as grateful to this Convention as I am for it's action of this afternoon. It has renewed and reaffirmed our faith in free democratic processes.\nThe office of the Vice-Presidency has been dignified by the manner of your selection as well as by the distinction of your choice. Senator Kefauver is a great Democrat and a great campaigner -- as I have reason to know better than anybody!\nIf we are elected and it is God's will that I do not serve my full four years, the people will have a new President whom they can trust. He has dignity; he has convictions, and he will command respect of the American people of the world.\nThe program you have written is, I think more than a consensus of the strongly held convictions of a strong man; it is a signpost toward that New America. It speaks of the issues of our time with passion for justice, with reverence for our history and character, with a long view of the American future, and with sober, fervent dedication to the goal of peace on earth.\nNor has it evaded the current problems in the relations between the races who comprise America, problems which have so often tormented out national life. Of course there is disagreement in the Democratic Party on desegregation. It would not be otherwise in the only party that must speak responsibly and responsively in both the North and the South. If all of us are not wholly satisfied with what we have said on this explosive subject it is because we have only spoken the only way a truly national party can -- by understanding accommodation of conflicting views.\nBut in so doing, in substituting realism and persuasion for the extremes of force or nullification, our party has preserved its effectiveness, it has avoided a sectional crisis, and it has contributed to our national unity as only a national party could.\nAs President it would be my purpose to press on in accordance with our platform toward the fuller freedom for all our citizens which is at once our party's pledge and the American promise.\nI do not propose to make political capital out of the President's illness. His ability to personally fulfill the demands of his exacting office is a matter between him and the American people. So far as I am concerned that is where the matter rests. As we all do, I wish deeply for the President's health and well being.\nBut if the condition of President Eisenhower is not and issue as far as I am concerned, the condition and the conduct of the President's office and of the administration is very much an issue.\nThe men who run the Eisenhower administration evidently believe that the minds of Americans can be manipulated by shows, slogans and the arts of advertising. And that conviction will, I dare say, be backed up by the greatest torrent of money ever poured out to influence an American election -- poured out by men who fear nothing so much as change and who want everything to stay as it is -- only more so.\nThis idea that you can merchandise candidates for high office like breakfast cereal -- that you can gather votes like box tops -- is, I think, the ultimate indignity to the democratic process. And we Democrats must also face the fact that no administration has ever before enjoyed such uncritical and enthusiastic support from so mush of the press as this one.\nBut let us ask the people of our country to what great purpose for all the Republic has the President's popularity and this unrivalled opportunity for leadership been put? Has the Eisenhower administration used this opportunity to elevate us? To inspire us? Did it, in a time of headlong, worldwide, revolutionary change, prepare us for stern decisions and great risks? Did it, in short, give men and women a glimpse of the nobility and vision without which peoples and nations perish?\nOr did it just reassure us that all is well, everything is all right, that everyone is prosperous and safe, that no great decisions are required of us, and that even the Presidency of the United States has somehow become as easy job?\nI will have to confess that the Republican administration has performed a minor miracle -- after twenty years of incessant damnation of the New Deal they not only haven't repealed it but they have swallowed it, or most of it, and it looks as though they could keep it down at least until after the election.\nI suppose we should be thankful that they have caught up with the New Deal at last, but what have they done to take advantage of the great opportunities of these times -- a generation after the New Deal?\nWell, I say they have smothered us in smiles and complacency while our social and economic advancement has ground to a halt and while our leadership and the security in the world have been imperiled.\nIn spite of these unparalleled opportunities to lead at home and abroad they have, I say, been wasting our opportunities and losing our world.\nI say that what this country needs is not propaganda and a personality cult, what this country needs is leadership and truth. And that's what we mean to give it.\nWhat is truth?\nThe truth is that the Republican party is a house divided. The truth is that President Eisenhower, cynically coveted as a candidate but ignored as a leader, is largely indebted to Democrats in Congress for what accomplishments he can claim.\nThe truth is that everyone is not prosperous. The truth is that the farmer, especially the family farmer who matters most, has not had his fair share of the national income and the Republican have done nothing to help him -- until an election year.\nThe truth is that thirty million Americans live today in families trying to make ends meet on less than $2,000 a year. The truth is that the small farmer, the small businessman, the teacher, the white collar worker , and the retired citizen trying to pay today's prices on yesterdays pension -- all these are in serious trouble.\nThe truth is that in this government of the big men -- big financially -- no one speaks for the little man.\nThe truth is not that our policy abroad has Communist on the run. The truth, unhappily, is not -- in the Republican President's words -- that our 'prestige since the last World War has never been as high as it is today.' The truth is that it has never been lower,\nThe truth is that we are losing the military advantage, the economic initiative and the moral leadership.\nThe truth is not that we are winning the cold war. The truth is that we are losing the cold war.\nDon't misunderstand me. I, for one, am ready to acknowledge the sincerity of the Republican President's desire for peace and happiness for all. But good intentions are not good enough and the country is stalled on dead center -- stalled in the middle of the road -- while the world goes whirling by. America, which has lifted man to his highest economic state, which has saved freedom in war and peace, which saved collective security, no longer sparks and flames and gives off new ideas and initiatives. Our lights are dimmed. We chat complacently of this and that while, in Carlyle's phrase, 'Death and eternity sit glaring.' And I could add that opportunity, neglected opportunity, sits glaring too!\nBut you cannot surround the future with arms, you cannot dominate the racing world by standing still. And I say it is time to get up and get moving again. It is time for America to be herself again.\nAnd that is what this election is all about!\nHere at home we can make good the lost opportunities; we can recover the wasted years; we can cross the threshold to the New America.\nWhat we need is a rebirth of leadership -- leadership which will give us a glimpse of the nobility and vision without which peoples and nations perish. Woodrow Wilson said that 'when America loses its ardor for mankind it is time to elect a Democratic President.' There doesn't appear to be much ardor in America just now for anything, and it's time to elect a Democratic administration and a Democratic Congress, Yes, and a Democratic government in every state and local office across the land.\nIn our hearts we know that the horizons of the New America are as endless, Its promise as staggering in its richness as the unfolding miracle of human knowledge. America renews itself with every forward thrust of the human mind.\nWe live at a time when automation is ushering in a second Industrial Revolution, and the powers of the atom are about to be harnessed for ever greater production. We live at a time when even the ancient spectre of hunger is vanishing. This is the age of abundance. Never in history has there been such and opportunity to show what we can do to improve the quality of living now that the terrible, grinding, anxieties of the daily bread, of clothing and shelter, are disappearing. With leadership, Democratic leadership, we can do justice to our children, we can repair the ravages of time and neglect in our schools. We can and we will!\nWith leadership, Democratic leadership, we can restore the vitality of the American family farm. We can preserve the position of small business without injury to the large. We can strengthen labor unions and collective bargaining as vital institutions in a free economy. We can and our party history proves we will!\nWith leadership, Democratic leadership, we can conserve our resources of land and forest and water and develop them for benefit of all. We can and the record shows that we will!\nWith leadership, Democratic leadership, we can rekindle the spirit of liberty emblazoned in the Bill of Rights; we can build this New America where the doors of opportunity are open equally to all, yes, the doors of our school rooms. We can make this a land where opportunity is founded only on responsibility and freedom of faith, and where nothing can smother the lonely defiant spirit of the free intelligence. We can, and by our traditions as a Party we will!\nAll these things we can do and we will. But in the international field the timing is only partially our own. Here the 'unrepentant minute' once missed, may be missed forever. Other forces, growing yearly in potency, dispute with us the direction of our times. Here more than anywhere guidance and illumination are needed in the terrifying century of the hydrogen bomb. Here more than anywhere we must move, and rapidly, to repair the ravages of the past four years to America's repute and influence abroad.\nWe must move with speed and confidence to reverse the spread of Communism. We must strengthen the political and economic fabric of our alliances. We must launch new programs to meet the challenge of the vast social revolution that is sweeping the world and turn the violent forces of change to the side of freedom.\nWe must protect the new nations in the exercise of their full independence; and we must help other peoples out of Communist or colonial servitude along the hard road to freedom.\nAnd we must place out nation where it belongs in the eyes of the world -- at the head of the struggle for peace. For in this nuclear age peace is no longer a visionary ideal. It has become an absolute, imperative necessity. Humanity's long struggle against war has to be won and won now. Yes, and I say it can be won.\nIt is time to listen again to our hearts, to speak again of our ideals, to be again our own great selves.\nThere is a spiritual hunger in the world today and it cannot be satisfied by material things alone. Our forebears came here to worship God. We must not let our aspirations so diminish that our worship becomes rather a Bigness -- bigness of material achievement.\nFor a century and a half the Democratic Party has been the party of respect for the people, of reverence for life, of hope for each child's future, of belief that 'the highest revelation is that God is in every man.'\nOnce we were not ashamed in this country to be idealists. Once we were proud to confess that an American is a man who wants peace and believes in a better future and loves his fellow man. We must reclaim these great Christian and humane ideas. We must dare to say again that the American cause is the cause of all mankind.\nIf we are to make honest citizens of out hearts we must unite them again to the ideals in which they have always believed and give those ideals the courage of out tongues.\nStanding as we do here tonight at this great fork of history, may we never be silenced, may we never lose our faith in freedom and the better destiny of man.", "Words" -> 2427, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 152, "and" -> 97, "of" -> 91, "is" -> 61, "to" -> 58, "that" -> 48, "in" -> 43, "a" -> 42, "we" -> 40, "our" -> 35, "as" -> 28, "I" -> 27, "for" -> 27, "has" -> 26, "can" -> 26, "it" -> 25, "this" -> 19, "We" -> 17, "have" -> 17, "The" -> 16, "not" -> 16, "truth" -> 15, "be" -> 15, "are" -> 15, "leadership" -> 14, "must" -> 13, "will" -> 12, "all" -> 12, "with" -> 11, "us" -> 11, "time" -> 11, "who" -> 10, "on" -> 10, "great" -> 10, "Democratic" -> 10, "by" -> 10, "America" -> 10, "you" -> 9, "which" -> 9, "what" -> 9, "they" -> 9, 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"dispute" -> 1, "disappearing" -> 1, "direction" -> 1, "dimmed" -> 1, "diminish" -> 1, "dignity" -> 1, "dignified" -> 1, "did" -> 1, "develop" -> 1, "destiny" -> 1, "desire" -> 1, "desegregation" -> 1, "Democrat" -> 1, "demands" -> 1, "defiant" -> 1, "deed" -> 1, "dedication" -> 1, "Death" -> 1, "dead" -> 1, "damnation" -> 1, "daily" -> 1, "cynically" -> 1, "current" -> 1, "cult" -> 1, "crowd" -> 1, "cross" -> 1, "crisis" -> 1, "coveted" -> 1, "course" -> 1, "courage" -> 1, "conviction" -> 1, "contributed" -> 1, "conserve" -> 1, "consensus" -> 1, "conflicting" -> 1, "confidence" -> 1, "conduct" -> 1, "comprise" -> 1, "complacently" -> 1, "complacency" -> 1, "Communism" -> 1, "common" -> 1, "command" -> 1, "colonial" -> 1, "collar" -> 1, "clothing" -> 1, "claim" -> 1, "Citizens" -> 1, "citizen" -> 1, "Christian" -> 1, "choice" -> 1, "child's" -> 1, "children" -> 1, "chat" -> 1, "character" -> 1, "challenge" -> 1, "cereal" -> 1, "center" -> 1, "caught" -> 1, "Carlyle's" -> 1, "capital" -> 1, "candidates" -> 1, "candidate" -> 1, "campaigner" -> 1, "came" -> 1, "busy" -> 1, "businessman" -> 1, "business" -> 1, "build" -> 1, "breakfast" -> 1, "bread" -> 1, "box" -> 1, "both" -> 1, "bomb" -> 1, "Bill" -> 1, "Bigness" -> 1, "bigness" -> 1, "benefit" -> 1, "belongs" -> 1, "believes" -> 1, "believed" -> 1, "believe" -> 1, "belief" -> 1, "being" -> 1, "before" -> 1, "becomes" -> 1, "because" -> 1, "bargaining" -> 1, "backed" -> 1, "avoided" -> 1, "automation" -> 1, "atom" -> 1, "aspirations" -> 1, "ask" -> 1, "ashamed" -> 1, "arts" -> 1, "arms" -> 1, "appear" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "anybody" -> 1, "anxieties" -> 1, "ancient" -> 1, "America's" -> 1, "always" -> 1, "alter" -> 1, "along" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "alliances" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "against" -> 1, "afternoon" -> 1, "advertising" -> 1, "advancement" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "acknowledge" -> 1, "achievement" -> 1, "accordance" -> 1, "accomplishments" -> 1, "accommodation" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abundance" -> 1, "absolute" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "1956" -> 1, "1952" -> 1, "1932" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25966", "Date" -> DateObject[{1960, 7, 15}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "JohnFKennedy::h2355"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"LosAngeles", "California", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Governor Stevenson, Senator Johnson, Mr. Butler, Senator Symington, Senator Humphrey, Speaker Rayburn, Fellow Democrats, I want to express my thanks to Governor Stevenson for his generous and heart-warming introduction.\nIt was my great honor to place his name in nomination at the 1956 Democratic Convention, and I am delighted to have his support and his counsel and his advice in the coming months ahead.\nWith a deep sense of duty and high resolve, I accept your nomination.\nI accept it with a full and grateful heart--without reservation--and with only one obligation--the obligation to devote every effort of body, mind and spirit to lead our Party back to victory and our Nation back to greatness.\nI am grateful, too, that you have provided me with such an eloquent statement of our Party's platform. Pledges which are made so eloquently are made to be kept. \"The Rights of Man\"--the civil and economic rights essential to the human dignity of all men--are indeed our goal and our first principles. This is a Platform on which I can run with enthusiasm and conviction.\nAnd I am grateful, finally, that I can rely in the coming months on so many others--on a distinguished running-mate who brings unity to our ticket and strength to our Platform, Lyndon Johnson--on one of the most articulate statesmen of our time, Adlai Stevenson--on a great spokesman for our needs as a Nation and a people, Stuart Symington--and on that fighting campaigner whose support I welcome, President Harry S. Truman-- on my traveling companion in Wisconsin and West Virginia, Senator Hubert Humphrey. On Paul Butler, our devoted and courageous Chairman.\nI feel a lot safer now that they are on my side again. And I am proud of the contrast with our Republican competitors. For their ranks are apparently so thin that not one challenger has come forth with both the competence and the courage to make theirs an open convention.\nI am fully aware of the fact that the Democratic Party, by nominating someone of my faith, has taken on what many regard as a new and hazardous risk--new, at least since 1928. But I look at it this way: the Democratic Party has once again placed its confidence in the American people, and in their ability to render a free, fair judgment. And you have, at the same time, placed your confidence in me, and in my ability to render a free, fair judgment--to uphold the Constitution and my oath of office--and to reject any kind of religious pressure or obligation that might directly or indirectly interfere with my conduct of the Presidency in the national interest. My record of fourteen years supporting public education--supporting complete separation of church and state--and resisting pressure from any source on any issue should be clear by now to everyone.\nI hope that no American, considering the really critical issues facing this country, will waste his franchise by voting either for me or against me solely on account of my religious affiliation. It is not relevant. I want to stress, what some other political or religious leader may have said on this subject. It is not relevant what abuses may have existed in other countries or in other times. It is not relevant what pressures, if any, might conceivably be brought to bear on me. I am telling you now what you are entitled to know: that my decisions on any public policy will be my own--as an American, a Democrat and a free man.\nUnder any circumstances, however, the victory we seek in November will not be easy. We all know that in our hearts. We recognize the power of the forces that will be aligned against us. We know they will invoke the name of Abraham Lincoln on behalf of their candidate--despite the fact that the political career of their candidate has often seemed to show charity toward none and malice for all.\nWe know that it will not be easy to campaign against a man who has spoken or voted on every known side of every known issue. Mr. Nixon may feel it is his turn now, after the New Deal and the Fair Deal--but before he deals, someone had better cut the cards.\nThat \"someone\" may be the millions of Americans who voted for President Eisenhower but balk at his would be, self-appointed successor. For just as historians tell us that Richard I was not fit to fill the shoes of bold Henry II--and that Richard Cromwell was not fit to wear the mantle of his uncle--they might add in future years that Richard Nixon did not measure to the footsteps of Dwight D. Eisenhower.\nPerhaps he could carry on the party policies--the policies of Nixon, Benson, Dirksen and Goldwater. But this Nation cannot afford such a luxury. Perhaps we could better afford a Coolidge following Harding. And perhaps we could afford a Pierce following Fillmore. But after Buchanan this nation needed a Lincoln--after Taft we needed a Wilson--after Hoover we needed Franklin Roosevelt. . . . And after eight years of drugged and fitful sleep, this nation needs strong, creative Democratic leadership in the White House.\nBut we are not merely running against Mr. Nixon. Our task is not merely one of itemizing Republican failures. Nor is that wholly necessary. For the families forced from the farm will know how to vote without our telling them. The unemployed miners and textile workers will know how to vote. The old people without medical care--the families without a decent home--the parents of children without adequate food or schools--they all know that it's time for a change.\nBut I think the American people expect more from us than cries of indignation and attack. The times are too grave, the challenge too urgent, and the stakes too high--to permit the customary passions of political debate. We are not here to curse the darkness, but to light the candle that can guide us through that darkness to a safe and sane future. As Winston Churchill said on taking office some twenty years ago: if we open a quarrel between the present and the past, we shall be in danger of losing the future.\nToday our concern must be with that future. For the world is changing. The old era is ending. The old ways will not do.\nAbroad, the balance of power is shifting. There are new and more terrible weapons--new and uncertain nations--new pressures of population and deprivation. One-third of the world, it has been said, may be free--but one-third is the victim of cruel repression--and the other one- third is rocked by the pangs of poverty, hunger and envy. More energy is released by the awakening of these new nations than by the fission of the atom itself.\nMeanwhile, Communist influence has penetrated further into Asia, stood astride the Middle East and now festers some ninety miles off the coast of Florida. Friends have slipped into neutrality--and neutrals into hostility. As our keynoter reminded us, the President who began his career by going to Korea ends it by staying away from Japan.\nThe world has been close to war before--but now man, who has survived all previous threats to his existence, has taken into his mortal hands the power to exterminate the entire species some seven times over.\nHere at home, the changing face of the future is equally revolutionary. The New Deal and the Fair Deal were bold measures for their generations--but this is a new generation.\nA technological revolution on the farm has led to an output explosion--but we have not yet learned to harness that explosion usefully, while protecting our farmers' right to full parity income.\nAn urban population explosion has overcrowded our schools, cluttered up our suburbs, and increased the squalor of our slums.\nA peaceful revolution for human rights--demanding an end to racial discrimination in all parts of our community life--has strained at the leashes imposed by timid executive leadership.\nA medical revolution has extended the life of our elder citizens without providing the dignity and security those later years deserve. And a revolution of automation finds machines replacing men in the mines and mills of America, without replacing their incomes or their training or their needs to pay the family doctor, grocer and landlord.\nThere has also been a change--a slippage--in our intellectual and moral strength. Seven lean years of drouth and famine have withered a field of ideas. Blight has descended on our regulatory agencies--and a dry rot, beginning in Washington, is seeping into every corner of America--in the payola mentality, the expense account way of life, the confusion between what is legal and what is right. Too many Americans have lost their way, their will and their sense of historic purpose.\nIt is a time, in short, for a new generation of leadership--new men to cope with new problems and new opportunities.\nAll over the world, particularly in the newer nations, young men are coming to power--men who are not bound by the traditions of the past--men who are not blinded by the old fears and hates and rivalries--young men who can cast off the old slogans and delusions and suspicions.\nThe Republican nominee-to-be, of course, is also a young man. But his approach is as old as McKinley. His party is the party of the past. His speeches are generalities from Poor Richard's Almanac. Their platform, made up of left-over Democratic planks, has the courage of our old convictions. Their pledge is a pledge to the status quo--and today there can be no status quo.\nFor I stand tonight facing west on what was once the last frontier. From the lands that stretch three thousand miles behind me, the pioneers of old gave up their safety, their comfort and sometimes their lives to build a new world here in the West. They were not the captives of their own doubts, the prisoners of their own price tags. Their motto was not \"every man for himself\" --but \"all for the common cause.\" They were determined to make that new world strong and free, to overcome its hazards and its hardships, to conquer the enemies that threatened from without and within.\nToday some would say that those struggles are all over--that all the horizons have been explored--that all the battles have been won-- that there is no longer an American frontier.\nBut I trust that no one in this vast assemblage will agree with those sentiments. For the problems are not all solved and the battles are not all won--and we stand today on the edge of a New Frontier--the frontier of the 1960's--a frontier of unknown opportunities and perils-- a frontier of unfulfilled hopes and threats.\nWoodrow Wilson's New Freedom promised our nation a new political and economic framework. Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal promised security and succor to those in need. But the New Frontier of which I speak is not a set of promises--it is a set of challenges. It sums up not what I intend to offer the American people, but what I intend to ask of them. It appeals to their pride, not to their pocketbook--it holds out the promise of more sacrifice instead of more security.\nBut I tell you the New Frontier is here, whether we seek it or not. Beyond that frontier are the uncharted areas of science and space, unsolved problems of peace and war, unconquered pockets of ignorance and prejudice, unanswered questions of poverty and surplus. It would be easier to shrink back from that frontier, to look to the safe mediocrity of the past, to be lulled by good intentions and high rhetoric--and those who prefer that course should not cast their votes for me, regardless of party.\nBut I believe the times demand new invention, innovation, imagination, decision. I am asking each of you to be pioneers on that New Frontier. My call is to the young in heart, regardless of age--to all who respond to the Scriptural call: \"Be strong and of a good courage; be not afraid, neither be thou dismayed.\"\nFor courage--not complacency--is our need today--leadership--not salesmanship. And the only valid test of leadership is the ability to lead, and lead vigorously. A tired nation, said David Lloyd George, is a Tory nation--and the United States today cannot afford to be either tired or Tory.\nThere may be those who wish to hear more--more promises to this group or that--more harsh rhetoric about the men in the Kremlin--more assurances of a golden future, where taxes are always low and subsidies ever high. But my promises are in the platform you have adopted--our ends will not be won by rhetoric and we can have faith in the future only if we have faith in ourselves.\nFor the harsh facts of the matter are that we stand on this frontier at a turning-point in history. We must prove all over again whether this nation--or any nation so conceived--can long endure--whether our society--with its freedom of choice, its breadth of opportunity, its range of alternatives--can compete with the single-minded advance of the Communist system.\nCan a nation organized and governed such as ours endure? That is the real question. Have we the nerve and the will? Can we carry through in an age where we will witness not only new breakthroughs in weapons of destruction--but also a race for mastery of the sky and the rain, the ocean and the tides, the far side of space and the inside of men's minds?\nAre we up to the task--are we equal to the challenge? Are we willing to match the Russian sacrifice of the present for the future--or must we sacrifice our future in order to enjoy the present?\nThat is the question of the New Frontier. That is the choice our nation must make--a choice that lies not merely between two men or two parties, but between the public interest and private comfort--between national greatness and national decline--between the fresh air of progress and the stale, dank atmosphere of \"normalcy\"--between determined dedication and creeping mediocrity.\nAll mankind waits upon our decision. A whole world looks to see what we will do. We cannot fail their trust, we cannot fail to try.\nIt has been a long road from that first snowy day in New Hampshire to this crowded convention city. Now begins another long journey, taking me into your cities and homes all over America. Give me your help, your hand, your voice, your vote. Recall with me the words of Isaiah: \"They that wait upon the Lord shall renew their strength; they shall mount up with wings as eagles; they shall run and not be weary.\"\nAs we face the coming challenge, we too, shall wait upon the Lord, and ask that he renew our strength. Then shall we be equal to the test. Then we shall not be weary. And then we shall prevail.\nThank you.", "Words" -> 2556, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 147, "of" -> 95, "and" -> 92, "to" -> 73, "a" -> 47, "that" -> 40, "in" -> 36, "is" -> 34, "not" -> 33, "our" -> 32, "we" -> 28, "I" -> 26, "on" -> 24, "be" -> 24, "are" -> 22, "their" -> 21, "has" -> 18, "new" -> 16, "will" -> 15, "or" -> 15, "all" -> 15, "with" -> 14, "have" -> 14, "for" -> 14, "his" -> 13, "by" -> 13, "this" -> 12, "my" -> 12, "who" -> 11, "what" -> 11, "But" -> 11, "but" -> 11, "New" -> 10, "me" -> 10, "The" -> 9, "nation" -> 9, "men" -> 9, "It" -> 9, "it" -> 9, "future" -> 9, "you" -> 8, "without" -> 8, "shall" -> 8, "old" -> 8, "more" -> 8, "frontier" -> 8, "from" -> 8, "For" -> 8, "can" -> 8, "at" -> 8, "as" -> 8, "And" -> 8, "your" -> 7, "world" -> 7, "We" -> 7, "know" -> 7, "between" -> 7, "any" -> 7, "an" -> 7, "am" -> 7, "years" -> 6, "up" -> 6, "those" -> 6, "they" -> 6, "one" -> 6, "now" -> 6, "may" -> 6, "its" -> 6, "into" -> 6, "been" -> 6, "American" -> 6, "was" -> 5, 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"competence" -> 1, "compete" -> 1, "companion" -> 1, "community" -> 1, "common" -> 1, "come" -> 1, "coast" -> 1, "cluttered" -> 1, "close" -> 1, "clear" -> 1, "civil" -> 1, "city" -> 1, "citizens" -> 1, "cities" -> 1, "circumstances" -> 1, "Churchill" -> 1, "church" -> 1, "children" -> 1, "charity" -> 1, "challenges" -> 1, "challenger" -> 1, "Chairman" -> 1, "cause" -> 1, "care" -> 1, "cards" -> 1, "captives" -> 1, "candle" -> 1, "campaigner" -> 1, "campaign" -> 1, "build" -> 1, "Buchanan" -> 1, "brought" -> 1, "brings" -> 1, "breakthroughs" -> 1, "breadth" -> 1, "bound" -> 1, "both" -> 1, "body" -> 1, "blinded" -> 1, "Blight" -> 1, "Beyond" -> 1, "Benson" -> 1, "believe" -> 1, "behind" -> 1, "behalf" -> 1, "begins" -> 1, "beginning" -> 1, "began" -> 1, "bear" -> 1, "Be" -> 1, "balk" -> 1, "balance" -> 1, "away" -> 1, "aware" -> 1, "awakening" -> 1, "automation" -> 1, "attack" -> 1, "atom" -> 1, "atmosphere" -> 1, "astride" -> 1, "assurances" -> 1, "assemblage" -> 1, "asking" -> 1, "Asia" -> 1, "articulate" -> 1, "areas" -> 1, "approach" -> 1, "appeals" -> 1, "apparently" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "An" -> 1, "always" -> 1, "alternatives" -> 1, "Almanac" -> 1, "aligned" -> 1, "air" -> 1, "ahead" -> 1, "agree" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "agencies" -> 1, "afraid" -> 1, "affiliation" -> 1, "advice" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "Adlai" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "abuses" -> 1, "Abroad" -> 1, "Abraham" -> 1, "about" -> 1, "1960's--a" -> 1, "1956" -> 1, "1928" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=26467", "Date" -> DateObject[{1964, 8, 27}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "LyndonBJohnson::ht257"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"AtlanticCity", "NewJersey", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Chairman McCormack, my fellow Americans:\nI accept your nomination.\nI accept the duty of leading this party to victory this year.\nAnd I thank you, I thank you from the bottom of my heart for placing at my side the man that last night you so wisely selected to be the next Vice President of the United States.\nI know I speak for each of you and all of you when I say he proved himself tonight in that great acceptance speech. And I speak for both of us when I tell you that from Monday on he is going to be available for such speeches in all 50 States!\nWe will try to lead you as we were led by that great champion of freedom, the man from Independence, Harry S. Truman.\nBut the gladness of this high occasion cannot mask the sorrow which shares our hearts. So let us here tonight, each of us, all of us, rededicate ourselves to keeping burning the golden torch of promise which John Fitzgerald Kennedy set aflame.\nAnd let none of us stop to rest until we have written into the law of the land all the suggestions that made up the John Fitzgerald Kennedy program. And then let us continue to supplement that program with the kind of laws that he would have us write.\nTonight we offer ourselves--on our record and by our platform--as a party for all Americans, an all-American party for all Americans. This prosperous people, this land of reasonable men, has no place for petty partisanship or peevish prejudice. The needs of all can never be met by parties of the few. The needs of all cannot be met by a business party or a labor party, not by a war party or a peace party, not by a southern party or a northern party.\nOur deeds will meet our needs only if we are served by a party which serves all our people.\nWe are members together of such a party, the Democratic Party of 1964.\nWe have written a proud record of accomplishments for all Americans.\nIf any ask what we have done, just let them look at what we promised to do. For those promises have become our deeds. And the promises of tonight I can assure you will become the deeds of tomorrow.\nWe are in the midst of the largest and the longest period of peacetime prosperity in our history. And almost every American listening to us tonight has seen the results in his own life.\nBut prosperity for most has not brought prosperity to all. And those who have received the bounty of this land--who sit tonight secure in affluence and safe in power-must not now turn from the needs of their neighbors.\nOur party and our Nation will continue to extend the hand of compassion and the hand of affection and love to the old and the sick and the hungry. For who among us dares to betray the command: \"Thou shalt open thine hand--unto thy brother, to thy poor, and to thy needy, in thy land.\"\nThe needs that we seek to fill, the hopes that we seek to realize, are not our needs, our hopes alone. They are the needs and hopes of most of the people.\nMost Americans want medical care for older citizens. And so do I.\nMost Americans want fair and stable prices and decent incomes for our farmers. And so do I.\nMost Americans want a decent home in a decent neighborhood for all. And so do I.\nMost Americans want an education for every child to the limit of his ability. And so do I.\nMost Americans want a job for every man who wants to work. And so do I.\nMost Americans want victory in our war against poverty. And so do I.\nMost Americans want continually expanding and growing prosperity. And so do I.\nThese are your goals. These are our goals. These are the goals and will be the achievements of the Democratic Party. These are the goals of this great, rich Nation. These are the goals toward which I will lead, if the American people choose to follow.\nFor 30 years, year by year, step by step, vote by vote, men of both parties have built a solid foundation for our present prosperity. Too many have worked too long and too hard to see this threatened now by policies which promise to undo all that we have done together over all these years.\nI believe most of the men and women in this hall tonight, and I believe most Americans, understand that to reach our goals in our own land, we must work for peace among all lands.\nAmerica's cause is still the cause of all mankind.\nOver the last 4 years the world has begun to respond to a simple American belief: the belief that strength and courage and responsibility are the keys to peace.\nSince 1961, under the leadership of that great President, John F. Kennedy, we have carried out the greatest peacetime buildup of national strength of any nation at any time in the history of the world.\nI report tonight as President of the United States and as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces on the strength of your country, and I tell you that it is greater than any adversary. I assure you that it is greater than the combined might of all the nations, in all the wars, in all the history of this planet. And I report our superiority is growing.\nWeapons do not make peace. Men make peace. And peace comes not through strength alone, but through wisdom and patience and restraint.\nAnd these qualities under the leadership of President Kennedy brought a treaty banning nuclear tests in the atmosphere. And a hundred other nations in the world joined us.\nOther agreements were reached and other steps were taken. And their single guide was to lessen the danger to men without increasing the danger to freedom.\nTheir single purpose was peace in the world.\nAnd as a result of these policies, the world tonight knows where we stand and our allies know where we stand, too. And our adversaries have learned again that we will never waver in the defense of freedom.\nThe true courage of this nuclear age lies in the quest for peace.\nThere is no place in today's world for weakness. But there is also no place in today's world for recklessness. We cannot act rashly with the nuclear weapons that could destroy us all. The only course is to press with all our mind and all our will to make sure, doubly sure, that these weapons are never really used at all.\nThis is a dangerous and a difficult world in which we live tonight. I promise no easy answers. But I do promise this. I pledge the firmness to defend freedom, the strength to support that firmness, and a constant, patient effort to move the world toward peace instead of war.\nAnd here at home one of our greatest responsibilities is to assure fair play for all of our people.\nEvery American has the right to be treated as a 'person. He should be able to find a job. He should be able to educate his children, he should be able to vote in elections and he should be judged on his merits as a person.\nWell, this is the fixed policy and the fixed determination of the Democratic Party and the United States of America.\nSo long as I am your President I intend to carry out what the Constitution demands--and justice requires--equal justice under law for all Americans.\nWe cannot and we will not allow this great purpose to be endangered by reckless acts of violence. Those who break the law--those who create disorder--whether in the North or the South--must be caught and must be brought to justice.\nAnd I believe that every man and woman in this room tonight join me in saying that in every part of this country the law must be respected and violence must be stopped.\nAnd wherever a local officer seeks help or Federal law is broken, I have pledged and I will use the full resources of the Federal Government.\nLet no one tell you that he can hold back progress and at the same time keep the peace. This is a false and empty promise. To stand in the way of orderly progress is to encourage violence.\nAnd I say tonight to those who wish us well--and to those who wish us ill--the growing forces in this country are the forces of common human decency, and not the forces of bigotry and fear and smear.\nOur problems are many and are great. But our opportunities are even greater.\nAnd let me make this clear. I ask the American people for a mandate--not to preside over a finished program--not just to keep things going, I ask the American people for a mandate to begin.\nThis Nation--this generation--in this hour, has man's first chance to build the Great Society--a place where the meaning of man's life matches the marvels of man's labor.\nWe seek a nation where every man can find reward in work and satisfaction in the use of his talents. We seek a nation where every man can seek knowledge, and touch beauty, and rejoice in the closeness of family and community.\nWe seek a nation where every man can, in the words of our oldest promise, follow the pursuit of happiness--not just security-but achievements and excellence and fulfillment of the spirit.\nSo let us join together in this great task.\nWill you join me tonight in rebuilding our cities to make them a decent place for our children to live in?\nWill you join me tonight in starting a program that will protect the beauty of our land and the air that we breathe ?\nWon't you join me tonight in starting a program that will give every child education of the highest quality that he can take?\nSo let us join together in giving every American the fullest life which he can hope for. For the ultimate test of our civilization, the ultimate test of our faithfulness to our past, is not in our goods and is not in our guns. It is in the quality--the quality of our people's lives and in the men and women that we produce.\nThis goal can be ours. We have the resources; we have the knowledge. But tonight we must seek the courage.\nBecause tonight the contest is the same that we have faced at every turning point in history. It is not between liberals and conservatives, it is not between party and party, or platform and platform. It is between courage and timidity. It is between those who have vision and those who see what can be, and those who want only to maintain the status quo. It is between those who welcome the future and those who turn away from its promises.\nThis is the true cause of freedom. The man who is hungry, who cannot find work or educate his children, who is bowed by want--that man is not fully free.\nFor more than 30 years, from social security to the war against poverty, we have diligently worked to enlarge the freedom of man. And as a result, Americans tonight are freer to live as they want to live, to. pursue their ambitions, to meet their desires, to raise their families than at any time in all of our glorious history.\nAnd every American knows in his heart that this is right.\nI am determined in all the time that is mine to use all the talents that I have for bringing this great, lovable land, this great Nation of ours, together--together in greater unity in pursuit of this common purpose. I truly believe that we someday will see an America that knows no North or South, no East or West--an America that is undivided by creed or color, and untorn by suspicion or strife.\nThe Founding Fathers dreamed America before it was. The pioneers dreamed of great cities on the wilderness that they crossed.\nOur tomorrow is on its way. It can be a shape of darkness or it can be a thing of beauty. The choice is ours, it is yours, for it will be the dream that we dare to dream.\nI know what kind of a dream Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman and John F. Kennedy would dream if they were here tonight.\nAnd I think that I know what kind of a dream you want to dream.\nTonight we of the Democratic Party confidently go before the people offering answers, not retreat; offering unity, not division; offering hope, not fear or smear.\nWe do offer the people a choice, a choice of continuing on the courageous and the compassionate course that has made this Nation the strongest and the freest and the most prosperous and the most peaceful nation in the history of mankind.\nTo those who have sought to divide us they have only helped to unite us.\nTo those who would provoke us we have turned the other cheek.\nSo as we conclude our labors, let us tomorrow turn to our new task. Let us be on our way!", "Words" -> 2255, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 132, "of" -> 86, "and" -> 69, "to" -> 66, "in" -> 53, "a" -> 43, "I" -> 41, "that" -> 39, "our" -> 38, "is" -> 33, "And" -> 29, "all" -> 28, "we" -> 27, "for" -> 27, "this" -> 25, "have" -> 21, "be" -> 21, "us" -> 20, "not" -> 20, "who" -> 18, "tonight" -> 18, "are" -> 17, "you" -> 15, "by" -> 15, "will" -> 14, "party" -> 14, "or" -> 14, "Americans" -> 14, "those" -> 12, "every" -> 12, "can" -> 12, "We" -> 11, "want" -> 11, "do" -> 11, "as" -> 11, "peace" -> 10, "man" -> 10, "great" -> 10, "world" -> 9, "The" -> 9, "people" -> 9, "so" -> 8, "on" -> 8, "let" -> 8, "he" -> 8, "at" -> 8, "American" -> 8, "which" -> 7, "seek" -> 7, "no" -> 7, "needs" -> 7, "Most" -> 7, "land" -> 7, "it" -> 7, "his" -> 7, "has" -> 7, "where" -> 6, "what" -> 6, "together" -> 6, "This" -> 6, "promise" -> 6, "must" -> 6, "most" -> 6, "join" -> 6, "It" -> 6, "history" -> 6, "goals" -> 6, "from" -> 6, "freedom" -> 6, "dream" -> 6, "But" -> 6, 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-> 1, "ability" -> 1, "50" -> 1, "4" -> 1, "1964" -> 1, "1961" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25964", "Date" -> DateObject[{1968, 8, 29}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "HubertHumphrey::43k28"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "My fellow Americans, my fellow Democrats:\nI proudly accept the nomination of our party.\nThis moment is one of personal pride and gratification. Yet one cannot help but reflect the deep sadness that we feel over the troubles and the violence which have erupted regrettably and tragically in the streets of this great city, and for the personal injuries which have occurred. Surely we have learned the lesson that violence breeds more violence and that it cannot be condoned --whatever the source.\nI know that every delegate to this Convention shares tonight my sorrow and my distress for these incidents. And may we, for just one moment, in sober reflection, in serious purpose, may we just quietly and silently — each in our own way — pray for our country. And may we just share for a moment a few of those immortal words of the prayer of St. Francis of Assisi — words which I think may help heal the wounds and lift our hearts. Listen to this immortal saint: \"Where there is hatred, let me sow love; where there is injury, pardon; where there is doubt, faith; where there is despair, hope; where there is darkness, light.\"\nThose are the words of a saint. And may those of us of less purity listen to them well. And may America tonight resolve that never, never again shall we see what we have seen.\nYes, I accept your nomination in this spirit that I have spoken, knowing that the months and the years ahead will severely test our America. And as this America is tested once again, we give our testament to America. And I do not think it is sentimental nor is it cheap — that each and everyone of us in our own way should once again reaffirm to ourselves and our posterity — that we love this nation — we love America.\nThis is not the first time that our nation has faced a challenge to its life and its purpose.\nEach time that we have faced these challenges, we have emerged with new greatness and with new strength.\nWe must make this moment of crisis a moment of creation. As it has been said: \"In the worst of times, a great people must do the best of things.\"\nAnd let us do it.\nWe stand at such a moment now — in the affair of this nation. Because, my fellow Americans, something new, something different has happened. It is the end of an era and is the beginning of a new day.\nIt is the special genius of the Democratic Party that it welcomes change, not as an enemy but as an ally ...not as a force to be suppressed, but as an instrument of progress to be encouraged.\nThis week our Party has debated the great issues before America in this very hall.\nHad we not raised these issues, troublesome as they were, we would have ignored the reality of change.\nHad we papered over differences with empty platitudes instead of frank, hard debate, we would deserve the contempt of our fellow citizens and the condemnation of history.\nWe have heard hard and sometimes bitter debate.\nBut I submit that this is the debate and this is the work of free people, the work of an open convention, and the work of political party responsive to the needs of this nation.\nDemocracy affords debate, discussion and dissent.\nBut it also requires decision.\nAnd we have decided, here, not by edict but by vote — not by force but by ballot.\nMajority rule has prevailed, while minority rights are preserved.\nThere is always the temptation to leave the scene of battle in anger and despair, but those who know the true meaning of democracy accept the decision of today, but never relinquish their right to change it tomorrow.\nIn the space of one week, this Convention has laid the foundations for a new Democratic Party structure in America. From precinct level to the floor of this Convention, we have revolutionized our rules and procedures.\nAnd that revolution is in the proud tradition of our Party.\nIn the tradition of Franklin Roosevelt, who knew that America had nothing to fear but fear itself...and it is in the tradition of Harry Truman who let'em have it and told it like it was. And that's the way we're going to do it from here on out.\nIt is in the tradition of that beloved man, Adlai Stevenson, who talked sense to the American people. And, oh, tonight, how we miss that great, good and gentle man of peace in America.\nAnd my fellow Americans, all that we do and all that we ever hope to do, must be in the tradition of John F. Kennedy who said to us: \"Ask not what your country can do for you, but what can you do for your country.\"\nAnd my fellow Democrats and my fellow Americans, in the spirit of that great man, ask what together we can do for the freedom of man.\nAnd what we are doing is in the tradition of Lyndon B. Johnson who rallied a grief-stricken nation when our leader was stricken by the assassin's bullet and said to you and said to me and said to all the world: \"Let us continue.\"\nAnd in the space of five years since that tragic moment, President Johnson has accomplished more of the unfinished business of America than any of his modern predecessors.\nI do believe that history will surely record the greatness of his contribution to the people of this land.\nAnd tonight, to you, Mr. President, I say: Thank you, thank you, Mr. President.\nAt this convention, too, we have recognized the end of an era and the beginning of a new day.\nAnd that new day belongs to the people — to all of the people everywhere in this land of the people — to every man, woman, and child that is a citizen of the Republic.\nWithin that new day lies nothing less than the promise seen a generation ago by Thomas Wolfe: \"To every man his chance, to every man regardless of his birth, his shining golden opportunity. To every man the right to live and to work and to be himself. And to become whatever thing his manhood and his vision can combine to make him. This is the promise of America.\"\nYes, a new day is here. Across America — throughout the entire world — the forces of emancipation are at work. We hear freedom's rising chorus: \"Let me live my own life. Let me live in peace. Let me be free,\" say the people.\nAnd that cry is heard today in our slums and on our farms and in our cities.\nIt is heard from the old, as well as from the young.\nIt is heard in Eastern Europe and it is heard in Vietnam.\nAnd it will be answered by us in how we face the three realities that confront this nation.\nThe first reality is the necessity for peace in Vietnam and in the world.\nThe second reality is the necessity for peace in our cities and in our nation.\nThe third reality is the paramount necessity for unity in our country.\nLet me speak first about Vietnam.\nThere are differences, of course, serious differences, within our Party on this vexing, painful issue of Vietnam. And these differences are found even within the ranks of all the Democratic Presidential candidates.\nOnce you have examined the differences, I hope you will recognize the much larger area of agreement.\nLet those who believe that our cause in Vietnam has been right — and those who believe it has been wrong — agree here and now: Neither vindication nor repudiation will bring peace or be worthy of our country.\nThe question is: What do we do now?\nNo one knows what the situation in Vietnam will be on January 20, 1969.\nEvery heart in America prays that, by then, we shall have reached a cease-fire in all Vietnam, and be in serious negotiation toward a durable peace.\nMeanwhile, as a citizen, a candidate, and Vice President, I pledge to you and to my fellow Americans, that I shall do everything within my power to aid the negotiations and to bring a prompt end to this war.\nMay I remind you of the words of a truly great citizen of the world, Winston Churchill — it was he who said — and we would heed his words well: \"Those who use today and the present to stand in judgment of the past, may well lose the future.\"\nAnd if there is one lesson we should have learned, it is that the policies of tomorrow need not be limited by the policies of yesterday.\nAnd my fellow Americans, if it becomes my high honor to serve as President of these States and people, I shall apply that lesson to the search for peace in Vietnam, as to all areas of national policy.\nNow, let me ask you, do you remember these words, at another time, in a different place: \"Peace and freedom do not come cheap. And we are destined — All of us here today — to live out most, if not all of our lives, in uncertainty and challenge and peril.\"\nThe words of a prophet? Yes.\nThe words of a President? Yes.\nThe words of the challenge of today? Yes.\nAnd the words of John Kennedy to you and to me and to me and to posterity.\nLast week we witnessed once again in Czechoslovakia the desperate attempt of tyranny to crush out the forces of liberalism by force and brutal power — to hold back change. But in Eastern Europe, as elsewhere, the old era will surely end and, there, as here, a new day will dawn.\nAnd to speed this day, we must go far beyond where we've been, beyond containment to communication, beyond differences to dialogue, beyond fear to hope.\nWe must cross the remaining barriers of suspicion and despair.\nWe must halt the arms race before it halts humanity. And is this, is this a vain hope? Is it but a dream? I say the record says no.\nWithin the last few years we have made progress.\nWe have negotiated a Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.\nWe have laid the groundwork for a Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.\nWe have reached agreement on banning weapons in outer space.\nWe have been building patiently stone by stone, each in our own way, the cathedral of peace. And now we must take new initiatives.\nEvery American, black or white, rich or poor, has the right in this land of ours to a safe and a decent neighborhood. And on this there can be no compromise.\nI put it very bluntly. Rioting, sniping, mugging, traffic in narcotics and disregard for law are the advance guard of anarchy and they must and they will be stopped.\nBut may I say most respectfully, particularly to some who have spoken before, the answer lies in reasoned, effective action by state, local and federal authority. The answer does not lie in an attack on our courts, our laws or our Attorney General.\nWe do not want a police state, but we need a state of law and order. And neither mob violence nor police brutality have any place in America.\nAnd I pledge to use every resource that is available to the President to end for once and for all the fear that is in our cities.\nNow let me speak of other rights. Nor can there be any compromise with the right of every American who is able and who is willing to work to have a job, who is willing to be a good neighbor, to be able to live in a decent home in the neighborhood of his own choice.\nNor can there by any compromise with the right of every American who is anxious and willing to learn to have a good education.\nAnd it is to these rights — the right of law and order, the right of life, the right of liberty, the right of a job, the right of a home in a decent neighborhood, and the right to an education — it is to these rights that I pledge my life and whatever capacity and ability I have.\nBut we cannot be satisfied with merely repairing that which is old. We must also move beyond the enclosures of our traditional cities to create new cities, to restore our present cities, yes, and we must bring prosperity and modern living and opportunity to our rural areas.\nWe must design and open America, opening new opportunities for new Americans in open land. I say to this audience, we have invested billions to explore outer space where man may live tomorrow. We must also be willing to invest to develop inner space right here on earth where many may live today.\nAnd now that third reality. Essential if the other two are to be achieved, is the necessity, my fellow American., for unit in our country, for tolerance and forbearance, for holding together as a family. And we must make a great decision: are we to be one nation, or are we to be a nation divided between black and white, between rich and poor, between north and south, between young and old.\nI take my stand. We are and we must be one nation — united by liberty and justice for all, one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all. This is our America.\nAnd just as I've said to you that there can be no compromise on the right of personal security, there can be no compromise on securing of human rights.\nIf America is to make a crucial judgment of leadership, in this coming election, then let that selection be made without either candidate hedging or equivocating. Winning the presidency for me is not worth the price of silence or evasion on the issue of human rights.\nAnd winning the presidency, and listen well, winning the presidency is not worth a compact with extremism.\nI choose not simply to run for President. I seek to lead a great nation. And either we achieve true justice in our land or we shall doom ourselves to a terrible exhaustion of body and spirit.\nI base my entire candidacy on the belief which comes from the very depth of my soul, which comes from basic religious conviction that the American people will stand up, that they will stand up for justice and fair play, and that they will respond to the call of one citizenship, one citizenship open to all for all Americans.\nSo this is the message that I shall take to the people and I ask you to stand with me. And to all of my fellow Democrats now who have labored hard and openly this week at the difficult and sometimes frustrating work of democracy, I pledge myself to the task of leading the Democratic Party to victory in November.\nAnd may I say to those who have differed with their neighbor or those who have differed with a fellow Democrat, that all of your goals, that all of your high hopes, that all of your dreams, all of them will come to naught if we lose this election. And many of them can be realized with a victory that can come to us.\nAnd now a word to two good friends, and they are my friends, and they're your friends, and they're fellow Democrats. To my friend, Gene McCarthy and George McGovern, who have given new hope to a new generation of Americans that there can be greater meaning in their lives, that America can respond to men of moral concern, to these two good Americans I ask your help for our America. And I ask you to help me in the difficult campaign that lies ahead.\nAnd now I appeal to those thousands, yes, millions of young Americans to join us not simply as campaigners but to continue as vocal, creative and even critical participants in the politics of our times. Never were you needed so much and never could you do so much if you were to help now.\nMartin Luther King, Jr. had a dream. Robert F. Kennedy as you saw tonight had a great vision.\nIf America will respond to that dream and that vision, their deaths will not mark the moment when America lost its way, but it will mark the time when America found its conscience.\nThese men have given us inspiration and direction. And I pledge from this platform tonight we shall not abandon their purposes. We shall honor their dreams by our deeds, now and in the days to come.\nI am keenly aware of the fears and frustrations of the world in which we live.\nIt is all too easy to play on these emotions. 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"available" -> 1, "authority" -> 1, "audience" -> 1, "Attorney" -> 1, "attempt" -> 1, "attack" -> 1, "At" -> 1, "Assisi" -> 1, "assassin's" -> 1, "Ask" -> 1, "As" -> 1, "arms" -> 1, "area" -> 1, "apply" -> 1, "anxious" -> 1, "answered" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "anger" -> 1, "anarchy" -> 1, "am" -> 1, "always" -> 1, "ally" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "aid" -> 1, "agree" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "affords" -> 1, "affair" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "Adlai" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "Across" -> 1, "achieved" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accomplished" -> 1, "about" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "abandon" -> 1, "20" -> 1, "1969" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25967", "Date" -> DateObject[{1972, 7, 14}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "GeorgeMcGovern::66j82"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"MiamiBeach", "Florida", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Chairman O'Brien, Chairwoman Burke, Senator Kennedy, Senator Eagleton and my fellow citizens, I'm happy to join us for this benediction of our Friday sunrise service.\nI assume that everyone here is impressed with my control of this Convention in that my choice for Vice President was challenged by only 39 other nominees.\nAnd I can tell you that Eleanor is very grateful that the Oregon delegation at least kept her in the race with Martha Mitchell. So I congratulate you on your patience and I pay my respects to those two superb presiding officers of this convention, Larry O'Brien and Yvonne Braithwaite Burke.\nSo tonight I accept your nomination with a full and grateful heart.\nThis afternoon I crossed the wide Missouri to recommend a running mate of wide vision and deep compassion, Senator Tom Eagleton.\nI'm proud to have him at my side, and I'm proud to have been introduced a moment ago by one of the most eloquent and courageous voices in this land Senator Ted Kennedy.\nMy nomination is all the more precious and that it is a gift of the most open political process in all of our political history.\nIt is the sweet harvest of the work of tens of thousands of tireless volunteers, young and old alike, funded by literally hundreds of thousands of small contributors in every part of this nation.\nThose who lingered on the brink of despair only a short time ago have been brought into this campaign, heart, hand, head and soul, and I have been the beneficiary of the most remarkable political organization in the history of this country.\nIt is an organization that gives dramatic proof to the power of love and to a faith that can literally move mountains.\nAs Yeats put it, \"Count where man's glory most begins and ends, and say: My glory was I had such friends.\"\nThis is the people's nomination and next January we will restore the government to the people of this country.\nI believe that American politics will never be quite the same again.\nWe are entering a new period of important and hopeful change in America, a period comparable to those eras that unleashed such remarkable ferment in the period of Jefferson and Jackson and Roosevelt.\nLet the opposition collect their $10 million in secret money from the privileged few and let us find one million ordinary Americans who will contribute $25 each to this campaign, a Million Member Club with members who will not expect special favors for themselves but a better land for us all.\nIn the literature and music of our children we are told, to everything there is a season and a time to every purpose under heaven. And for America, the time has come at last.\nThis is the time for truth, not falsehood. In a Democratic nation, no one likes to say that his inspiration came from secret arrangements by closed doors, but in the sense that is how my candidacy began. I am here as your candidate tonight in large part because during four administrations of both parties, a terrible war has been chartered behind closed doors.\nI want those doors opened and I want that war closed. And I make these pledges above all others: the doors of government will be opened, and that war will be closed.\nTruth is a habit of integrity, not a strategy of politics, and if we nurture the habit of truth in this campaign, we will continue to be truthful once we are in the White House.\nLet us say to Americans, as Woodrow Wilson said in his first campaign of 1912, \"Let me inside the government and I will tell you what is going on there.\"\nWilson believed, and I believe, that the destiny of America is always safer in the hands of the people then in the conference rooms of any elite.\nSo let us give our — let us give your country the chance to elect a Government that will seek and speak the truth, for this is the time for the truth in the life of this country.\nAnd this is also a time, not for death, but for life. In 1968 many Americans thought they were voting to bring our sons home from Vietnam in peace, and since then 20,000 of our sons have come home in coffins.\nI have no secret plan for peace. I have a public plan. And as one whose heart has ached for the past ten years over the agony of Vietnam, I will halt a senseless bombing of Indochina on Inaugural Day.\nThere will be no more Asian children running ablaze from bombed-out schools. There will be no more talk of bombing the dikes or the cities of the North.\nAnd within 90 days of my inauguration, every American soldier and every American prisoner will be out of the jungle and out of their cells and then home in America where they belong.\nAnd then let us resolve that never again will we send the precious young blood of this country to die trying to prop up a corrupt military dictatorship abroad.\nThis is also the time to turn away from excessive preoccupation overseas to the rebuilding of our own nation. America must be restored to a proper role in the world. But we can do that only through the recovery of confidence in ourselves.\nI treasure this nomination, especially because it comes after vigorous competition with the ablest men and women our party has to offer.\n—my old and treasured friend and neighbor, Hubert Humphrey;\n—a gracious and a good man from the state of Maine, Ed Muskie;\n—a tough fighter for his own convictions, Scoop Jackson of Washington;\n—and a brave and spirited woman, Shirley Chisholm;\n—a wise and effective lawmaker from Arkansas, Wilbur Mills;\n—And the man from North Carolina who over the years has opened new vistas in education and public excellence, Terry Sanford;\n—the leader who in 1968 combined both the travail and the hope of the American spirit, Senator Eugene McCarthy;\n—And I was as moved as well by the appearance in the Convention Hall of the Governor of Alabama, George Wallace. His votes in the primaries showed clearly the depth of discontent in this country, and his courage in the face of pain and adversity is the mark of a man of boundless will, despite the senseless act that disrupted his campaign. And, Governor, we pray for your full recovery so you can stand up and speak out for all of those who see you as their champion.\nNow, in the months ahead I deeply covet the help of every Democrat, of every Republican, of every Independent who wants this country to be a great and good land that it can be.\nThis is going to be a national campaign, carried to every part of the nation — North, South, East and West. We're not conceding a single state to Richard Nixon.\nI should like to say to my friend, Frank King, that Ohio may have passed a few times in this convention, but Tom Eagleton and I are not going to pass Ohio.\nI shall say to Governor Gilligan, Ohio is sometimes a little slow in counting the votes, but when those votes are counted next November, Ohio will be in the Democratic victory column.\nNow, to anyone in this hall or beyond who doubts the ability of Democrats to join together in common cause, I say never underestimate the power of Richard Nixon to bring harmony to Democratic ranks. He is the unwitting unifier and the fundamental issue of this national campaign and all of us are going to help him redeem a pledge made ten years ago — that next year you won't have Richard Nixon to kick around anymore.\nWe have had our fury and our frustrations in these past months and at this Convention, but frankly, I welcome the contrast with the smug and dull and empty event which will doubtless take place here in Miami next month.\nWe chose this struggle, we reformed our Party, and we let the people in. So we stand today not as a collection of backroom strategies, not as a tool of ITT or any other special interest. So let our opponents stand on the status quo while we seek to refresh the American spirit.\nI believe that the greatest contribution America can now make to our fellow mortals is to heal our own great but very deeply troubled land. We must respond — we must respond to that ancient command: \"Physician, heal thyself.\"\nNow, it is necessary in an age of nuclear power and hostile forces that we'll be militarily strong. America must never become a second-rate nation. As one who has tasted the bitter fruits of our weakness before Pearl Harbor in 1941, I give you my pledge that if I become the President of the United States, America will keep its defenses alert and fully sufficient to meet any danger.\nWe will do that not only for ourselves, but for those who deserve and need the shield of our strength — our old allies in Europe and elsewhere, including the people of Israel who will always have our help to hold their Promised Land.\nYet I believe that every man and woman in this Convention Hall knows that for 30 years we have been so absorbed with fear and danger from abroad that we have permitted our own house to fall into disarray.\nWe must now show that peace and prosperity can exist side by side. Indeed, each now depends on the existence of the other. National strength includes the credibility of our system in the eyes of our own people as well as the credibility of our deterrent in the eyes of others abroad.\nNational security includes schools for our children as well as silos for our missiles.\nIt includes the health of our families as much as the size of our bombs, the safety of our streets, and the condition of our cities, and not just the engines of war.\nIf we some day choke on the pollution of our own air, there will be little consolation in leaving behind a dying continent ringed with steel.\nSo while protecting ourselves abroad, let us form a more perfect union here at home. And this is the time for that task.\nWe must also make this a time of justice and jobs for all our people. For more than three and half years we have tolerated stagnation and a rising level of joblessness, with more than five million of our best workers unemployed at this very moment. Surely, this is the most false and wasteful economics of all.\nOur deep need is not for idleness but for new housing and hospitals, for facilities to combat pollution and take us home from work, for better products able to compete on vigorous world markets.\nThe highest single domestic priority of the next administration will be to ensure that every American able to work has a job to.\nThat job guarantee will and must depend on a reinvigorated private economy, freed at last from the uncertainties and burdens of war, but it is our firm commitment that whatever employment the private sector does not provide, the Federal government will either stimulate or provide itself.\nWhatever it takes, this country is going back to work. America cannot exist with most of our people working and paying taxes to support too many others mired in a demeaning and hopeless welfare mess.\nTherefore, we intend to begin by putting millions back to work and after that is done, we will assure to those unable to work an income fully adequate to a decent life.\nNow beyond this, a program to put America back to work demands that work be properly rewarded. That means the end of a system of economic controls in which labor is depressed, but prices and corporate profit run sky-high.\nIt means a system of national health insurance so that a worker can afford decent health care for himself and his family.\nIt means real enforcement of the laws so that the drug racketeers are put behind bars and our streets are once again safe for our families.\nAnd above all, above all, honest work must be rewarded by a fair and just tax system.\nThe tax system today does not reward hard work: it's penalizes it. Inherited or invested wealth frequently multiplies itself while paying no taxes at all. But wages on the assembly line or in farming the land, these hard-earned dollars are taxed to the very last penny.\nThere is a depletion allowance for oil wells, but no depletion for the farmer who feeds us, or the worker who serves as all.\nThe administration tells us that we should not discuss tax reform and the election year. They would prefer to keep all discussion of the tax laws in closed rooms where the administration, its powerful friends, and their paid lobbyists, can turn every effort at reform into a new loophole for the rich and powerful.\nBut an election year is the people's year to speak, and this year, the people are going to ensure that the tax system is changed so that work is rewarded and so that those who derive the highest benefits will pay their fair share rather than slipping through the loopholes at the expense of the rest of us.\nSo let us stand for justice and jobs and against special privilege.\nAnd this is the time to stand for those things that are close to the American spirit. We are not content with things as they are. We reject the view of those who say, \"America — love it or leave it. \" We reply, \"Let us change it so we may love it the more.\"\nAnd this is the time. It is the time for this land to become again a witness to the world for what is just and noble in human affairs. It is time to live more with faith and less with fear, with an abiding confidence that can sweep away the strongest barriers between us and teach us that we are truly brothers and sisters.\nSo join with me in this campaign. Lend Senator Eagleton and me your strength and your support, and together we will call America home to the ideals that nourished us from the beginning.\nFrom secrecy and deception in high places; come home, America\nFrom military spending so wasteful that it weakens our nation; come home, America.\nFrom the entrenchment of special privileges in tax favoritism; from the waste of idle lands to the joy of useful labor; from the prejudice based on race and sex; from the loneliness of the aging poor and the despair of the neglected sick — come home, America.\nCome home to the affirmation that we have a dream. Come home to the conviction that we can move our country forward.\nCome home to the belief that we can seek a newer world, and let us be joyful in that homecoming, for this \"is your land, this land is my land — from California to New York island, from the redwood forest to the gulf stream waters — this land was made for you and me.\"\nSo let us close on this note: May God grant each one of us the wisdom to cherish this good land and to meet the great challenge that beckons us home.\nAnd now is the time to meet that challenge.\nGood night, and Godspeed to you all.", "Words" -> 2599, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 147, "of" -> 100, "and" -> 98, "to" -> 78, "a" -> 55, "in" -> 53, "that" -> 52, "is" -> 41, "this" -> 39, "our" -> 37, "for" -> 37, "I" -> 30, "will" -> 27, "we" -> 26, "us" -> 22, "be" -> 18, "from" -> 17, "as" -> 16, "with" -> 15, "who" -> 15, "not" -> 15, "have" -> 15, "And" -> 15, "America" -> 15, "time" -> 14, "are" -> 14, "all" -> 14, "it" -> 13, "home" -> 13, "on" -> 12, 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-> 1, "Asian" -> 1, "arrangements" -> 1, "around" -> 1, "Arkansas" -> 1, "appearance" -> 1, "anyone" -> 1, "anymore" -> 1, "ancient" -> 1, "am" -> 1, "allowance" -> 1, "allies" -> 1, "alike" -> 1, "alert" -> 1, "Alabama" -> 1, "air" -> 1, "ahead" -> 1, "agony" -> 1, "aging" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "against" -> 1, "afternoon" -> 1, "afford" -> 1, "affirmation" -> 1, "affairs" -> 1, "adversity" -> 1, "administrations" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "act" -> 1, "ached" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "absorbed" -> 1, "ablest" -> 1, "ablaze" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "abiding" -> 1, "90" -> 1, "39" -> 1, "30" -> 1, "20,000" -> 1, "1941" -> 1, "1912" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25953", "Date" -> DateObject[{1976, 7, 15}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "JimmyCarter::82w68"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"NewYork", "NewYork", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "My name is Jimmy Carter, and I'm running for President.\nIt's been a long time since I said those words the first time, and now I've come here after seeing our great country to accept your nomination.\nI accept it, in the words of John F. Kennedy, with a full and grateful heart and with only one obligation: to devote every effort of body, mind and spirit to lead our party back to victory and our nation back to greatness.\nIt's a pleasure to be here with all you Democrats and to see that our Bicentennial celebration and our Bicentennial convention has been one of decorum and order without any fights or free-for-alls. Among Democrats that can only happen once every two hundred years. With this kind of a united Democratic Party, we are ready, and eager, to take on the Republicans—whichever Republican Party they decide to send against us in November.\nNineteen seventy-six will not be a year of politics as usual. It can be a year of inspiration and hope, and it will be a year of concern, of quiet and sober reassessment of our nation's character and purpose. It has already been a year when voters have confounded the experts. And I guarantee you that it will be the year when we give the government of this country back to the people of this country.\nThere is a new mood in America. We have been shaken by a tragic war abroad and by scandals and broken promises at home. Our people are searching for new voices and new ideas and new leaders.\nAlthough government has its limits and cannot solve all our problems, we Americans reject the view that we must be reconciled to failures and mediocrity, or to an inferior quality of life. For I believe that we can come through this time of trouble stronger than ever. Like troops who have been in combat, we have been tempered in the fire; we have been disciplined, and we have been educated.\nGuided by lasting and simple moral values, we have emerged idealists without illusions, realists who still know the old dreams of justice and liberty, of country and of community.\nThis year we have had thirty state primaries--more than ever before—making it possible to take our campaign directly to the people of America: to homes and shopping centers, to factory shift lines and colleges, to beauty parlors and barbershops, to farmers, markets and union halls.\nThis has been a long and personal campaign—a humbling experience, reminding us that ultimate political influence rests not with the power brokers but with the people. This has been a time of tough debate on the important issues facing our country. This kind of debate is part of our tradition, and as Democrats we are heirs to a great tradition.\nI have never met a Democratic President, but I have always been a Democrat.\nYears ago, as a farm boy sitting outdoors with my family on the ground in the middle of the night, gathered close around a battery radio connected to the automobile battery and listening to the Democratic conventions in far-off cities, I was a long way from the selection process. I feel much closer to it tonight.\nOurs is the party of the man who was nominated by those distant conventions and who inspired and restored this nation in its darkest hours—Franklin D. Roosevelt.\nOurs is the party of a fighting Democrat who showed us that a common man could be an uncommon leader—Harry S. Truman.\nOurs is the party of a brave young President who called the young at heart, regardless of age, to seek a \"New Frontier\" of national greatness—John F. Kennedy.\nAnd ours is also the party of a great-hearted Texan who took office in a tragic hour and who went on to do more than any other President in this century to advance the cause of human rights—Lyndon Johnson.\nOur Party was built out of the sweatshops of the old Lower East Side, the dark mills of New Hampshire, the blazing hearths of Illinois, the coal mines of Pennsylvania, the hard-scrabble farms of the southern coastal plains, and the unlimited frontiers of America.\nOurs is the party that welcomed generations of immigrants—the Jews, the\nIrish, the Italians, the Poles, and all the others, enlisted them in its ranks and fought the political battles that helped bring them into the American mainstream.\nAnd they have shaped the character of our party.\nThat is our heritage. Our party has not been perfect. We have made mistakes, and we have paid for them. But ours is a tradition of leadership and compassion and progress.\nOur leaders have fought for every piece of progressive legislation, from RFD and REA to Social Security and civil rights. In times of need, the Democrats were there.\nBut in recent years our nation has seen a failure of leadership. We have been hurt, and we have been disillusioned. We have seen a wall go up that separates us from our own government.\nWe have lost some precious things that historically have bound our people and our government together. We feel that moral decay has weakened our country, that it is crippled by a lack of goals and values, and that our public officials have lost faith in us.\nWe have been a nation adrift too long. We have been without leadership too long. We have had divided and deadlocked government too long. We have been governed by veto too long. We have suffered enough at the hands of a tired and worn-out administration without new ideas, without youth or vitality, without vision and without the confidence of the American people. There is a fear that our best years are behind us. But I say to you that our nation's best is still ahead.\nOur country has lived through a time of torment. It is now a time for healing. We want to have faith again. We want to be proud again. We just want the truth again.\nIt is time for the people to run the government, and not the other way around.\nIt is the time to honor and strengthen our families and our neighborhoods and our diverse cultures and customs.\nWe need a Democratic President and a Congress to work in harmony for a change, with mutual respect for a change. And next year we are going to have that new leadership. You can depend on it!\nIt is time for America to move and to speak not with boasting and belligerence but with a quiet strength, to depend in world affairs not merely on the size of an arsenal but on the nobility of ideas, and to govern at home not by confusion and crisis but with grace and imagination and common sense.\nToo many have had to suffer at the hands of a political economic elite who have shaped decisions and never had to account for mistakes or to suffer from injustice. When unemployment prevails, they never stand in line looking for a job.\nWhen deprivation results from a confused and bewildering welfare system, they never do without food or clothing or a place to sleep. When the public schools are inferior or torn by strife, their children go to exclusive private schools. And when the bureaucracy is bloated and confused, the powerful always manage to discover and occupy niches of special influence and privilege. An unfair tax structure serves their needs. And tight secrecy always seems to prevent reform.\nAll of us must be careful not to cheat each other. Too often unholy, selfperpetuating alliances have been formed between money and politics, and the average citizen has been held at arm's length.\nEach time our nation has made a serious mistake the American people have been excluded from the process. The tragedy of Vietnam and Cambodia, the disgrace of Watergate, and the embarrassment of the CIA revelations could have been avoided if our government had simply reflected the sound judgement and good common sense and the high moral character of the American people.\nIt is time for us to take a new look at our own government, to strip away the secrecy, to expose the unwarranted pressure of lobbyists, to eliminate waste, to release our civil servants from bureaucratic chaos, to provide tough management, and always to remember that in any town or city the mayor, the governor, and the President represent exactly the same constituents.\nAs a governor, I had to deal each day with the complicated and confused and overlapping and wasteful federal government bureaucracy. As President, I want you to help me evolve an efficient, economical, purposeful, and manageable government for our nation. Now, I recognize the difficulty, but if I'm elected, it's going to be done. And you can depend on it!\nWe must strengthen the government closest to the people. Business, labor, agriculture, education, science, and government should not struggle in isolation from one another but should be able to strive toward mutual goals and shared opportunities. We should make major investments in people and not in buildings and weapons. The poor, the aged, the weak, the afflicted must be treated with respect and compassion and with love.\nI have spoken a lot of times this year about love. But love must be aggressively translated into simple justice. The test of any government is not how popular it is with the powerful but how honestly and fairly it deals with those who must depend on it.\nIt is time for a complete overhaul of our income tax system. I still tell you: It is a disgrace to the human race. All my life I have heard promises about tax reform, but it never quite happens. With your help, we are finally going to make it happen. And you can depend on it.\nHere is something that can really help our country: It is time for universal voter registration.\nIt is time for a nationwide comprehensive health program for all our people.\nIt is time to guarantee an end to discrimination because of race or sex by full involvement in the decision making process of government by those who know what it is to suffer from discrimination. And they'll be in the government if I am elected.\nIt is time for the law to be enforced. We cannot educate children, we cannot create harmony among our people, we cannot preserve basic human freedom unless we have an orderly society.\nCrime and lack of justice are especially cruel to those who are least able to protect themselves. Swift arrest and trial, fair and uniform punishment, should be expected by anyone who would break our laws.\nIt is time for our government leaders to respect the law no less than the humblest citizen, so that we can end once and for all a double standard of justice.\nI see no reason why big-shot crooks should go free and the poor ones go to jail.\nA simple and a proper function of government is just to make it easy for us to do good and difficult for us to do wrong.\nAs an engineer, a planner, a businessman, I see clearly the value to our nation of a strong system of free enterprise based on increase productivity and adequate wages. We Democrats believe that competition is better than regulation, and we intend to combine strong safeguards for consumers with minimal intrusion of government in our free economic system.\nI believe that anyone who is able to work ought to work--and ought to have a chance to work. We will never have an end to the inflationary spiral, we will never have a balanced budget—which I am determined to see--as long as we have eight or nine million Americans out of work who cannot find a job. Any system of economics is bankrupt if it sees either value or virtue in unemployment. We simply cannot check inflation by keeping people out of work.\nThe foremost responsibility of any President, above all else, is to guarantee the security of our nation—a guarantee of freedom from the threat of successful attack or blackmail, and the ability with our allies to maintain peace.\nBut peace is not the mere absence of war. Peace is action to stamp out international terrorism. Peace is the unceasing effort to preserve human rights.\nPeace is a combined demonstration of strength and good will. We will pray for peace and we will work for peace, until we have removed from all nations for all time the threat of nuclear destruction.\nAmerica's birth opened a new chapter in mankind's history. Ours was the first nation to dedicate itself clearly to basic moral and philosophical principles: that all people are created equal and endowed with inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the power of government is derived from the consent of the governed.\nThis national commitment was a singular act of wisdom and courage, and it brought the best and the bravest from other nations to our shores. It was a revolutionary development that captured the imagination of mankind. It created a basis for a unique role of America—that of a pioneer in shaping more decent and just relations among people and among societies.\nToday, two hundred years later, we must address ourselves to that role, both in what we do at home and how we act abroad'among people everywhere who have become politically more alert, socially more congested, and increasingly impatient with global inequities, and who are now organized, as you know, into some one hundred and fifty different nations. This calls for nothing less than a sustained architectural effort to shape an international framework of peace within which our own ideals gradually can become a global reality.\nOur nation should always derive its character directly from the people and let this be the strength and the image to be presented to the world—the character of the American people.\nTo our friends and allies I say that what unites us through our common dedication to democracy is much more important than that which occasionally divides us on economics or politics. To the nations that seek to lift themselves from poverty I say that America shares your aspirations and extends its hand to you. To those nation-states that wish to compete with us I say that we neither fear competition nor see it as an obstacle to wider cooperation. To all people I say that after two hundred years America still remains confident and youthful in its commitment to freedom and equality, and we always will be.\nDuring this election year we candidates will ask you for your votes, and from us will be demanded our vision.\nMy vision of this nation and its future has been deepened and matured during the nineteen months that I have campaigned among you for President. I have never had more faith in America than I do today. We have an America that, in Bob Dylan's phrase, is busy being born, not busy dying.\nWe can have an America that has reconciled its economic needs with its desire for an environment that we can pass on with pride to the next generation.\nWe can have an America that provides excellence in education to my child and your child and every child.\nWe can have an America that encourages and takes pride in our ethnic diversity, our religious diversity, our cultural diversity—knowing that out of this pluralistic heritage has come the strength and the vitality and the creativity that has made us great and will keep us great.\nWe can have an American government that does not oppress or spy on its own people but respects our dignity and our privacy and our right to be let alone.\nWe can have an America where freedom, on the one hand, and equality, on the other hand, are mutually supportive and not in conflict, and where the dreams of our nation's first leaders are fully realized in our own day and age.\nAnd we can have an America which harnesses the idealism of the student, the compassion of a nurse or the social worker, the determination of a farmer, the wisdom of a teacher, the practicality of the business leader, the experience of the senior citizen, and the hope of a laborer to build a better life for us all. And we can have it, and we're going to have it!\nAs I've said many times before, we can have an American President who does not govern with negativism and fear of the future, but with vigor and vision and aggressive leadership—a President who's not isolated from the people, but who feels your pain and shares your dreams and takes his strength and his wisdom and his courage from you.\nI see an America on the move again, united, a diverse and vital and tolerant nation, entering our third century with pride and confidence, an America that lives up to the majesty of our Constitution and the simple decency of our people.\nThis is the America we want. This is the America that we will have.\nWe will go forward from this convention with some differences of opinion perhaps, but nevertheless united in a calm determination to make our country large and driving and generous in spirit once again, ready to embark on great national deeds. And once again, as brothers and sisters, our hearts will swell with pride to call ourselves Americans.", "Words" -> 2918, "WordCounts" -> <|"and" -> 149, "the" -> 136, "to" -> 105, "of" -> 99, "a" -> 73, "our" -> 56, "have" -> 54, "that" -> 44, "is" -> 44, "we" -> 36, "in" -> 36, "for" -> 32, "We" -> 29, "I" -> 28, "with" -> 27, "people" -> 23, "been" -> 22, "it" -> 21, "be" -> 21, "an" -> 21, "government" -> 20, "who" -> 19, "from" -> 19, "time" -> 18, "on" -> 18, "can" -> 18, "us" -> 17, "not" -> 17, "America" -> 17, "It" -> 16, "will" -> 15, "or" -> 15, "has" -> 15, "but" -> 13, "are" -> 13, "you" -> 12, "this" -> 12, "by" -> 12, "And" -> 12, "President" -> 11, "nation" -> 11, "all" -> 11, "its" -> 10, "year" -> 9, "country" -> 9, "without" -> 8, "This" -> 8, "than" -> 8, "party" -> 8, "new" -> 8, "never" -> 8, "long" -> 8, "at" -> 8, "as" -> 8, "your" -> 7, "work" -> 7, "must" -> 7, "more" -> 7, "had" -> 7, "American" -> 7, "was" -> 6, "those" -> 6, "should" -> 6, "see" -> 6, "Our" 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3, "Party" -> 3, "now" -> 3, "nation's" -> 3, "national" -> 3, "my" -> 3, "made" -> 3, "love" -> 3, "know" -> 3, "just" -> 3, "into" -> 3, "ideas" -> 3, "how" -> 3, "home" -> 3, "his" -> 3, "help" -> 3, "hand" -> 3, "good" -> 3, "free" -> 3, "first" -> 3, "fear" -> 3, "faith" -> 3, "end" -> 3, "effort" -> 3, "economic" -> 3, "dreams" -> 3, "confused" -> 3, "compassion" -> 3, "come" -> 3, "citizen" -> 3, "child" -> 3, "best" -> 3, "believe" -> 3, "back" -> 3, "Americans" -> 3, "able" -> 3, "young" -> 2, "words" -> 2, "With" -> 2, "where" -> 2, "way" -> 2, "war" -> 2, "vitality" -> 2, "values" -> 2, "value" -> 2, "up" -> 2, "unemployment" -> 2, "tragic" -> 2, "tough" -> 2, "Too" -> 2, "threat" -> 2, "There" -> 2, "themselves" -> 2, "their" -> 2, "takes" -> 2, "strong" -> 2, "strengthen" -> 2, "spirit" -> 2, "simply" -> 2, "shares" -> 2, "shaped" -> 2, "sense" -> 2, "seen" -> 2, "seek" -> 2, "secrecy" -> 2, "schools" -> 2, "said" -> 2, "role" -> 2, "reform" -> 2, "reconciled" -> 2, "ready" -> 2, "race" -> 2, "quiet" -> 2, "public" -> 2, "promises" -> 2, "preserve" -> 2, "powerful" -> 2, "power" -> 2, "poor" -> 2, "ourselves" -> 2, "ours" -> 2, "ought" -> 2, "only" -> 2, "old" -> 2, "no" -> 2, "next" -> 2, "New" -> 2, "needs" -> 2, "need" -> 2, "My" -> 2, "mutual" -> 2, "much" -> 2, "move" -> 2, "mistakes" -> 2, "many" -> 2, "man" -> 2, "lost" -> 2, "liberty" -> 2, "let" -> 2, "less" -> 2, "law" -> 2, "lack" -> 2, "kind" -> 2, "Kennedy" -> 2, "job" -> 2, "I've" -> 2, "It's" -> 2, "international" -> 2, "influence" -> 2, "inferior" -> 2, "important" -> 2, "imagination" -> 2, "I'm" -> 2, "hope" -> 2, "heritage" -> 2, "here" -> 2, "heart" -> 2, "harmony" -> 2, "happen" -> 2, "hands" -> 2, "governor" -> 2, "governed" -> 2, "govern" -> 2, "goals" -> 2, "global" -> 2, "future" -> 2, "full" -> 2, "fought" -> 2, "feel" -> 2, "F" -> 2, "experience" -> 2, "ever" -> 2, "equality" -> 2, "elected" -> 2, "education" -> 2, "economics" -> 2, "each" -> 2, "does" -> 2, "diversity" -> 2, "diverse" -> 2, "disgrace" -> 2, "discrimination" -> 2, "directly" -> 2, "determination" -> 2, "Democrat" -> 2, "debate" -> 2, "day" -> 2, "created" -> 2, "courage" -> 2, "could" -> 2, "conventions" -> 2, "convention" -> 2, "confidence" -> 2, "competition" -> 2, "commitment" -> 2, "clearly" -> 2, "civil" -> 2, "children" -> 2, "change" -> 2, "century" -> 2, "busy" -> 2, "bureaucracy" -> 2, "Bicentennial" -> 2, "better" -> 2, "become" -> 2, "battery" -> 2, "basic" -> 2, "around" -> 2, "anyone" -> 2, "am" -> 2, "allies" -> 2, "All" -> 2, "age" -> 2, "after" -> 2, "act" -> 2, "accept" -> 2, "about" -> 2, "youthful" -> 1, "youth" -> 1, "You" -> 1, "Years" -> 1, "wrong" -> 1, "would" -> 1, "worn-out" -> 1, "world—the" -> 1, "world" -> 1, "worker" -> 1, "within" -> 1, "wish" -> 1, "wider" -> 1, "why" -> 1, "who's" -> 1, "were" -> 1, "we're" -> 1, "went" -> 1, "welfare" -> 1, "welcomed" -> 1, "weapons" -> 1, "weakened" -> 1, "weak" -> 1, "Watergate" -> 1, "wasteful" -> 1, "waste" -> 1, "wall" -> 1, "wages" -> 1, "votes" -> 1, "voters" -> 1, "voter" -> 1, "voices" -> 1, "vital" -> 1, "virtue" -> 1, "vigor" -> 1, "view" -> 1, "Vietnam" -> 1, "victory" -> 1, "veto" -> 1, "usual" -> 1, "unwarranted" -> 1, "until" -> 1, "unlimited" -> 1, "unless" -> 1, "universal" -> 1, "unites" -> 1, "unique" -> 1, "union" -> 1, "uniform" -> 1, "unholy" -> 1, "unfair" -> 1, "uncommon" -> 1, "unceasing" -> 1, "ultimate" -> 1, "truth" -> 1, "Truman" -> 1, "trouble" -> 1, "troops" -> 1, "trial" -> 1, "treated" -> 1, "translated" -> 1, "tragedy" -> 1, "town" -> 1, "toward" -> 1, "torn" -> 1, "torment" -> 1, "took" -> 1, "tonight" -> 1, "tolerant" -> 1, "together" -> 1, "Today" -> 1, "today" -> 1, "tired" -> 1, "tight" -> 1, "thirty" -> 1, "third" -> 1, "things" -> 1, "they'll" -> 1, "there" -> 1, "That" -> 1, "Texan" -> 1, "test" -> 1, "terrorism" -> 1, "tempered" -> 1, "tell" -> 1, "teacher" -> 1, "Swift" -> 1, "swell" -> 1, "sweatshops" -> 1, "sustained" -> 1, "supportive" -> 1, "suffered" -> 1, "successful" -> 1, "student" -> 1, "struggle" -> 1, "structure" -> 1, "stronger" -> 1, "strive" -> 1, "strip" -> 1, "strife" -> 1, "state" -> 1, "standard" -> 1, "stand" -> 1, "stamp" -> 1, "spy" -> 1, "spoken" -> 1, "spiral" -> 1, "special" -> 1, "speak" -> 1, "southern" -> 1, "sound" -> 1, "something" -> 1, "solve" -> 1, "society" -> 1, "societies" -> 1, "socially" -> 1, "Social" -> 1, "social" -> 1, "sober" -> 1, "so" -> 1, "sleep" -> 1, "size" -> 1, "sitting" -> 1, "sisters" -> 1, "singular" -> 1, "since" -> 1, "Side" -> 1, "showed" -> 1, "shores" -> 1, "shopping" -> 1, "shift" -> 1, "shared" -> 1, "shaping" -> 1, "shape" -> 1, "shaken" -> 1, "sex" -> 1, "seventy-six" -> 1, "serves" -> 1, "servants" -> 1, "serious" -> 1, "separates" -> 1, "senior" -> 1, "send" -> 1, "selfperpetuating" -> 1, "selection" -> 1, "sees" -> 1, "seems" -> 1, "seeing" -> 1, "Security" -> 1, "security" -> 1, "searching" -> 1, "science" -> 1, "scandals" -> 1, "same" -> 1, "safeguards" -> 1, "S." -> 1, "running" -> 1, "run" -> 1, "Roosevelt" -> 1, "rights—Lyndon" -> 1, "right" -> 1, "RFD" -> 1, "revolutionary" -> 1, "revelations" -> 1, "results" -> 1, "rests" -> 1, "restored" -> 1, "responsibility" -> 1, "respects" -> 1, "Republicans—whichever" -> 1, "Republican" -> 1, "represent" -> 1, "removed" -> 1, "reminding" -> 1, "remember" -> 1, "remains" -> 1, "religious" -> 1, "release" -> 1, "relations" -> 1, "reject" -> 1, "regulation" -> 1, "registration" -> 1, "regardless" -> 1, "reflected" -> 1, "recognize" -> 1, "recent" -> 1, "reassessment" -> 1, "reason" -> 1, "really" -> 1, "realized" -> 1, "reality" -> 1, "realists" -> 1, "REA" -> 1, "ranks" -> 1, "radio" -> 1, "quite" -> 1, "quality" -> 1, "pursuit" -> 1, "purposeful" -> 1, "purpose" -> 1, "punishment" -> 1, "provides" -> 1, "provide" -> 1, "proud" -> 1, "protect" -> 1, "proper" -> 1, "progressive" -> 1, "progress" -> 1, "program" -> 1, "productivity" -> 1, "problems" -> 1, "privilege" -> 1, "private" -> 1, "privacy" -> 1, "principles" -> 1, "primaries" -> 1, "prevent" -> 1, "prevails" -> 1, "pressure" -> 1, "presented" -> 1, "precious" -> 1, "pray" -> 1, "practicality" -> 1, "poverty" -> 1, "possible" -> 1, "popular" -> 1, "politically" -> 1, "Poles" -> 1, "pluralistic" -> 1, "pleasure" -> 1, "planner" -> 1, "plains" -> 1, "place" -> 1, "pioneer" -> 1, "piece" -> 1, "phrase" -> 1, "philosophical" -> 1, "personal" -> 1, "perhaps" -> 1, "perfect" -> 1, "Pennsylvania" -> 1, "pass" -> 1, "part" -> 1, "parlors" -> 1, "pain" -> 1, "paid" -> 1, "overlapping" -> 1, "overhaul" -> 1, "outdoors" -> 1, "others" -> 1, "organized" -> 1, "orderly" -> 1, "order" -> 1, "oppress" -> 1, "opportunities" -> 1, "opinion" -> 1, "opened" -> 1, "ones" -> 1, "often" -> 1, "officials" -> 1, "office" -> 1, "occupy" -> 1, "occasionally" -> 1, "obstacle" -> 1, "obligation" -> 1, "nurse" -> 1, "nuclear" -> 1, "Now" -> 1, "November" -> 1, "nothing" -> 1, "nor" -> 1, "nomination" -> 1, "nominated" -> 1, "nobility" -> 1, "Nineteen" -> 1, "nineteen" -> 1, "nine" -> 1, "night" -> 1, "niches" -> 1, "nevertheless" -> 1, "neither" -> 1, "neighborhoods" -> 1, "negativism" -> 1, "nation—a" -> 1, "nationwide" -> 1, "nation-states" -> 1, "name" -> 1, "mutually" -> 1, "mood" -> 1, "months" -> 1, "money" -> 1, "mistake" -> 1, "minimal" -> 1, "mines" -> 1, "mind" -> 1, "mills" -> 1, "million" -> 1, "middle" -> 1, "met" -> 1, "merely" -> 1, "mere" -> 1, "mediocrity" -> 1, "me" -> 1, "mayor" -> 1, "matured" -> 1, "markets" -> 1, "mankind's" -> 1, "mankind" -> 1, "management" -> 1, "manageable" -> 1, "manage" -> 1, "making" -> 1, "major" -> 1, "majesty" -> 1, "maintain" -> 1, "mainstream" -> 1, "Lower" -> 1, "lot" -> 1, "looking" -> 1, "look" -> 1, "lobbyists" -> 1, "lives" -> 1, "lived" -> 1, "listening" -> 1, "lines" -> 1, "line" -> 1, "limits" -> 1, "Like" -> 1, "lift" -> 1, "length" -> 1, "legislation" -> 1, "least" -> 1, "leader—Harry" -> 1, "leadership—a" -> 1, "leader" -> 1, "lead" -> 1, "laws" -> 1, "later" -> 1, "lasting" -> 1, "large" -> 1, "laborer" -> 1, "labor" -> 1, "keeping" -> 1, "keep" -> 1, "judgement" -> 1, "Johnson" -> 1, "John" -> 1, "Jimmy" -> 1, "Jews" -> 1, "jail" -> 1, "itself" -> 1, "it's" -> 1, "Italians" -> 1, "issues" -> 1, "isolation" -> 1, "isolated" -> 1, "Irish" -> 1, "involvement" -> 1, "investments" -> 1, "intrusion" -> 1, "intend" -> 1, "inspired" -> 1, "inspiration" -> 1, "injustice" -> 1, "inflationary" -> 1, "inflation" -> 1, "inequities" -> 1, "increasingly" -> 1, "increase" -> 1, "income" -> 1, "inalienable" -> 1, "In" -> 1, "impatient" -> 1, "immigrants—the" -> 1, "image" -> 1, "illusions" -> 1, "Illinois" -> 1, "ideals" -> 1, "idealists" -> 1, "idealism" -> 1, "hurt" -> 1, "humbling" -> 1, "humblest" -> 1, "hours—Franklin" -> 1, "hour" -> 1, "honor" -> 1, "honestly" -> 1, "homes" -> 1, "history" -> 1, "historically" -> 1, "high" -> 1, "Here" -> 1, "helped" -> 1, "held" -> 1, "heirs" -> 1, "hearts" -> 1, "hearths" -> 1, "heard" -> 1, "health" -> 1, "healing" -> 1, "harnesses" -> 1, "hard-scrabble" -> 1, "happiness" -> 1, "happens" -> 1, "Hampshire" -> 1, "halls" -> 1, "Guided" -> 1, "ground" -> 1, "greatness—John" -> 1, "greatness" -> 1, "great-hearted" -> 1, "grateful" -> 1, "gradually" -> 1, "grace" -> 1, "give" -> 1, "generous" -> 1, "generations" -> 1, "generation" -> 1, "gathered" -> 1, "function" -> 1, "fully" -> 1, "frontiers" -> 1, "Frontier" -> 1, "friends" -> 1, "free-for-alls" -> 1, "framework" -> 1, "forward" -> 1, "formed" -> 1, "foremost" -> 1, "For" -> 1, "food" -> 1, "fire" -> 1, "find" -> 1, "finally" -> 1, "fights" -> 1, "fighting" -> 1, "fifty" -> 1, "feels" -> 1, "federal" -> 1, "far-off" -> 1, "farms" -> 1, "farmers" -> 1, "farmer" -> 1, "farm" -> 1, "family" -> 1, "families" -> 1, "fairly" -> 1, "fair" -> 1, "failures" -> 1, "failure" -> 1, "factory" -> 1, "facing" -> 1, "extends" -> 1, "expose" -> 1, "experts" -> 1, "expected" -> 1, "exclusive" -> 1, "excluded" -> 1, "excellence" -> 1, "exactly" -> 1, "evolve" -> 1, "everywhere" -> 1, "ethnic" -> 1, "especially" -> 1, "equal" -> 1, "environment" -> 1, "enterprise" -> 1, "entering" -> 1, "enough" -> 1, "enlisted" -> 1, "engineer" -> 1, "enforced" -> 1, "endowed" -> 1, "encourages" -> 1, "emerged" -> 1, "embarrassment" -> 1, "embark" -> 1, "else" -> 1, "elite" -> 1, "eliminate" -> 1, "election" -> 1, "either" -> 1, "eight" -> 1, "efficient" -> 1, "educated" -> 1, "educate" -> 1, "economical" -> 1, "easy" -> 1, "East" -> 1, "eager" -> 1, "Each" -> 1, "Dylan's" -> 1, "dying" -> 1, "During" -> 1, "during" -> 1, "driving" -> 1, "double" -> 1, "done" -> 1, "divides" -> 1, "divided" -> 1, "diversity—knowing" -> 1, "distant" -> 1, "disillusioned" -> 1, "discover" -> 1, "disciplined" -> 1, "dignity" -> 1, "difficulty" -> 1, "difficult" -> 1, "different" -> 1, "differences" -> 1, "devote" -> 1, "development" -> 1, "determined" -> 1, "destruction" -> 1, "desire" -> 1, "derived" -> 1, "derive" -> 1, "deprivation" -> 1, "demonstration" -> 1, "democracy" -> 1, "demanded" -> 1, "deepened" -> 1, "deeds" -> 1, "dedication" -> 1, "dedicate" -> 1, "decorum" -> 1, "decisions" -> 1, "decision" -> 1, "decide" -> 1, "decent" -> 1, "decency" -> 1, "decay" -> 1, "deals" -> 1, "deal" -> 1, "deadlocked" -> 1, "darkest" -> 1, "dark" -> 1, "D" -> 1, "customs" -> 1, "cultures" -> 1, "cultural" -> 1, "cruel" -> 1, "crooks" -> 1, "crisis" -> 1, "crippled" -> 1, "Crime" -> 1, "creativity" -> 1, "create" -> 1, "cooperation" -> 1, "consumers" -> 1, "Constitution" -> 1, "constituents" -> 1, "consent" -> 1, "connected" -> 1, "Congress" -> 1, "congested" -> 1, "confusion" -> 1, "confounded" -> 1, "conflict" -> 1, "confident" -> 1, "concern" -> 1, "comprehensive" -> 1, "complicated" -> 1, "complete" -> 1, "compete" -> 1, "community" -> 1, "combined" -> 1, "combine" -> 1, "combat" -> 1, "colleges" -> 1, "coastal" -> 1, "coal" -> 1, "clothing" -> 1, "closest" -> 1, "closer" -> 1, "close" -> 1, "city" -> 1, "cities" -> 1, "CIA" -> 1, "check" -> 1, "cheat" -> 1, "chapter" -> 1, "chaos" -> 1, "chance" -> 1, "centers" -> 1, "celebration" -> 1, "cause" -> 1, "Carter" -> 1, "careful" -> 1, "captured" -> 1, "candidates" -> 1, "campaign—a" -> 1, "campaigned" -> 1, "campaign" -> 1, "Cambodia" -> 1, "calm" -> 1, "calls" -> 1, "called" -> 1, "call" -> 1, "businessman" -> 1, "Business" -> 1, "business" -> 1, "bureaucratic" -> 1, "built" -> 1, "buildings" -> 1, "build" -> 1, "budget—which" -> 1, "brought" -> 1, "brothers" -> 1, "brokers" -> 1, "broken" -> 1, "bring" -> 1, "break" -> 1, "bravest" -> 1, "brave" -> 1, "boy" -> 1, "bound" -> 1, "both" -> 1, "born" -> 1, "body" -> 1, "Bob" -> 1, "boasting" -> 1, "bloated" -> 1, "blazing" -> 1, "blackmail" -> 1, "birth" -> 1, "big-shot" -> 1, "bewildering" -> 1, "between" -> 1, "belligerence" -> 1, "being" -> 1, "behind" -> 1, "before—making" -> 1, "before" -> 1, "because" -> 1, "beauty" -> 1, "battles" -> 1, "basis" -> 1, "based" -> 1, "barbershops" -> 1, "bankrupt" -> 1, "balanced" -> 1, "away" -> 1, "avoided" -> 1, "average" -> 1, "automobile" -> 1, "attack" -> 1, "aspirations" -> 1, "ask" -> 1, "arsenal" -> 1, "arrest" -> 1, "arm's" -> 1, "architectural" -> 1, "Any" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "An" -> 1, "Among" -> 1, "America—that" -> 1, "America's" -> 1, "Although" -> 1, "also" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "alliances" -> 1, "alert" -> 1, "ahead" -> 1, "agriculture" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "aggressively" -> 1, "aggressive" -> 1, "aged" -> 1, "against" -> 1, "afflicted" -> 1, "affairs" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "adrift" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "address" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "account" -> 1, "absence" -> 1, "abroad'among" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "above" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "A" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=44909", "Date" -> DateObject[{1980, 8, 14}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "JimmyCarter::82w68"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"NewYork", "NewYork", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Fellow Democrats, fellow citizens:\nI thank you for the nomination you've offered me, and I especially thank you for choosing as my running mate the best partner any President ever had, Fritz Mondale.\nWith gratitude and with determination I accept your nomination, and I am proud to run on the progressive and sound platform that you have hammered out at this convention.\nFritz and I will mount a campaign that defines the real issues, a campaign that responds to the intelligence of the American people, a campaign that talks sense. And we're going to beat the Republicans in November.\nWe'll win because we are the party of a great President who knew how to get reelected—Franklin Delano Roosevelt. And we are the party of a courageous fighter who knew how to give 'em hell—Harry Truman. And as Truman said, he just told the truth and they thought it was hell. And we're the party of a gallant man of spirit—John Fitzgerald Kennedy. And we're the party of a great leader of compassion—Lyndon Baines Johnson, and the party of a great man who should have been President, who would have been one of the greatest Presidents in history—Hubert Horatio Hornblower—Humphrey. I have appreciated what this convention has said about Senator Humphrey, a great man who epitomized the spirit of the Democratic Party. And I would like to say that we are also the party of Governor Jerry Brown and Senator Edward Kennedy.\nI'd like to say a personal word to Senator Kennedy. Ted, you're a tough competitor and a superb campaigner, and I can attest to that. Your speech before this convention was a magnificent statement of what the Democratic Party is and what it means to the people of this country and why a Democratic victory is so important this year. I reach out to you tonight, and I reach out to all those who supported you in your valiant and passionate campaign. Ted, your party needs and I need you. And I need your idealism and your dedication working for us. There is no doubt that even greater service lies ahead of you, and we are grateful to you and to have your strong partnership now in a larger cause to which your own life has been dedicated.\nI thank you for your support; we'll make great partners this fall in whipping the Republicans. We are Democrats and we've had our differences, but we share a bright vision of America's future—a vision of a good life for all our people, a vision of a secure nation, a just society, a peaceful world, a strong America—confident and proud and united. And we have a memory of Franklin Roosevelt, 40 years ago, when he said that there are times in our history when concerns over our personal lives are overshadowed by our concern over \"what will happen to the county we have known.\" This is such a time, and I can tell you that the choice to be made this year can transform our own personal lives and the life of our country as well.\nDuring the last Presidential campaign, I crisscrossed this country and I listened to thousands and thousands of people-housewives and farmers, teachers and small business leaders, workers and students, the elderly and the poor, people of every race and every background and every walk of life. It was a powerful experience—a total immersion in the human reality of America.\nAnd I have now had another kind of total immersion—being President of the United States of America. Let me talk for a moment about what that job is like and what I've learned from it.\nI've learned that only the most complex and difficult task comes before me in the Oval Office. No easy answers are found there, because no easy questions come there.\nI've learned that for a President, experience is the best guide to the right decisions. I'm wiser tonight than I was 4 years ago.\nAnd I have learned that the Presidency is a place of compassion. My own heart is burdened for the troubled Americans. The poor and the jobless and the afflicted-they've become part of me. My thoughts and my prayers for our hostages in Iran are as though they were my own sons and daughters.\nThe life of every human being on Earth can depend on the experience and judgment and vigilance of the person in the Oval Office. The President's power for building and his power for destruction are awesome. And the power's greatest exactly where the stakes are highest—in matters of war and peace.\nAnd I've learned something else, something that I have come to see with extraordinary clarity: Above all, I must look ahead, because the President of the United States is the steward of the Nation's destiny. He must protect our children and the children they will have and the children of generations to follow. He must speak and act for them. That is his burden and his glory.\nAnd that is why a President cannot yield to the shortsighted demands, no matter how rich or powerful the special interests might be that make those demands. And that's why the President cannot bend to the passions of the moment, however popular they might be. That's why the President must sometimes ask for sacrifice when his listeners would rather hear the promise of comfort.\nThe President is a servant of today, but his true constituency is the future. That's why the election of 1980 is so important.\nSome have said it makes no difference who wins this election. They are wrong. This election is a stark choice between two men, two parties, two sharply different pictures of what America is and what the world is, but it's more than that—it's a choice between two futures.\nThe year 2000 is just less than 20 years away, just four Presidential elections after this one. Children born this year will come of age in the 21st century. The time to shape the world of the year 2000 is now. The decisions of the next few years will set our course, perhaps an irreversible course, and the most important of all choices will be made by the American people at the polls less than 3 months from tonight.\nThe choice could not be more clear nor the consequences more crucial. In one of the futures we can choose, the future that you and I have been building together, I see security and justice and peace.\nI see a future of economic security-security that will come from tapping our own great resources of oil and gas, coal and sunlight, and from building the tools and technology and factories for a revitalized economy based on jobs and stable prices for everyone.\nI see a future of justice—the justice of good jobs, decent health care, quality education, a full opportunity for all people regardless of color or language or religion; the simple human justice of equal rights for all men and for all women, guaranteed equal rights at last under the Constitution of the United States of America.\nAnd I see a future of peace—a peace born of wisdom and based on a fairness toward all countries of the world, a peace guaranteed both by American military strength and by American moral strength as well.\nThat is the future I want for all people, a future of confidence and hope and a good life. It's the future America must choose, and with your help and with your commitment, it is the future America will choose.\nBut there is another possible future. In that other future I see despair—despair of millions who would struggle for equal opportunity and a better life and struggle alone. And I see surrender—the surrender of our energy future to the merchants of oil, the surrender of our economic future to a bizarre program of massive tax cuts for the rich, service cuts for the poor, and massive inflation for everyone. And I see risk—the risk of international confrontation, the risk of an uncontrollable, unaffordable, and unwinnable nuclear arms race.\nNo one, Democrat or Republican either, consciously seeks such a future, and I do not claim that my opponent does. But I do question the disturbing commitments and policies already made by him and by those with him who have now captured control of the Republican Party. The consequences of those commitments and policies would drive us down the wrong road. It's up to all of us to make sure America rejects this alarming and even perilous destiny.\nThe only way to build a better future is to start with the realities of the present. But while we Democrats grapple with the real challenges of a real world, others talk about a world of tinsel and make-believe.\nLet's look for a moment at their make-believe world.\nIn their fantasy America, inner-city people and farm workers and laborers do not exist. Women, like children, are to be seen but not heard. The problems of working women are simply ignored. The elderly do not need Medicare. The young do not need more help in getting a better education. Workers do not require the guarantee of a healthy and a safe place to work. In their fantasy world, all the complex global changes of the world since World War II have never happened. In their fantasy America, all problems have simple solutions—simple and wrong.\nIt's a make-believe world, a world of good guys and bad guys, where some politicians shoot first and ask questions later. No hard choices, no sacrifice, no tough decisions—it sounds too good to be true, and it is.\nThe path of fantasy leads to irresponsibility. The path of reality leads to hope and peace. The two paths could not be more different, nor could the futures to which they lead. Let's take a hard look at the consequences of our choice.\nYou and I have been working toward a more secure future by rebuilding our military strength—steadily, carefully, and responsibly. The Republicans talk about military strength, but they were in office for 8 out of the last 11 years, and in the face of a growing Soviet threat they steadily cut real defense spending by more than a third.\nWe've reversed the Republican decline in defense. Every year since I've been President we've had real increases in our commitment to a stronger Nation, increases which are prudent and rational. There is no doubt that the United States of America can meet a threat from the Soviet Union. Our modernized strategic forces, a revitalized NATO, the Trident submarine, the Cruise missile, the Rapid Deployment Force—all these guarantee that we will never be second to any nation. Deeds, not words; fact, not fiction. We must and we will continue to build our own defenses. We must and we will continue to seek balanced reductions in nuclear arms.\nThe new leaders of the Republican Party, in order to close the gap between their rhetoric and their record, have now promised to launch an all-out nuclear arms race. This would negate any further effort to negotiate a strategic arms limitation agreement. There can be no winners in such an arms race, and all the people of the Earth can be the losers.\nThe Republican nominee advocates abandoning arms control policies which have been important and supported by every Democratic President since Harry, Truman, and also by every Republican President since Dwight D. Eisenhower. This radical and irresponsible course would threaten our security and could put the whole world in peril. You and I must never let this come to pass.\nIt's simple to call for a new arms race, but when armed aggression threatens world peace, tough-sounding talk like that is not enough. A President must act responsibly.\nWhen Soviet troops invaded Afghanistan, we moved quickly to take action. I suspended some grain sales to the Soviet Union; I called for draft registration; and I joined wholeheartedly with the Congress and with the U.S. Olympic Committee and led more than 60 other nations in boycotting the big propaganda show in Russia—the Moscow Olympics.\nThe Republican leader opposed two of these forceful but peaceful actions, and he waffled on the third. But when we asked him what he would do about aggression in Southwest Asia, he suggested blockading Cuba. [Laughter] Even his running mate wouldn't go along with that. He doesn't seem to know what to do with the Russians. He's not sure if he wants to feed them or play with them or fight with them.\nAs I look back at my first term, I'm grateful that we've had a country for the full 4 years of peace. And that's what we're going to have for the next 4 years-peace.\nIt's only common sense that if America is to stay secure and at peace, we must encourage others to be peaceful as well.\nAs you know, we've helped in Zimbabwe-Rhodesia where we've stood firm for racial justice and democracy. And we have also helped in the Middle East.\nSome have criticized the Camp David accords and they've criticized some delays in the implementation of the Middle East peace treaty. Well, before I became President there was no Camp David accords and there was no Middle East peace treaty. Before Camp David, Israel and Egypt were poised across barbed wire, confronting each other with guns and tanks and planes. But afterward, they talked face-to-face with each other across a peace table, and they also communicated through their own Ambassadors in Cairo and Tel Aviv.\nNow that's the kind of future we're offering—of peace to the Middle East if the Democrats are reelected in the fall.\nI am very proud that nearly half the aid that our country has ever given to Israel in the 32 years of her existence has come during my administration. Unlike our Republican predecessors, we have never stopped nor slowed that aid to Israel. And as long as I am President, we will never do so. Our commitment is clear: security and peace for Israel; peace for all the peoples of the Middle East.\nBut if the world is to have a future of freedom as well as peace, America must continue to defend human rights.\nNow listen to this: The new Republican leaders oppose our human rights policy. They want to scrap it. They seem to think it's naive for America to stand up for freedom and democracy. Just what do they think we should stand up for?\nAsk the former political prisoners who now live in freedom if we should abandon our stand on human rights. Ask the dissidents in the Soviet Union about our commitment to human rights. Ask the Hungarian Americans, ask the Polish Americans, listen to Pope John Paul II. Ask those who are suffering for the sake of justice and liberty around the world. Ask the millions who've fled tyranny if America should stop speaking out for human principles. Ask the American people. I tell you that as long as I am President, we will hold high the banner of human rights, and you can depend on it.\nHere at home the choice between the two futures is equally important.\nIn the long run, nothing is more crucial to the future of America than energy; nothing was so disastrously neglected in the past. Long after the 1973 Arab oil embargo, the Republicans in the White House had still done nothing to meet the threat to the national security of our Nation. Then, as now, their policy was dictated by the big oil companies.\nWe Democrats fought hard to rally our Nation behind a comprehensive energy policy and a good program, a new foundation for challenging and exciting progress. Now, after 3 years of struggle, we have that program. The battle to secure America's energy future has been fully and finally joined. Americans 'have cooperated with dramatic results. We've reversed decades of dangerous and growing dependence on foreign oil. We are now importing 20 percent less oil—that is 1 1/2 million barrels of oil every day less than the day I took office.\nAnd with our new energy policy now in place, we can discover more, produce more, create more, and conserve more energy, and we will use American resources, American technology, and millions of American workers to do it with.\nNow, what do the Republicans propose? Basically, their energy program has two parts. The first part is to get rid of almost everything that we've done for the American public in the last 3 years. They want to reduce or abolish the synthetic fuels program. They want to slash the solar energy incentives, the conservation programs, aid to mass transit, aid to elderly Americans to help pay their fuel bills. They want to eliminate the 55-mile speed limit. And while they are at it, the Republicans would like to gut the Clean Air Act. They never liked it to begin with.\nTHE PRESIDENT. No! We Democrats will fight it every step of the way, and we'll begin tomorrow morning with a campaign for reelection in November.\nWhen I took office, I inherited a heavy load of serious economic problems besides energy, and we've met them all head-on. We've slashed Government regulations and put free enterprise back into the airlines, the trucking and the financial systems of our country, and we're now doing the same thing for the railroads. This is the greatest change in the relationship between Government and business since the New Deal. We've increased our exports dramatically. We've reversed the decline in the basic research and development, and we have created more than 8 million new jobs—the biggest increase in the history of our country.\nBut the road is bumpy, and last year's skyrocketing OPEC price increases have helped to trigger a worldwide inflation crisis. We took forceful action, and interest rates have now fallen, the dollar is stable and, although we still have a battle on our hands, we're struggling to bring inflation under control.\nWe are now at the critical point, a turning point in our economic history of our country. But because we made the hard decisions, because we have guided our Nation and its economy through a rough but essential period of transition, we've laid the groundwork for a new economic age.\nOur economic renewal program for the 1980's will meet our immediate need for jobs and attack the very same, long-range problem that caused unemployment and inflation in the first place. It'll move America simultaneously towards our five great economic goals—lower inflation, better productivity, revitalization of American industry, energy security, and jobs.\nThis is important, too: I have no doubt that the ingenuity, and dedication of the American people can make every single one of these things happen. We are talking about the United States of America, and those who count this country out as an economic superpower are going to find out just how wrong they are. We're going to share in the exciting enterprise of making the 1980's a time of growth for America.\nThe Republican alternative is the biggest tax giveaway in history. They call it Reagan-Kemp-Roth; I call it a free lunch that Americans cannot afford. The Republican tax program offers rebates to the rich, deprivation for the poor, and fierce inflation for all of us. Their party's own Vice Presidential nominee said that Reagan-Kemp-Roth would result in an inflation rate of more than 30 percent. He called it \"voodoo economics\". He suddenly changed his mind toward the end of the Republican Convention, but he was right the first time.\nAlong with this gigantic tax cut, the new Republican leaders promise to protect retirement and health programs and to have massive increases in defense spending-and they claim they can balance the budget. If they are serious about these promises, and they say they are, then a close analysis shows that the entire rest of the Government would have to be abolished, everything from education to farm programs, from the G.I. bill to the night watchman at the Lincoln Memorial—and their budget would still be in the red. The only alternative would be to build more printing presses to print cheap money. Either way, the American people lose. But the American people will not stand for it.\nThe Democratic Party has always embodied the hope of our people for justice, opportunity, and a better life, and we've worked in every way possible to strengthen the American family, to encourage self-reliance, and to follow the Old Testament admonition: \"Defend the poor and the fatherless; give justice to the afflicted and needy.\" We've struggled to assure that no child in America ever goes to bed hungry, that no elderly couple in America has to live in a substandard home, and that no young person in America is excluded from college because the family is poor.\nBut what have the Republicans proposed?—just an attack on everything that we've done in the achievement of social justice and decency that we've won in the last 50 years, ever since Franklin Delano Roosevelt's first term. They would make social security voluntary. They would reverse our progress on the minimum wage, full employment laws, safety in the work place, and a healthy environment.\nLately, as you know, the Republicans have been quoting Democratic Presidents. But who can blame them? Would you rather quote Herbert Hoover or Franklin Delano Roosevelt? Would you rather quote Richard Nixon or John Fitzgerald Kennedy?\nThe Republicans have always been the party of privilege, but this year their leaders have gone even further. In their platform, they have repudiated the best traditions of their own party. Where is the conscience of Lincoln in the party of Lincoln? What's become of their traditional Republican commitment to fiscal responsibility? What's happened to their commitment to a safe and sane arms control?\nNow, I don't claim perfection for the Democratic Party. I don't claim that every decision that we have made has been right or popular; certainly, they've not all been easy. But I will say this: We've been tested under fire. We've neither ducked nor hidden, and we've tackled the great central issues of our time, the historic challenges of peace and energy, which have been ignored for years. We've made tough decisions, and we've taken the heat for them. We've made mistakes, and we've learned from them. But we have built the foundation now for a better future.\nWe've done something else, perhaps even more important. In good times and bad, in the valleys and on the peaks, we've told people the truth, the hard truth, the truth that sometimes hurts.\nOne truth that we Americans have learned is that our dream has been earned for progress and for peace. Look what our land has been through within our own memory—a great depression, a world war, a technological explosion, the civil rights revolution, the bitterness of Vietnam, the shame of Watergate, the twilight peace of nuclear terror.\nThrough each of these momentous experiences we've learned the hard way about the world and about ourselves. But we've matured and we've grown as a nation and we've grown stronger.\nWe've learned the uses and the limitations of power. We've learned the beauty and responsibility of freedom. We've learned the value and the obligation of justice. And we have learned the necessity of peace.\nSome would argue that to master these lessons is somehow to limit our potential. That is not so. A nation which knows its true strengths, which sees its true challenges, which understands legitimate constraints, that nation—our nation—is far stronger than one which takes refuge in wishful thinking or nostalgia. The Democratic Party—the American people-have understood these fundamental truths.\nAll of us can sympathize with the desire for easy answers. There's often the temptation to substitute idle dreams for hard reality. The new Republican leaders are hoping that our Nation will succumb to that temptation this year, but they profoundly misunderstand and underestimate the character of the American people.\nThree weeks after Pearl Harbor, Winston Churchill came to North America and he said, \"We have not journeyed all this way across the centuries, across the oceans, across the mountains, across the prairies, because we are made of sugar candy.\" We Americans have courage. Americans have always been on the cutting edge of change. We've always looked forward with anticipation and confidence.\nI still want the same thing that all of you want—a self-reliant neighborhood, strong families, work for the able-bodied and good medical care for the sick, opportunity for our youth and dignity for our old, equal rights and justice for all people.\nI want teachers eager to explain what a civilization really is, and I want students to understand their own needs and their own aims, but also the needs and yearnings of their neighbors.\nI want women free to pursue without limit the full life of what they want for themselves.\nI want our farmers growing crops to feed our Nation and the world, secure in the knowledge that the family farm will thrive and with a fair return on the good work they do for all of us.\nI want workers to see meaning in the labor they perform and work enough to guarantee a job for every worker in this country.\nAnd I want the people in business free to pursue with boldness and freedom new ideas.\nAnd I want minority citizens fully to join the mainstream of American life. And I want from the bottom of my heart to remove the blight of racial and other discrimination from the face of our Nation, and I'm determined to do it.\nI need for all of you to join me in fulfilling that vision. The choice, the choice between the two futures, could not be more clear. If we succumb to a dream world then we'll wake up to a nightmare. But if we start with reality and fight to make our dreams a reality, then Americans will have a good life, a life of meaning and purpose in a nation that's strong and secure.\nAbove all, I want us to be what the Founders of our Nation meant us to become—the land of freedom, the land of peace, and the land of hope.\nThank you very much.", "Words" -> 4381, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 266, "and" -> 180, "of" -> 148, "to" -> 122, "a" -> 95, "for" -> 66, "in" -> 63, "I" -> 62, "that" -> 54, "our" -> 50, "have" -> 48, "is" -> 45, "we" -> 35, "The" -> 31, "are" -> 27, "with" -> 26, "And" -> 26, "all" -> 23, "they" -> 22, "America" -> 22, "will" -> 21, "this" -> 21, "future" -> 21, "you" -> 20, "peace" -> 20, "world" -> 19, "we've" -> 19, "their" -> 19, "what" -> 18, "people" -> 18, "more" -> 18, "President" -> 17, "not" -> 17, "it" -> 17, "been" -> 17, "be" -> 17, "American" -> 17, "would" -> 16, "want" -> 16, "as" -> 16, "We've" -> 15, "Republican" -> 15, "on" -> 15, "But" -> 15, "no" -> 14, 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"Ambassadors" -> 1, "although" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "Along" -> 1, "along" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "all-out" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "alarming" -> 1, "airlines" -> 1, "Air" -> 1, "aims" -> 1, "agreement" -> 1, "afterward" -> 1, "Afghanistan" -> 1, "afford" -> 1, "afflicted-they've" -> 1, "afflicted" -> 1, "advocates" -> 1, "admonition" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "actions" -> 1, "Act" -> 1, "achievement" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abolished" -> 1, "abolish" -> 1, "able-bodied" -> 1, "abandoning" -> 1, "abandon" -> 1, "60" -> 1, "55-mile" -> 1, "50" -> 1, "40" -> 1, "32" -> 1, "30" -> 1, "21st" -> 1, "1980" -> 1, "1973" -> 1, "1/2" -> 1, "11" -> 1, "1" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25972", "Date" -> DateObject[{1984, 7, 19}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "WalterMondale::5m7y9"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"SanFrancisco", "California", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "My fellow Democrats, my fellow Americans:\nI accept your nomination. Behind us now is the most wide open race in political history.\nIt was noisy - but our voices were heard. It was long - but our stamina was tested. It was hot - but the heat was passion, and not anger. It was a roller coaster - but it made me a better candidate, and it will make me a stronger president of the United States.\nI do not envy the drowsy harmony of the Republican Party. They squelch debate; we welcome it. They deny differences; we bridge them. The are uniform; we are united. They are a portrait of privilege; we are a mirror of America.\nJust look at us at here tonight: Black and white, Asian and Hispanic, Native and immigrant, young and old, urban and rural, male and female - from yuppie to lunchpail, from sea to shining sea. We're all here tonight in this convention speaking for America. And when we in this hall speak for America, it is America speaking.\nWhen we speak of family, the voice is Mario Cuomo's.\nWhen we speak of change, the words are Gary Hart's.\nWhen we speak of hope, the fire is Jesse Jackson's.\nWhen we speak of caring, the spirit is Ted Kennedy's.\nWhen we speak of patriotism, the strength is John Glenn's.\nWhen we speak of the future, the message is Geraldine Ferraro.\nAnd now we leave San Francisco - together.\nAnd over the next hundred days, in every word we say, and every life we touch, we will be fighting for the future of America.\nJoan and I are parents of three wonderful children who will live much of their lives in the twenty-first century. This election is a referendum on their future - and on ours. So tonight I'd like to speak to the young people of America - and to their parents and to their grandparents.\nI'm Walter Mondale. You may have heard of me - but you may not really know me. I grew up in the farm towns of southern Minnesota. My dad was a preacher, and my mom was a music teacher. We never had a dime. But we were rich in the values that were important; and I've carried those values with me ever since.\nThey taught me to work hard; to stand on my own; to play by the rules; to tell the truth; to obey the law; to care for others; to love our country; to cherish our faith.\nMy story isn't unique.\nIn the last few weeks, I've deepened my admiration for someone who shares those same values. Her immigrant father loved our country. Her widowed mother sacrificed for her family. And her own career is an American classic: Doing your work. Earning your way. Paying your dues. Rising on merit.\nMy presidency will be about those values. My vice president will be Geraldine Ferraro.\nTonight, we open a new door to the future. Mr. Reagan calls it \"tokenism.\" We call it America.\nEver since I graduated from Elmore High, I've been a Democrat. I was attorney general of my state; then a U.S. senator. Then, an honest, caring man - Jimmy Carter - picked me as his running mate and in 1976 I was elected vice president. And in 1980, Ronald Reagan beat the pants off us.\nSo tonight, I want to say something to those of you across our country who voted for Mr. Reagan - Republicans, Independents, and yes, some Democrats: I heard you. And our party heard you.\nAfter we lost we didn't tell the American people that they were wrong. Instead, we began asking you what our mistakes had been. And for four years, I listened to all of the people of our country. I traveled everywhere. It seemed like I had visited every acre of America.\nIt wasn't easy. I remember late one night, as I headed from a speech in one city to a hotel a thousand miles away, someone said to me, \"Fritz, I saw you on TV. Are those bags under your eyes natural?\" And I said, \"No, I got them the old-fashioned way. I earned them.\"\nTo the thousands of Americans who welcomed me into your homes and into your businesses, your churches and synagogues: I thank you.\nYou confirmed my belief in our country's values. And you helped me learn and grow.\nSo, tonight we come to you with a new realism: Ready for the future, and recapturing the best in our tradition.\nWe know that America must have a strong defense, and a sober view of the Soviets.\nWe know that government must be as well-managed as it is well-meaning.\nWe know that a healthy, growing private economy is the key to the future.\nWe know that Harry Truman spoke the truth when he said: \"A President . . . has to be able to say yes and no, but mostly no.\"\nLook at our platform. There are no defense cuts that weaken our security; no business taxes that weaken our economy; no laundry lists that raid our Treasury.\nWe are wiser, stronger, and focused on the future. If Mr. Reagan wants to re-run the 1980 campaign: Fine. Let them fight over the past. We're fighting for the American future - and that's why we're going to win this campaign.\nOne last word to those who voted for Mr. Reagan.\nI know what you were saying. But I also know what you were not saying.\nYou did not vote for a $200 billion deficit.\nYou did not vote for an arms race.\nYou did not vote to turn the heavens into a battleground.\nYou did not vote to savage Social Security and Medicare.\nYou did not vote to destroy family farming.\nYou did not vote to trash the civil rights laws.\nYou did not vote to poison the environment.\nYou did not vote to assault the poor, the sick, and the disabled.\nAnd you did not vote to pay fifty bucks for a fifty-cent light bulb.\nFour years ago, many of you voted for Mr. Reagan because he promised you'd be better off. And today, the rich are better off. But working Americans are worse off, and the middle class is standing on a trap door.\nLincoln once said that ours is to be a government of the people, by the people, and for the people. What we have today is a government of the rich, by the rich, and for the rich. And we're going to make a change in November. Look at the record.\nFirst, there was Mr. Reagan's tax program. What happened was, he gave each of his rich friends enough tax relief to buy a Rolls Royce - and then he asked your family to pay for the hub caps.\nThen they looked the other way at the rip-offs, soaring utility bills, phone bills, medical bills.\nThen they crimped our future. They let us be routed in international competition, and now the help-wanted ads are full of listings for executives, and for dishwashers - but not much in between.\nThen they socked it to workers. They encouraged executives to vote themselves huge bonuses - while using King Kong tactics to make workers take Hong Kong wages.\nMr. Reagan believes that the genius of America is in the boardrooms and exclusive country clubs. I believe that the greatness can be found in the men and women who built our nation; do its work; and defend our freedom.\nIf this administration has a plan for a better future, they're keeping it a secret.\nHere is the truth about the future: We are living on borrowed money and borrowed time. These deficits hike interest rates, clobber exports, stunt investment, kill jobs, undermine growth, cheat our kids, and shrink our future.\nWhoever is inaugurated in January, the American people will have to pay Mr. Reagan's bills. The budget will be squeezed. Taxes will go up. And anyone who says they won't is not telling the truth to the American people.\nI mean business. By the end of my first term, I will reduce the Reagan budget deficit by two-thirds.\nLet's tell the truth. It must be done, it must be done. Mr. Reagan will raise taxes, and so will I. He won't tell you. I just did.\nThere's another difference. When he raises taxes, it won't be done fairly. He will sock it to average-income families again, and leave his rich friends alone. And I won't stand for it. And neither will you and neither will the American people.\nTo the corporations and freeloaders who play the loopholes or pay no taxes, my message is: Your free ride is over.\nTo the Congress, my message is: We must cut spending and pay as we go. If you don't hold the line, I will: That's what the veto is for.\nNow that's my plan to cut the deficit. Mr. Reagan is keeping his plan secret until after the election. That's not leadership; that's salesmanship. And I think the American people know the difference.\nI challenge tonight, I challenge Mr. Reagan to put his plan on the table next to mine - and then let's debate it on national television before the American people. Americans want the truth about the future - not after the election.\nWhen the American economy leads the world, the jobs are here, the prosperity is here for our children. But that's not what's happening today. This is the worst trade year in American history. Three million of our best jobs have gone overseas.\nMr. Reagan has done nothing about it. They have no plan to get our competitive edge back. But we do. We will cut the deficits, reduce interest rates, make our exports affordable, and make America number one again in the world economy.\nWe will launch a renaissance in education, in science, and learning. A mind is a terrible thing to waste. And this must be the best-educated, best-trained generation in American history. And I will lead our nation forward to the best system that this nation has ever seen. We must do it, we must do it.\nIt is time for America to have a season of excellence. Parents must turn off that television; students must do their homework; teachers must teach; and America compete. We'll be number one if we follow those rules; let's get with it in America again.\nTo big companies that send our jobs overseas, my message is: We need those jobs here at home. And our country won't help your business - unless your business helps our country.\nTo countries that close their markets to us, my message is: We will not be pushed around any more. We will have a president who stands up for American workers and American businesses and American farmers in international trade.\nWhen I grew up, and people asked us to imagine the future we were full of dreams. But a few months ago, when I visited a grade school class in Texas and asked the children to imagine the future, they talked to me about nuclear war.\nAs we've neared the election, this administration has begun to talk about a safer world. But there's a big difference: As president, I will work for peace from my first day in office - and not from my first day campaigning for re-election.\nAs president, I will reassert American values. I'll press for human rights in Central America, and for the removal of all foreign forces from the region. And in my first hundred days, I will stop the illegal war in Nicaragua.\nWe know the deep differences with the Soviets. And America condemns their repression of dissidents and Jews; their suppression of Solidarity; their invasion of Afghanistan; their meddling around the world.\nBut the truth is that between us, we have the capacity to destroy the planet. Every president since the bomb went off understood that and talked with the Soviets and negotiated arms control. Why has this administration failed? Why haven't they tried? Why can't they understand the cry of Americans and human beings for sense and sanity in control of these God awful weapons? Why, why?\nWhy can't we meet in summit conferences with the Soviet Union at least once a year? Why can't we reach agreements to save this earth? The truth is, we can.\nPresident Kennedy was right when he said: We must never negotiate out of fear. But we must never fear to negotiate. For the sake of civilization we must negotiate a mutual, verifiable nuclear freeze before those weapons destroy us all.\nThe second term of the Mondale-Ferraro Administration will begin in 1989.\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to ask our children their dreams, and hear not one word about nuclear nightmares.\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to walk into any classroom in America and hear some of the brightest students say, \"I want to be a teacher.\"\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to walk into any public health clinic in America and hear the doctor say, \"We haven't seen a hungry child this year.\"\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to walk into any store in America and pick up the best product, of the best quality, at the best price; and turn it over; and read, \"Made in the U.S.A.\"\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to meet with the most successful business leaders anywhere in America, and see as many minorities and women in that room as I see here in this room tonight.\nBy the start of the next decade, I want to point to the Supreme Court and say, \"Justice is in good hands.\"\nBefore the start of the next decade, I want to go to my second Inaugural, and raise my right hand, and swear to \"preserve, protect, and defend\" a Constitution that includes the Equal Rights Amendment.\nMy friends, America is a future each generation must enlarge; a door each generation must open; a promise each generation must keep.\nFor the rest of my life, I want to talk to young people about their future.\nAnd whatever their race, whatever their religion, whatever their sex, I want to hear some of them say what I say - with joy and reverence - tonight: \"I want to be president of the United States.\"\nThank you very much.", "Words" -> 2393, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 137, "to" -> 74, "and" -> 71, "of" -> 54, "I" -> 50, "a" -> 46, "in" -> 41, "we" -> 33, "is" -> 33, "for" -> 31, "our" -> 29, "will" -> 24, "And" -> 22, "not" -> 21, "America" -> 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"clobber" -> 1, "clinic" -> 1, "classroom" -> 1, "classic" -> 1, "civilization" -> 1, "civil" -> 1, "city" -> 1, "churches" -> 1, "child" -> 1, "cherish" -> 1, "cheat" -> 1, "century" -> 1, "Central" -> 1, "Carter" -> 1, "carried" -> 1, "career" -> 1, "care" -> 1, "caps" -> 1, "capacity" -> 1, "candidate" -> 1, "campaigning" -> 1, "calls" -> 1, "call" -> 1, "buy" -> 1, "bulb" -> 1, "built" -> 1, "bucks" -> 1, "brightest" -> 1, "bridge" -> 1, "bonuses" -> 1, "bomb" -> 1, "boardrooms" -> 1, "Black" -> 1, "billion" -> 1, "best-trained" -> 1, "best-educated" -> 1, "believes" -> 1, "believe" -> 1, "belief" -> 1, "beings" -> 1, "Behind" -> 1, "begun" -> 1, "begin" -> 1, "began" -> 1, "Before" -> 1, "because" -> 1, "beat" -> 1, "battleground" -> 1, "bags" -> 1, "back" -> 1, "awful" -> 1, "away" -> 1, "average-income" -> 1, "attorney" -> 1, "assault" -> 1, "asking" -> 1, "ask" -> 1, "Asian" -> 1, "Are" -> 1, "anywhere" -> 1, "anyone" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "anger" -> 1, "Amendment" -> 1, "also" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "agreements" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "Afghanistan" -> 1, "affordable" -> 1, "ads" -> 1, "admiration" -> 1, "Administration" -> 1, "across" -> 1, "acre" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "able" -> 1, "1989" -> 1, "1976" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25961", "Date" -> DateObject[{1988, 7, 21}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "MichaelDukakis::87mn5"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Atlanta", "Georgia", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. Chairman.\nA few months ago when Olympia Dukakis, in front of about a billion and a half television viewers all over the world, raised that Oscar over her head and said, \"O.K., Michael, let's go,\" she wasn't kidding.\nKitty and I are grateful to her for that wonderful introduction and grateful to all of you for making this possible. This is a wonderful evening for us and we thank you from the bottom of our hearts.\nMy fellow Democrats. My fellow Americans.\nSixteen months ago, when I announced my candidacy for the Presidency of the United States, I said this campaign would be a marathon. Tonight, with the wind at our backs; with friends by our side; with courage in our hearts; the race to the finish line begins.\nAnd we're going to win this race.\nWe're going to win because we are the party that believes in the American dream.\nA dream so powerful that no distance of ground, no expanse of ocean, no barrier of language, no distinction of race or creed or color can weaken its hold on the human heart.\nAnd I know, because my friends, I'm a product of that dream and I'm proud of it\"\nA dream that brought my father to this country 76 years ago; that brought my mother and her family here one year later--poor, unable to speak English; but with a burning desire to succeed in their new land of opportunity.\nAnd tonight, in the presence of that marvelous woman who is my mother and who, came here 75 years ago; with the memory in my heart of the young man, who arrived at Ellis Island with only $25 in his pocket, but with a deep and abiding faith in the promise of America--and how I wish he was here tonight; he'd be very proud of his son, and he'd be very proud of his adopted country, I can assure you--tonight, as a son of immigrants with a wonderful wife and now with Lisa our lovely daughter-in-law, four terrific children; and as a proud public servant who has cherished every minute of the last sixteen months on the campaign trail, I accept your nomination for the Presidency of the United States.\nThe dream that carried me to this platform is alive tonight in every part of this country--and it's what the Democratic party is all about.\nHenry Cisneros of Texas; Bob Matsui of California; Barbara Mikulski of Maryland; Mario Cuomo of New York; Claude Pepper of Florida.\nAnd Jesse Louis Jackson.\nA man who has lifted so many hearts with the dignity and the hope of his message throughout this campaign; a man whose very candidacy has said to every child--aim high; to every citizen--you count; to every voter--you can make a difference; to every American--you are a full shareholder in our dream.\nAnd my friends, if anyone tells you that the American dream belongs to the privileged few and not to all of us; you tell them that the Reagan era is over and a new era is about to begin.\nBecause it's time to raise our sights--to look beyond the cramped ideals and limited ambitions of the past eight years--to recapture the spirit of energy and of confidence and of idealism that John Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson inspired a generation ago.\nIt's time to meet the challenge of the next American frontier--the challenge of building an economic future for our country that will create good jobs at good wages for every citizen in this land, no matter who they are or where they came from or what the color of their skin.\nIt's time to rekindle the American spirit of invention and daring; to exchange voodoo economics for can-do economics; to build the best America by bringing out the best in every American.\nIt's time to wake up to the new challenges that face the American family. Time to see that young families in this country are never again forced to choose between the jobs they need and the children they love; time to be sure that parents are never again told that no matter how long they work or how hard their child tries, a college education is a right they can't afford.\nIt's time to ask why it is that we have run up more debt in this country in the last eight years than we did in the previous 200; and to make sure it never happens again.\nIt's time to understand that the greatest threat to our national security in this hemisphere is not the Sandinistas--it's the avalanche of drugs that is pouring into this country and poisoning our kids.\nI don't think I have to tell any of you how much we Americans expect of ourselves.\nOr how much we have a right to expect from those we elect to public office.\nBecause this election isn't about ideology. It's about competence.\nIt's not about overthrowing governments in Central America; it's about creating good jobs in middle America. That's what this election is all about.\nIt's not about insider trading on Wall Street; it's about creating opportunity on Main Street.\nAnd it's not about meaningless labels. It's about American values. Old-fashioned values like accountability and responsibility and respect for the truth.\nAnd just as we Democrats believe that there are no limits to what each citizen can do; so we believe there are no limits to what America can do.\nAnd yes, I know, this fall, we're going to be hearing a lot of Republican talk about how well some neighborhoods and some regions of this country are doing; about how easy it is for some families to buy a home or to find childcare or to pay their doctor's bills or to send their children to college.\nBut maintaining the status quo--running in place--standing still--isn't good enough for America. Opportunity for some isn't good enough for America.\nBecause working together, we're going to forge greatness for America.\nWe're going to take America's genius out of cold storage and challenge our youngsters; we're going to make our schools and universities and laboratories the finest in the world; and we're going to make teaching a valued and honored profession once again in this country.\nWe're going to light fires of innovation and enterprise from coast to coast and we're going to give those on welfare the chance to lift themselves out of poverty; to get the child care and the training they need; the chance to step out into the bright sunshine of opportunity and of hope and of dignity.\nWe're going to invest in our urban neighborhoods; and we're going to work to revitalize small town and rural America. We're going to give our farm families a price they can live on, and farm communities a future they can count on.\nAnd we're going to build the kind of America that Lloyd Bentsen has been fighting for 40 years; the kind of America where hard work is rewarded; where American goods and American workmanship are the best in the world, the kind of America that provides American workers and their families with at least 60 days' notice when a factory or a plant shuts down.\nNow, I know I have a reputation for being a somewhat frugal man. And let me state for the record that that snowblower is still in good working order, even it sits in our garage. In nine years, I've balanced nine more budgets than this administration has and I've just balanced a tenth. And I've worked with the citizens of my state--worked hard to create hundreds of thousands of new jobs--and I mean good jobs, jobs you can raise a family on, jobs you can build a future on, jobs you can count on.\nAnd I'm very proud oft our progress, but I'm even prouder of the way we've made that progress--by working together; by excluding no one and including everyone; business and labor; educators and community leaders and just plain citizens--sharing responsibility; exchanging ideas; building confidence about the future.\nWhat we have done reflects a simple but very profound idea--an idea as powerful as any in human history.\nIt is the idea of community. The kind of community that binds us here tonight.\nIt is the idea that we are in this together; that regardless of who we are or where we come from or how much money we have--each of us counts. And that by working together to create opportunity and a good life for all--all of us are enriched--not just in econom1c terms, but as citizens and as human beings.\nThe idea of community. An idea that was planted in the New World by the first Governor of Massachusetts.\n\"We must, \" said John Winthrop, \"love one another with a pure heart fervently. We must delight in each other,\" make each other's condition our own, rejoice together, mourn together, and suffer together...We must\" he said \"be knit together as one.\"\nJohn Winthrop wasn't talking about material success. He was talking about a country where each of us asks not only what's in it for some of us, but what's good and what's right for all of us.\nWhen a young mother named Dawn Lawson leaves 7 years of welfare to become a personnel specialist in a Fortune 500 company in Worcester, Massachusetts--we are all enriched and ennobled.\nWhen a Catholic priest named Bill Kraus helps homeless families in Denver not just by giving them shelter, but by helping them to find the jobs they need to get back on their feet, we are all enriched and ennobled.\nWhen a high school principal named George McKenna and his dedicated staff of teachers and counselors create an environment for learning at the George Washington Preparatory High School in Los Angeles; a high school in Los Angeles that is ninety percent black and ten percent Hispanic and has 80 percent of its graduates accepted to college; we are all enriched and ennobled.\nWhen a dedicated new management team and a fine union in Milwaukee work together to turn Harley-Davidson around and help it come back to life, and save 1,200 good jobs, we are all enriched and ennobled.\nAnd when a man named Willie Velasquez; y cuando un Willie Velasquez; can register tens of thousands of his fellow citizens as voters; puede inscribir decena de miles de sus conciudadanos para votar; and Willie Velasquez can bring new energy and new ideas and new people; brindando asi nuevas energias, nuevas ideas, nuevas personas; into court houses and city halls and state capitals of the Southwest; a los gobiernos municipales y estatales del suroeste -- my friends, we are all enriched and ennobled; todos nos enriquecemos y enoblecemos.\nMy friends, as President, I'm going to be setting goals for our country; not goals for our government working alone; I mean goals for our people working together.\nI want businesses in this country to be wise enough and innovative enough to re-train their workers, to re-tool their factories, and to help rebuild their communities.\nI want students and office workers and retired teachers to share with a neighbor the precious gift of literacy.\nI want those of you who are bricklayers and carpenters and developers and housing advocates to work with us to help create decent and affordable housing for every family in America, so that we can once and for all end the shame of homelessness in the United States of America.\nI want our young scientists to dedicate their great gifts not to the destruction of life, but to its preservation; I want them to wage war on hunger and pollution and infant mortality; and I want them to work with us to win the war against AIDS, the greatest public health emergency of our lifetimes, and a disease that must be conquered.\nI want a new Attorney General to work with me and with law enforcement officials allover America to re-claim our streets and neighborhoods from those who commit violent crime.\nAnd I want the members of congress to work with me and I'm going to work with them so that, at long last, we can make good on Harry Truman's commitment to basic health insurance for every family in America.\nMy friends, the dream that began in Philadelphia 200 years ago; the spirit that survived that terrible winter at Valley Forge and triumphed on the beach at Normandy; the courage that looked Khrushchev in the eye during the Cuban Missile crisis--is as strong and as vibrant today as it has ever been.\nWe must be--we are--and we will be--militarily strong.\nBut we must back that military strength with economic strength; we must give the men and women of our armed forces weapons that work; we must have a Secretary of Defense who will manage--and not be managed by--the Pentagon; and we must have a foreign policy that reflects the decency and the principles and the values of the American people.\nPresident Reagan has set the stage for deep cuts in nuclear arms--and I salute him for that.\nHe has said that we should judge the Soviet Union not by what it says, but by what it does--and I agree with that.\nBut we can do a lot more to stop the spread of nuclear and chemical arms; we can do a lot more to bring peace to Central America and to the Middle East; and we can and we will do a lot more to end apartheid in South Africa.\nJohn Kennedy once said that America \"leads the world, not just because we are the richest or the strongest or the most powerful, but because we exert that leadership for the cause of freedom around the globe...and...because\" in his words, \"we are moving on the road to peace.\"\nYes, we must always be prepared to defend our freedom.\nBut we must always remember that our greatest strength comes not from what we possess, but from what we believe; not from what we have, but from who we are.\nYou know I've been asked many times over the past sixteen months if I have one very special goal for these next four years--something that reflects everything I stand for and believe in as an American.\nAnd the answer to that question is yes, I do.\nFour years from now, when our citizens walk along Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington D.C., or when they see a picture of the White House on television, I want them to be proud of their government; I want them to be proud of a government that sets high standards not just for the American people, but high standards for itself.\nWe're going to have a Justice Department that isn't the laughing stock of the nation--we're going to have a Justice Department that understands what the word \"justice\" means.\nWe're going to have nominees to the federal bench who are men and women of integrity and intelligence and who understand the Constitution of the United States.\nWe're going to have an Environmental Protection Agency that is more interested in stopping pollution than in protecting the polluters.\nWe're going to have a real war and not a phony war against drugs; and, my friends, we won't be doing business with drug-running Panamanian dictators anymore.\nWe're going to have a Vice-President who won't sit silently by when somebody at the National Security Council comes up with the cockamamie idea that we should trade arms to the Ayatollah for hostages; we're going to have a Vice-President named Lloyd Bentsen who will walk into the Oval Office and say, \"Mister President, this is outrageous and it's got to stop.\" That's the kind of Vice-President we're going to have.\nIn the Dukakis White House, as in the Dukakis State House; it you accept the privilege of public service, you had better understand the responsibilities of public service. If you violate that trust, you'll be fired; if you violate the law, you'll be prosecuted; and if you sell arms to the Ayatollah, don't expect a pardon from the President of the United States.\nMonday night, like millions of Americans, I laughed and was moved by the wit and wisdom of Ann Richards.\nAnd Tuesday night, along with millions of other Americans, I was inspired, as you were, by the powerful words of Jesse Jackson.\nBut what stirred me most on Monday was a grandmother talking about her \"nearly perfect\" granddaughter; and what stirred me most on Tuesday were those handsome and proud and articulate Jackson children talking about their hopes for the future of this country.\nYou know, young Jacqueline Jackson goes to school in my state. And last month, she visited with me in the State House in Boston. She's a remarkable young woman, and I know her parents are very, very proud of her.\nAnd my thoughts tonight--and my dreams for America--are about Ann Richards' granddaughter Lily; about young Jackie Jackson; and about the baby that's going to be born to our son John and his wife Lisa in January. As a matter of fact, the baby is due on or about January 20.\nGod willing, our first grandchild will reach the age that Jackie Jackson is now at the beginning of a new century. And we pray that he or she will reach that age with eyes as filled with the sparkle of life and of pride and of optimism as that young woman we watched together two nights ago.\nYes, my friends, it's a time for wonderful new beginnings.\nA little baby.\nA new Administration.\nA new era of greatness for America.\nAnd when we leave here tonight, we will leave to build that future together.\nTo build the future so that when our children and grandchildren look back in their time on what we did in our time; they will say that we had the wisdom to carry on the dreams of those who came before us; the courage to make our own dreams come true; the foresight to blaze a trail for generations yet to come.\nAnd as I accept your nomination tonight, I can't help recalling that the first marathon was run in ancient Greece, and that on important occasions like this one, the people of Athens would complete their ceremonies by taking a pledge.\nThat pledge--that covenant--is as eloquent and timely today as it was 2000 years ago.\n\"We will never bring disgrace to this, our country, by any act of dishonesty or of cowardice. We will fight for the ideals of this, our country. We will revere and obey the law. We will strive to quicken our sense of civic duty. Thus, in all these ways, we will transmit this country greater, stronger, prouder and more beautiful than it was transmitted to us.\"\nThat is my pledge to you, my fellow Democrats.\nAnd that is my pledge to you, my fellow Americans.\nThank you all, very, very much.", "Words" -> 3192, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 140, "and" -> 126, "to" -> 120, "of" -> 109, "a" -> 68, "that" -> 67, "in" -> 60, "we" -> 50, "for" -> 41, "our" -> 35, "I" -> 34, "with" -> 28, "this" -> 26, "is" -> 26, "are" -> 26, "going" -> 24, "And" -> 23, "about" -> 23, "you" -> 22, "on" -> 22, "as" -> 21, "America" -> 20, "be" -> 19, "my" -> 18, "have" -> 18, "or" -> 17, "not" -> 17, "can" -> 17, "who" -> 16, "country" -> 16, "by" -> 16, "all" -> 16, "their" -> 15, "will" -> 14, "what" -> 14, "American" -> 14, "new" -> 13, "it" -> 13, "but" -> 13, "us" -> 12, "together" -> 12, "they" -> 12, "from" -> 12, "years" -> 11, "must" -> 11, "good" -> 11, "work" -> 10, "We're" -> 10, "we're" -> 10, "want" -> 10, "very" -> 10, 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-> 2, "did" -> 2, "Department" -> 2, "deep" -> 2, "dedicated" -> 2, "de" -> 2, "creating" -> 2, "confidence" -> 2, "communities" -> 2, "comes" -> 2, "color" -> 2, "coast" -> 2, "chance" -> 2, "Central" -> 2, "can't" -> 2, "candidacy" -> 2, "business" -> 2, "building" -> 2, "brought" -> 2, "Bentsen" -> 2, "balanced" -> 2, "Ayatollah" -> 2, "around" -> 2, "Ann" -> 2, "Angeles" -> 2, "always" -> 2, "along" -> 2, "age" -> 2, "against" -> 2, "200" -> 2, "$25" -> 1, "youngsters" -> 1, "York" -> 1, "yet" -> 1, "year" -> 1, "World" -> 1, "workmanship" -> 1, "word" -> 1, "Worcester" -> 1, "wit" -> 1, "wish" -> 1, "wise" -> 1, "winter" -> 1, "wind" -> 1, "willing" -> 1, "why" -> 1, "whose" -> 1, "What" -> 1, "we've" -> 1, "well" -> 1, "weapons" -> 1, "weaken" -> 1, "ways" -> 1, "way" -> 1, "watched" -> 1, "Wall" -> 1, "wake" -> 1, "wages" -> 1, "wage" -> 1, "voters" -> 1, "voter" -> 1, "votar" -> 1, "voodoo" -> 1, "visited" -> 1, "violent" -> 1, "viewers" -> 1, "vibrant" -> 1, "valued" -> 1, 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"Governor Richards, Chairman Brown, Mayor Dinkins, our great host, my fellow delegates and my fellow Americans, I am so proud of Al Gore.\nHe said he came here tonight because he always wanted to do the warm-up for Elvis. Well, I ran for President this year for one reason and one reason only: I wanted to come back to this convention and finish that speech I started four years ago.\nLast night Mario Cuomo taught us how a real nominating speech should be given. He also made it clear why we have to steer our ship of state on a new course. Tonight I want to talk with you about my hope for the future, my faith in the American people, and my vision of the kind of country we can build together.\nI salute the good men who were my companions on the campaign trial: Tom Harkin , Bob Kerrey , Doug Wilder , Jerry Brown , and Paul Tsongas .\nOne sentence in the Platform we built says it all. The most important family policy, urban policy, labor policy, minority policy, and foreign policy America can have is an expanding entrepreneurial economy of high-wage, high-skilled jobs.\nAnd so, in the name of all those who do the work and pay the taxes, raise the kids, and play by the rules, in the name of the hardworking Americans who make up our forgotten middle class, I proudly accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nI am a product of that middle class, and when I am President, you will be forgotten no more.\nWe meet at a special moment in history, you and I. The Cold War is over. Soviet communism has collapsed and our values -- freedom, democracy, individual rights, free enterprise- they have triumphed all around the world. And yet, just as we have won the Cold War abroad, we are losing the battles for economic opportunity and social justice here at home.\nNow that we have changed the world, it's time to change America.\nI have news for the forces of greed and the defenders of the status quo: Your time has come and gone. Its time for a change in America.\nTonight 10 million of our fellow Americans are out of work, tens of millions more work harder for lower pay. The incumbent President says that unemployment always goes up a little before a recovery begins, but unemployment only has to go up by one more person before a real recovery can begin. And Mr. President, you are that man.\nThis election is about putting power back in your hands and putting government back on your side. It's about putting people first.\nYou know, I've said that all across the country, and when I do, someone always comes back to me, as a young man did just this week at a town meeting at the Henry Street Settlement on the Lower East side of Manhattan.\nHe said, \"That sounds good, Bill, but you're a politician. Why should I trust you?\"\nTonight, as plainly as I can, I want to tell you who I am, what I believe, and where I want to lead America.\nI never met my father. He was killed in a car wreck on a rainy road three months before I was born, driving from Chicago to Arkansas to see my mother.\nAfter that, my mother had to support us, so we lived with my grandparents while she went back to Louisiana to study nursing. I can still see her clearly tonight through the eyes of a three-year-old, kneeling at the railroad station and weeping as she put me back on the train to Arkansas with my grandmother.\nShe endured that pain because she knew her sacrifice was the only way she could support me and give me a better life. My mother taught me. She taught me about family and hard work and sacrifice. She held steady through tragedy after tragedy, and she held our family - my brother and I - together through tough times.\nAs a child, I watched her go off work each day at a time when it wasn't always easy to be a working mother.\nAs an adult, I watched her fight off breast cancer, and again she has taught me a lesson in courage. And always, always, always she taught me to fight.\nThat's why I'll fight to create high-paying jobs so that parents can afford to raise their children today.\nThat's why I'm so committed to make sure every American gets the health care that saved my mother's life and that women's health care gets the same attention as men's.\nThat's why I'll fight to make sure women in this country receive respect and dignity, whether they work in the home, out of the home, or both.\nYou want to know where I get my fighting spirit? It all started with my mother. Thank you, Mother. I love you.\nWhen I think about opportunity for all Americans, I think about my grandfather. He ran a country store in our little town of Hope. There was no food stamps back then, so when his customers, whether they were White or Black who worked hard and did the best they could, came in with no money, well, he gave them food anyway. He just made a note of it. So did I.\nBefore I was big enough to see over the counter, I learned from him to look up to people other folks looked down on.\nMy grandfather just had a high school education- a grade school education- but in that country store he taught me more about equality in the eyes of the Lord than all my professors at Georgetown, more about the intrinsic worth of every individual that all the philosophers at Oxford, more about the need for equal justice under the law than all the jurists at Yale Law School.\nIf you want to know where I come by the passionate commitment I have to bringing people together without regard to race, it all started with my grandfather.\nI learned a lot from another person too: a person who for more than 20 years has worked hard to help our children, paying the price of time to make sure our schools don't fail them. Someone who traveled our state for a year, studying, learning, listening, going to PTA meetings, school board meetings, town hall meetings, putting together a package of school reforms recognized around the Nation, and doing it all while building a distinguished legal career and being a wonderful, loving mother.\nThat person is my wife.\nHillary taught me. She taught me that all children can learn and that each of us has a duty to help them do it.\nSo if you want to know why I care so much about our children, and our future, it all started with Hillary. I love you.\nFrankly, I am fed up with politicians in Washington lecturing the rest of us about family values. Our families have values. But our government doesn't.\nI want an America where family values live in our actions, not just in our speeches. An America that includes every family. Every traditional family and every extended family. Every two parent family. Every single-parent family. And every foster family. Every family.\nI do want to say something to the fathers in this country who have chosen to abandon their children by neglecting their child support: Take responsibility for your children or we will force you to do so. Because governments don't raise children; parents do. And you should.\nAnd I want to say something to every child in America tonight who is out there trying to grow up without a father or a mother: I know how you feel. You are special too.\nYou matter to America. And don't you ever let anybody tell you can't become whatever you want to be. And if other politicians make you feel like you are not part of their family, come on and be part of ours.\nThe thing that makes me angriest about what has gone wrong in the last 12 years is that our government has lost touch with our values, while our politicians continue to shout about them. I'm tired of it!\nI was raised to believe the American Dream was built on rewarding hard work. But we have seen the folks of Washington turn the American ethic on its head.\nFor too long those who play by the rules and keep the faith have gotten the shaft, and those who cut corners and cut deals have been rewarded.\nPeople are working harder than ever, spending less time with their children, working nights and weekends at their jobs instead of going to PTA and Little League or Scouts. And their incomes are still going down. Their taxes are still going up. And the costs of health care, housing and education are going through the roof.\nMeanwhile, more and more of our best people are falling into poverty even though they work 40 hours a week.\nOur people are pleading for change, but government is in the way. It has been hijacked by privileged private interests. It has forgotten who really pays the bills around here. It has taken more of your money and given you less in return. We have got to go beyond the brain-dead politics in Washington and give our people the kind of government they deserve, a government that works for them.\nA President ought to be a powerful force for progress. But right now I know how President Lincoln felt when General McClellan wouldn't attack in the Civil War. He asked him, \"If you're not going to use your army, may I borrow it?\"\nAnd so I say: George Bush, if you won't use our power to help America, step aside. I will.\nOur country is falling behind. The President is caught in the grip of a failed economic theory. We have gone from first to 13th in the world in wages since Ronald Reagan and Bush have been in office.\nFour years ago, candidate Bush said, \"America is a special place, not just another pleasant country somewhere on the UN Roll Call between Albania and Zimbabwe.\" Now under President Bush, America has an unpleasant economy struck somewhere between Germany and Sri Lanka.\nAnd for most Americans, Mr. President, life's a lot less kind and a lot less gentle than it was before your administration took office.\nListen, do it some more.\nOur country has fallen so far so fast that just a few months ago the Japanese prime minister actually said he felt sympathy for the United States. Sympathy. When I am your President , the rest of the world will not look down on us with pity but up to us with respect again.\nWhat is George Bush doing about our economic problems?\nNow, four years ago he promised 15 million new jobs by this time, and he's over 14 million short. Al Gore and I can do better.\nHe has raised taxes on the people driving pickup trucks and lowered taxes on the people riding in limousines. We can do better.\nHe promised to balance the budget, but he hasn't even tried. In fact, the budgets he has submitted to Congress nearly doubled the debt. Even worse, he wasted billions and reduced our investments in education and jobs. We can do better.\nSo if you are sick and tired of a government that doesn't work to create jobs, if you're sick and tired of a tax system that's stacked against you, if you're sick and tired of exploding debt and reduced investments in our future, or if, like the great civil rights pioneer Fannie Lou Hamer, you're just plain old sick and tired of being sick and tired , then join us, work with us, win with us, and we can make our country the country it was meant to be.\nNow, George Bush talks a good game, but he has no game plan to rebuild America, from the cities to the suburbs to the countryside, so that we can compete and win again in the global economy. I do.\nHe won't take on the big insurance companies and the bureaucracies to control health costs and give us affordable health care for all Americans, but I will.\nHe won't even implement the recommendations of his own commission on AIDS, but I will.\nHe won't streamline the federal government and change the way it works, cut 100,000 bureaucrats and put 100,000 new police officers on the streets of American cities, but I will.\nHe's never balanced a government budget, but I have 11 times.\nHe won't break the stranglehold the special interests have on our elections and the lobbyists have on our government, but I will.\nHe won't give mothers and fathers the simple chance to take some time off from work when a baby is born or a parent it sick, but I will.\nWe're losing our farms at a rapid rate, and he has no commitment to keep family farms in the family, but I do.\nHe's talked a lot about drugs, but he hasn't helped people on the front line to wage that war on drugs and crime. But I will.\nHe won't take the lead in protecting the environment and creating new jobs in environmental technologies for the 21st century, but I will. And you what else? He doesn't have Al Gore, and I do.\nJust in case you didn't notice, that's Gore with an E on the end.\nAnd George Bush- George Bush won't guarantee a women's right to choose; I will.\nListen. Here me now. I am not pro-abortion; I am pro-choice, strongly. I believe this difficult and painful decision should be left to the women of America.\nI hope the right to privacy can be protected and we will never again have to discuss this issue on political platforms. But I am old enough to remember what it was like before Roe v. Wade, and I do not want to return to the time when we made criminals of women and their doctors.\nJobs, education, health care- these are not just commitments from my lips; they are the work of my life.\nOur priorities must be clear; we will put our people first again. But priorities without a clear plan of action are just empty words. To turn our rhetoric into reality we've got to change the way government does business, fundamentally. Until we do, we'll continue to pour billions of dollars down the drain.\nThe Republicans have campaigned against big government for a generation, but have you noticed? They've run this big government for a generation and they haven't changed a thing. They don't want to fix government; they still want to campaign against it, and that's all.\nBut, my fellow Democrats, its time for us to realize we've got some changing to do too. There is not a program in government for every problem, and if we want to use government to help people, we have got to make it work again.\nBecause we are committed in this Convention and in this Platform to making these changes, we are, as Democrats, in the words that Ross Perot himself spoke today, \"a revitalized Democratic Party.\"\nI am well aware that all those millions of people who rallied to Ross Perot's cause wanted to be in an army of patriots for change. Tonight I say to them, join us, and together we will revitalize America.\nNow, I don't have all the answers, but I do know the old ways don't work. Trickledown economics has sure failed. And big bureaucracies, both private and public, they've failed too.\nThat's why we need a new approach to government, a government that offers more empowerment and less entitlement. More choices for young people in the schools they attend- in the public schools they attend. And more choices for the elderly and for people with disabilities and the long-term care they receive. A government that is leaner, not meaner; a government that expands opportunity, not bureaucracy; a government that understands that jobs must come from growth in a vibrant and vital system of free enterprise.\nI call this approach the New Covenant, a solemn agreement between the people and their government based not simply on what each of us can take but what all of us must give to our Nation.\nWe offer our people a new choice based on old values. We offer opportunity. We demand responsibility. We will build an American community again. The choice we offer is not conservative or liberal. In many ways, it is not even Republican or Democratic. It is different. It is new. And it will work. It will work because it is rooted in the vision and the values of the American people.\nOf all the things that George Bush has ever said that I disagree with, perhaps the thing that bothers me most is how he derides and degrades the American tradition of seeing and seeking a better future. He mocks it as the \"vision thing.\"\nBut just remember what the Scripture says: \"Where there is no vision, the people perish.\"\nI hope nobody in this great hall tonight, or in our beloved country has to go through tomorrow without a vision. I hope no one ever tries to raise a child without a vision. I hope nobody ever starts a business or plants a crop in the ground without a vision. For where there is no vision, the people perish.\nOne of the reasons we have so many children in so much trouble in so many places in this nation is because they have seen so little opportunity, so little responsibility, so little loving, caring community, that they literally cannot imagine the life we are calling them to lead.\nAnd so I say again: Where there is no vision, America will perish. What is the vision of our New Covenant?\nAn America with millions of new jobs and dozens of new industries, moving confidently toward the 21st century.\nAn America that says to entrepreneurs and businesspeople: We will give you more incentives and more opportunity than ever before to develop the skills of your workers and to create American jobs and American wealth in the new global economy. But you must do your part, you must be responsible. American companies must act like American companies again, exporting products, not jobs.\nThat's what this New Covenant is all about.\nAn America in which the doors of colleges are thrown open once again to the sons and daughters of stenographers and steelworkers. We will say: Everybody can borrow money to go to college. But you must do your part. You must pay it back, from your paychecks or, better yet, by going back home and serving your communities.\nJust think of it. Think of it. Millions of energetic young men and women serving their country by policing the streets or teaching the children or caring for the sick. Or working with the elderly and people with disabilities. Or helping young people to stay off drugs and out of gangs, giving us all a sense of new hope and limitless possibilities.\nThat's what this New Covenant is all about.\nAn America in which health care is a right, not a privilege , in which we say to all of our people: Your government has the courage finally to take on the health care profiteers and make health care affordable for every family. But you must do your part. Preventive care, prenatal care, childhood immunization- saving lives, saving money, saving families from heartbreak.\nThat's what the New Covenant is all about.\nAn America in which middle-class incomes, not middle-class taxes, are going up.\nAn America, yes, in which the wealthiest few, those making over $200,000 a year, are asked to pay their fair share.\nAn America in which the rich are not soaked, but the middle class is not drowned, either.\nResponsibility starts at the top.\nThat's what the New Covenant is all about.\nAn America where we end welfare as we know it. We will say to those on welfare: You will have, and you deserve, the opportunity, through training and education, through child care and medical coverage, to liberate yourself. But then, when you can, you must work, because welfare should be a second chance, not a way of life.\nThat's what the New Covenant is all about.\nAn America with the world's strongest defense, ready and willing to use force when necessary.\nAn America at the forefront of the global effort to preserve and protect our common environment- and promoting global growth.\nAn America that will not coddle tyrants, from Baghdad to Beijing.\nAn America that champions the cause of freedom and democracy from Eastern Europe to Southern Africa- and in our own hemispheres, in Haiti and Cuba.\nThe end of the Cold War permits us to reduce defense spending while still maintaining the strongest defense in the world, but we must plow back every dollar of defense cuts into building American jobs right here at home. I know well that the world needs a strong America, but we have learned that strength begins at home.\nBut the New Covenant is about more than opportunities and responsibilities for you and your families. It's also about our common community.\nTonight every one of you knows deep in your heart that we are too divided. It is time to heal America.\nAnd so we must say to every American: Look beyond the stereotypes that blind us. We need each other - all of us - we need each other. We don't have a person to waste, and yet for too long politicians have told the most of us that are doing all right that what's really wrong with America is the rest of us- them.\nThem, the minorities. Them, the liberals. Them, the poor. Them, the homeless. Them, the people with disabilities. Them, the gays.\nWe've gotten to where we've nearly them'ed ourselves to death. Them, and them, and them.\nBut this is America. There is no them. There is only us.\nOne nation, under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.\nThat is our Pledge of Allegiance, and that's what the New Covenant is all about.\nHow do I know we can come together and make change happen? Because I have seen it in my own state. In Arkansas, we are working together, and we are making progress. No, there's no Arkansas Miracle, but there are a lot of miraculous people. And because of them, our schools are better, our wages are higher, our factories are busier, our water is cleaner and our budget is balanced. We're moving ahead.\nI wish I could say the same thing about America under the incumbent President. He took the richest country in the world and brought it down.\nWe took on of the poorest states in America and lifted it up.\nAnd so I say to all of those, in this campaign season who would criticize Arkansas, come on down. Especially if you're from Washington, come on down.\nSure, you'll see us struggling against some of the problems that we haven't solved yet, but you'll also see a lot of great people doing amazing things, and you might even learn a thing or two.\nIn the end, my fellow Americans, this New Covenant simply asks us all to be Americans again- old-fashioned Americans for a new time. Opportunity, responsibility, community.\nWhen we pull together, America will pull ahead. Throughout the whole history of this country, we have seen, time and time and time again, that when we are united we are unstoppable.\nWe can seize this moment, make it exciting and energizing and heroic to be American again. We can renew our faith in each other and in ourselves. We can restore our sense of unity and community.\nAs the Scripture says, \"our eyes have not yet seen, nor our ears heard, nor minds imagined\" what we can build.\nBut I can't do this alone. No President can. We must do it together. It won't be easy, and it won't be quick. We didn't get into this mess overnight, and we won't get out of it overnight. But we can do it- with commitment, creativity, diversity and drive.\nWe can do it. We can do it.\nWe can do it. We can do it. We can do it.\nI want every person in this hall and every person in this land to reach out and join us in a great new adventures, to chart a bold new future.\nAs a teenager, I heard John Kennedy's summons to citizenship. And then, as a student at Georgetown, I head that call clarified by a professor name Carol Quigley, who said to us that America was the greatest Nation in history because our people had always believed in two things- that tomorrow can be better than today and that every one of us has a personal moral responsibility to make it so.\nThat kind of future entered my life the night our daughter, Chelsea, was born. As I stood in the delivery room, I was overcome with the thought that God had given me a blessing my own father never knew- the chance to hold my child in my arms.\nSomewhere at this very moment a child is being born in America. Let it be our cause to give that child a happy home, a healthy family and a hopeful future. Let it be our cause to see that that child has a chance to live to the fullest of her God-given capacities.\nLet it be our cause to see that child grow up strong and secure, braced by her challenges but never struggling alone, with family and friends and a faith that in America, no one is left out; no one is left behind.\nLet it be our cause that when this child is able, she gives something back to her children, her community and her country. Let it be our cause that we give this child a country that is coming together, not coming apart, a country of boundless hopes and endless dreams, a country once again lifts its people and inspires the world. Let that be our cause our commitment and our New Covenant.\nMy fellow Americans, I end tonight where it all began for me- I still believe in a place called Hope. 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"Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "So many have contributed to the record we have made for the American people, but one above all, my partner, my friend, and the best Vice President in our history, Al Gore.\nTonight I thank the city of Chicago, its great mayor, and its wonderful people for this magnificent convention. I love Chicago for many reasons, for your powerful spirit, your sports teams, your lively politics, but most of all for the love and light of my life, Chicago's daughter, Hillary.\nFour years ago, you and I set forth on a journey to bring our vision to our country, to keep the American dream alive for all who were willing to work for it, to make our American community stronger, to keep America the world's strongest force for peace and freedom and prosperity.\nFour years ago, with high unemployment, stagnant wages, crime, welfare, and the deficit on the rise, with a host of unmet challenges and a rising tide of cynicism, I told you about a place I was born, and I told you that I still believed in a place called Hope.\nWell, for 4 years now, to realize our vision we have pursued a simple but profound strategy: opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a strong united American community.\nFour days ago, as you were making your way here, I began a train ride to make my way to Chicago through America's heartland. I wanted to see the faces, I wanted to hear the voices of the people for whom I have worked and fought these last 4 years. And did I ever see them.\nI met an ingenious business woman who was once on welfare in West Virginia; a brave police officer, shot and paralyzed, now a civic leader in Kentucky; an autoworker in Ohio, once unemployed, now proud to be working in the oldest auto plant in America to help make America number one in auto production again for the first time in 20 years. I met a grandmother fighting for her grandson's environment in Michigan. And I stood with two wonderful little children proudly reading from their favorite book, \"The Little Engine That Could.\"\nLook at the facts. Just look at the facts: 4.4 million Americans now living in a home of their own for the first time; hundreds of thousands of women have started their own new businesses; more minorities own businesses than ever before; record numbers of new small businesses and exports.\nLook at what's happened. We have the lowest combined rates of unemployment, inflation, and home mortgages in 28 years. Look at what happened: 10 million new jobs, over half of them high-wage jobs; 10 million workers getting the raise they deserve with the minimum wage law; 25 million people now having protection in their health insurance because the Kennedy-Kassebaum bill says you can't lose your insurance anymore when you change jobs, even if somebody in your family has been sick; 40 million Americans with more pension security; a tax cut for 15 million of our hardest working, hardest pressed Americans, and all small businesses; 12 million Americans—12 million of them—taking advantage of the family and medical leave law so they can be good parents and good workers. Ten million students have saved money on their college loans. We are making our democracy work.\nWe have increased our investments in research and technology. We have increased investments in breast cancer research dramatically. We are developing a supercomputer—a supercomputer that will do more calculating in a second than a person with a hand-held calculator can do in 30,000 years. More rapid development of drugs to deal with HIV and AIDS and moving them to the market quicker have almost doubled life expectancy in only 4 years. And we are looking at no limit in sight to that. We'll keep going until normal life is returned to people who deal with this.\nOur country is still the strongest force for peace and freedom on Earth. On issues that once before tore us apart, we have changed the old politics of Washington. For too long, leaders in Washington asked who's to blame. But we asked, what are we going to do?\nOn crime, we're putting 100,000 police on the streets. We made \"three strikes and you're out\" the law of the land. We stopped 60,000 felons, fugitives, and stalkers from getting handguns under the Brady bill. We banned assault rifles. We supported tougher punishment and prevention programs to keep our children from drugs and gangs and violence. Four years now— for four years now—the crime rate in America has gone down.\nOn welfare, we worked with States to launch a quiet revolution. Today there are 1.8 million fewer people on welfare than there were the day I took the oath of office. We are moving people from welfare to work.\nWe have increased child support collections by 40 percent. The Federal work force is the smallest it has been since John Kennedy. And the deficit has come down for 4 years in a row for the first time since before the Civil War, down 60 percent on the way to zero. We will do it.\nWe are on the right track to the 21st century. We are on the right track, but our work is not finished. What should we do? First, let us consider how to proceed. Again I say, the question is no longer who's to blame but what to do.\nNow, here's the main idea. I love and revere the rich and proud history of America, and I am determined to take our best traditions into the future. But with all respect, we do not need to build a bridge to the past; we need to build a bridge to the future. And that is what I commit to you to do.\nSo tonight, tonight let us resolve to build that bridge to the 21st century, to meet our challenges and protect our values. Let us build a bridge to help our parents raise their children, to help young people and adults to get the education and training they need, to make our streets safer, to help Americans succeed at home and at work, to break the cycle of poverty and dependence, to protect our environment for generations to come, and to maintain our world leadership for peace and freedom. Let us resolve to build that bridge.\nTonight, my fellow Americans, I ask all of our fellow citizens to join me and to join you in building that bridge to the 21st century. Four years from now, just 4 years from now—think of it—we begin a new century, full of enormous possibilities. We have to give the American people the tools they need to make the most of their God-given potential. We must make the basic bargain of opportunity and responsibility available to all Americans, not just a few. That is the promise of the Democratic Party. That is the promise of America.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century in which we expand opportunity through education, where computers are as much a part of the classroom as blackboards, where highly trained teachers demand peak performance from our students, where every 8-year-old can point to a book and say, \"I can read it myself.\"\nBy the year 2000, the single most critical thing we can do is to give every single American who wants it the chance to go to college. We must make 2 years of college just as universal in 4 years as a high school education is today. And we can do it. We can do it, and we should cut taxes to do it.\nI propose a $1,500-a-year tuition tax credit for Americans, a HOPE scholarship for the first 2 years of college to make the typical community college education available to every American. I believe every working family ought also to be able to deduct up to $10,000 in college tuition costs per year for education after that. I believe the families of this country ought to be able to save money for college in a taxfree IRA, save it year-in and year-out, withdraw it for college education without penalty. We should not tax middle income Americans for the money they spend on college. We'll get the money back down the road many times over.\nI want to say here, before I go further, that these tax cuts and every other one I mention tonight are all fully paid for in my balanced budget plan, line by line, dime by dime, and they focus on education.\nNow, one thing so many of our fellow Americans are learning is that education no longer stops on graduation day. I have proposed a new \"GI bill\" for American workers, a $2,600 grant for unemployed and underemployed Americans so that they can get the training and the skills they need to go back to work at better paying jobs, good high-skilled jobs for a good future.\nBut we must demand excellence at every level of education. We must insist that our students learn the old basics we learned and the new basics they have to know for the next century. Tonight let us set a clear national goal: All children should be able to read on their own by the third grade. When 40 percent of our 8year-olds cannot read as well as they should, we have to do something. I want to send 30,000 reading specialists and national service corps members to mobilize a volunteer army of one million reading tutors for third graders all across America. They will teach our young children to read.\nWe must give parents, all parents, the right to choose which public school their children will attend and to let teachers form new charter schools with a charter they can keep only if they do a good job. We must keep our schools open late so that young people have someplace to go and something to say yes to and stay off the street.\nWe must require that our students pass tough tests to keep moving up in school. A diploma has to mean something when they get out. We should reward teachers that are doing a good job, remove those who don't measure up, but in every case, never forget that none of us would be here tonight if it weren't for our teachers. I know I wouldn't. We ought to lift them up, not tear them down.\nWe need schools that will take our children into the next century. We need schools that are rebuilt and modernized with an unprecedented commitment from the National Government to increase school construction and with every single library and classroom in America connected to the information superhighway by the year 2000.\nNow, folks, if we do these things, every 8year-old will be able to read, every 12-yearold will be able to log in on the Internet, every 18-year-old will be able to go to college, and all Americans will have the knowledge they need to cross that bridge to the 21st century.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century in which we create a strong and growing economy to preserve the legacy of opportunity for the next generation, by balancing our budget in a way that protects our values and ensuring that every family will be able to own and protect the value of their most important asset, their home.\nTonight let us proclaim to the American people, we will balance the budget. And let us also proclaim, we will do it in a way that preserves Medicare, Medicaid, education, the environment, the integrity of our pensions, the strength of our people.\nNow, last year when the Republican Congress sent me a budget that violated those values and principles, I vetoed it. And I would do it again tomorrow. I could never allow cuts that devastate education for our children, that pollute our environment, that end the guarantee of health care for those who are served under Medicaid, that end our duty or violate our duty to our parents through Medicare. I just couldn't do that. As long as I'm President, I'll never let it happen. And it doesn't matter if they try again, as they did before, to use the blackmail threat of a shutdown of the Federal Government to force these things on the American people. We didn't let it happen before. We won't let it happen again.\nOf course, there is a better answer to this dilemma. We could have the right kind of balanced budget with a new Congress, a Democratic Congress.\nI want to balance the budget with real cuts in Government, in waste. I want a plan that invests in education, as mine does, in technology, and yes, in research, as Christopher Reeve so powerfully reminded us we must do.\nAnd my plan gives Americans tax cuts that will help our economy to grow. I want to expand IRA's so that young people can save tax-free to buy a first home. Tonight I propose a new tax cut for homeownership that says to every middle income working family in this country, if you sell your home, you will not have to pay a capital gains tax on it ever, not ever. I want every American to be able to hear those beautiful words, \"Welcome home.\"\nLet me say again, every tax cut I call for tonight is targeted, it's responsible, and it is paid for within my balanced budget plan. My tax cuts will not undermine our economy, they will speed economic growth.\nWe should cut taxes for the family sending a child to college, for the worker returning to college, for the family saving to buy a home or for long-term health care, and a $500-perchild credit for middle income families raising their children who need help with child care and what the children will do after school. That is the right way to cut taxes: pro-family, proeducation, pro-economic growth.\nNow, our opponents have put forward a very different plan, a risky $550 billion tax scheme that will force them to ask for even bigger cuts in Medicare, Medicaid, education, and the environment than they passed and I vetoed last year. But even then they will not cover the costs of their scheme, so that even then this plan will explode the deficit, which will increase interest rates by 2 percent, according to their own estimates last year. It will require huge cuts in the very investments we need to grow and to grow together and, at the same time, slow down the economy.\nYou know what higher interest rates mean? To you it means a higher mortgage payment, a higher car payment, a higher credit card payment. To our economy it means business people will not borrow as much money, invest as much money, create as many new jobs, create as much wealth, raise as many wages. Do we really want to make that same mistake all over again?\nOpportunity alone is not enough. I want to build an America in the 21st century in which all Americans take personal responsibility for themselves, their families, their communities, and their country. I want our Nation to take responsibility to make sure that every single child can look out the window in the morning and see a whole community getting up and going to work.\nWe want these young people to know the thrill of the first paycheck, the challenge of starting that first business, the pride in following in a parent's footsteps. The welfare reform law I signed last week gives America a chance, but not a guarantee, to have that kind of new beginning, to have a new social bargain with the poor, guaranteeing health care, child care, and nutrition for the children but requiring ablebodied parents to work for the income.\nNow, I say to all of you, whether you supported the law or opposed it, but especially to those who supported it, we have a responsibility, we have a moral obligation to make sure the people who are being required to work have the opportunity to work. We must make sure the jobs are there. There should be one million new jobs for welfare recipients by the year 2000. States under this law can now take the money that was spent on the welfare check and use it to help businesses provide paychecks. I challenge every State to do it soon.\nI propose also to give businesses a tax credit for every person hired off welfare and kept employed. I propose to offer private job placement firms a bonus for every welfare recipient they place in a job who stays in it. And more important, I want to help communities put welfare recipients to work right now, without delay, repairing schools, making their neighborhoods clean and safe, making them shine again. There's lots of work to be done out there. Our cities can find ways to put people to work and bring dignity and strength back to these families.\nMy fellow Americans, I have spent an enormous amount of time with our dear friend, the late Ron Brown, and with Secretary Kantor and others, opening markets for America around the world. And I'm proud of every one we opened. But let us never forget, the greatest untapped market for American enterprise is right here in America, in the inner cities, in the rural areas, who have not felt this recovery. With investment and business and jobs, they can become our partners in the future. And it's a great opportunity we ought not to pass up.\nMy fellow Americans, we all owe a great debt to Sarah and Jim Brady, and I'm glad they took their wrong turn and wound up in Chicago. I was glad to see that. It is to them we owe the good news that 60,000 felons, fugitives, and stalkers couldn't get handguns because of the Brady bill. But not a single hunter in Arkansas or New Hampshire or Illinois or anyplace else missed a hunting season.\nBut now I say we should extend the Brady bill, because anyone who has committed an act of domestic violence against a spouse or a child should not buy a gun. And we must ban those cop-killer bullets. They are designed for one reason only, to kill police officers. We asked the police to keep us safe. We owe it to them to help keep them safe while they do their job for us.\nWe should pass a victims' rights constitutional amendment because victims deserve to be heard; they need to know when an assailant is released. They need to know these things, and the only way to guarantee them is through a constitutional amendment.\nWe have made a great deal of progress. Even the crime rate among young people is finally coming down. So it is very, very painful to me that drug use among young people is up. Drugs nearly killed my brother when he was a young man, and I hate them. He fought back. He's here tonight with his wife, his little boy is here, and I'm really proud of him. But I learned something—I learned something in going through that long nightmare with our family. And I can tell you, something has happened to some of our young people; they simply don't think these drugs are dangerous anymore, or they think the risk is acceptable. So beginning with our parents, and without regard to our party, we have to renew our energy to teach this generation of young people the hard, cold truth: Drugs are deadly; drugs are wrong; drugs can cost you your life.\nGeneral Barry McCaffrey, the four-star general who led our fight against drugs in Latin America, now leads our crusade against drugs at home: stopping more drugs at our borders, cracking down on those who sell them, and most important of all, pursuing a national antidrug strategy whose primary aim is to turn our children away from drugs. I call on Congress to give him every cent of funding we have requested for this strategy and to do it now.\nThere is more we will do. We should say to parolees: We will test you for drugs; if you go back on them, we will send you back to jail. We will say to gangs: We will break you with the same antiracketeering law we used to put mob bosses in jail. You're not going to kill our kids anymore or turn them into murderers before they're teenagers. My fellow Americans, if we're going to build that bridge to the 21st century we have to make our children free, free of the vise grip of guns and gangs and drugs, free to build lives of hope.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century with a strong American community, beginning with strong families, an America where all children are cherished and protected from destructive forces, where parents can succeed at home and at work. Everywhere I've gone in America, people come up and talk to me about their struggle with the demands of work and their desire to do a better job with their children. The very first person I ever saw fight that battle was here with me 4 years ago, and tonight I miss her very, very much. My irrepressible, hard-working, always optimistic mother did the best she could for her brother and me, often against very stiff odds. I learned from her just how much love and determination can overcome. But from her and from our life, I also learned that no parent can do it alone. And no parent should have to. She had the kind of help every parent deserves, from our neighbors, our friends, our teachers, our pastors, our doctors, and so many more.\nAs Tipper Gore and Hillary said on Tuesday, we have, all of us in our administration, worked hard to support families in raising their children and succeeding at work. But we must do more. We should extend the family and medical leave law to give parents some time off to take their children to regular doctor's appointments or attend those parent-teacher conferences at school. That is a key determination of their success. We should pass a flextime law that allows employees to take their overtime pay in money or in time off, depending on what's better for their family.\nThe FDA has adopted new measures to reduce advertising and sales of cigarettes to children. The Vice President spoke so movingly of it last night. But let me remind you, my fellow Americans, that is very much an issue in this election because that battle is far from over and the two candidates have different views. I pledge to America's parents that I will see this effort all the way through.\nWorking with the entertainment industry, we're giving parents the V-chip. TV shows are being rated for content so parents will be able to make a judgment about whether their small children should see them. And 3 hours of quality children's programming every week, on every network, are on the way.\nThe Kennedy-Kassebaum law says every American can keep his or her health insurance if they have to change jobs, even if someone in their family has been sick. That is a very important thing. But tonight we should spell out the next steps. The first thing we ought to do is to extend the benefits of health care to people who are unemployed. I propose in my balanced budget plan, paid for, to help unemployed families keep their health insurance for up to 6 months. A parent may be without a job, but no child should be without a doctor. And let me say again, as the First Lady did on Tuesday, we should protect mothers and newborn babies from being forced out of the hospital in less than 48 hours.\nWe respect the individual conscience of every American on the painful issue of abortion but believe as a matter of law that this decision should be left to a woman, her conscience, her doctor, and her God. But abortion should not only be safe and legal, it should be rare. That's why I helped to establish and support a national effort to reduce out-of-wedlock teen pregnancy, and that is why we must promote adoption.\nLast week the minimum wage bill I signed contained a $5,000 credit to families who adopt children, even more if the children have disabilities. It put an end to racial discrimination in the adoption process. It was a good thing for America. My fellow Americans, already there are tens of thousands of children out there who need a good home with loving parents. I hope more of them will find it now.\nI want to build a bridge to the 21st century with a clean and safe environment. We are making our food safer from pesticides. We're protecting our drinking water and our air from poisons. We saved Yellowstone from mining. We established the largest national park south of Alaska in the Mojave Desert in California. We are working to save the precious Florida Everglades. And when the leaders of this Congress invited the polluters into the back room to roll back 25 years of environmental protections that both parties had always supported, I said no.\nBut we must do more. Today, 10 million children live within just 4 miles of a toxic waste dump. We have cleaned up 197 of those dumps in the last 3 years, more than in the previous 12 years combined. In the next 4 years, we propose to clean up 500 more, two-thirds of all that are left and the most dangerous ones. Our children should grow up next to parks, not poison.\nWe should make it a crime even to attempt to pollute. We should freeze the serious polluter's property until they clean up the problems they create. We should make it easier for families to find out about toxic chemicals in their neighborhoods so they can do more to protect their own children. These are the things that we must do to build that bridge to the 21st century.\nMy fellow Americans, I want to build a bridge to the 21st century that makes sure we are still the nation with the world's strongest defense, that our foreign policy still advances the values of our American community in the community of nations. Our bridge to the future must include bridges to other nations, because we remain the world's indispensable nation to advance prosperity, peace, and freedom and to keep our own children safe from the dangers of terror and weapons of mass destruction.\nWe have helped to bring democracy to Haiti and peace to Bosnia. Now the peace signed on the White House lawn between the Israelis and the Palestinians must embrace more of Israel's neighbors. The deep desire for peace that Hillary and I felt when we walked the streets of Belfast and Derry must become real for all the people of Northern Ireland. And Cuba must finally join the community of democracies.\nNothing in our lifetime has been more heartening than when people of the former Soviet Union and Central Europe broke the grip of communism. We have aided their progress, and I am proud of it. And I will continue our strong partnership with a democratic Russia. And we will bring some of Central Europe's new democracies into NATO so that they will never question their own freedom in the future.\nOur American exports are at record levels. In the next 4 years, we have to break down even more barriers to them, reaching out to Latin America, to Africa, to other countries in Asia, making sure that our workers and our products, the world's finest, have the benefit of free and fair trade.\nIn the last 4 years, we have frozen North Korea's nuclear weapons program. And I am proud to say that tonight there is not a single Russian nuclear missile pointed at an American child. Now we must enforce and ratify without delay measures that further reduce nuclear arsenals, banish poison gas, and ban nuclear tests once and for all.\nWe have made investments, new investments, in our most important defense asset, our magnificent men and women in uniform. By the year 2000, we also will have increased funding to modernize our weapons systems by 40 percent. These commitments will make sure that our military remains the best trained, best equipped fighting force in the entire world. We are developing a sensible national missile defense, but we must not, not now, not by the year 2000, squander $60 billion on an unproved, ineffective Star Wars program that could be obsolete tomorrow.\nWe are fighting terrorism on all fronts with a three-pronged strategy. First, we are working to rally a world coalition with zero tolerance for terrorism. Just this month, I signed a law imposing harsh sanctions on foreign companies that invest in key sectors of the Iranian and Libyan economies. As long as Iran trains, supports, and protects terrorists, as long as Libya refuses to give up the people who blew up Pan Am 103, they will pay a price from the United States.\nSecond, we must give law enforcement the tools they need to take the fight to terrorists. We need new laws to crack down on money laundering and to prosecute and punish those who commit violent acts against American citizens abroad, to add chemical markers or taggants to gunpowder used in bombs so we can crack the bombmakers, to extend the same power police now have against organized crime to save lives by tapping all the phones that terrorists use. Terrorists are as big a threat to our future, perhaps bigger, than organized crime. Why should we have two different standards for a common threat to the safety of America and our children? We need, in short, the laws that Congress refused to pass. And I ask them again, please, as an American, not a partisan matter, pass these laws now.\nThird, we will improve airport and air travel security. I have asked the Vice President to establish a commission and report back to me on ways to do this. But now we will install the most sophisticated bomb-detection equipment in all our major airports. We will search every airplane flying to or from America from another nation, every flight, every cargo hold, every cabin, every time.\nMy fellow Democrats and my fellow Americans, I know that in most election seasons foreign policy is not a matter of great interest in the debates in the barbershops and the cafes of America, on the plant floors and at the bowling alleys. But there are times, there are times when only America can make the difference between war and peace, between freedom and repression, between life and death. We cannot save all the world's children, but we can save many of them. We cannot become the world's policeman, but where our values and our interests are at stake and where we can make a difference, we must act and we must lead. That is our job, and we are better, stronger, and safer because we are doing it.\nMy fellow Americans, let me say one last time, we can only build our bridge to the 21st century if we build it together and if we're willing to walk arm in arm across that bridge together. I have spent so much of your time that you gave me these last 4 years to be your President worrying about the problems of Bosnia, the Middle East, Northern Ireland, Rwanda, Burundi. What do these places have in common? People are killing each other and butchering children because they are different from one another. They share the same piece of land, but they are different from one another. They hate their race, their tribe, their ethnic group, their religion.\nWe have seen the terrible, terrible price that people pay when they insist on fighting and killing their neighbors over their differences. In our own country, we have seen America pay a terrible price for any form of discrimination. And we have seen us grow stronger as we have steadily let more and more of our hatreds and our fears go, as we have given more and more of our people the chance to live their dreams.\nThat is why the flame of our Statue of Liberty, like the Olympic flame carried all across America by thousands of citizen heroes, will always, always burn brighter than the fires that burn our churches, our synagogues, our mosques—always.\nWe still have too many Americans who give in to their fears of those who are different from them. Not so long ago, swastikas were painted on the doors of some African-American members of our Special Forces at Fort Bragg. Folks, for those of you who don't know what they do, the Special Forces are just what the name says: they are special forces. If I walk off this stage tonight and call them on the telephone and tell them to go halfway around the world and risk their lives for you and be there by tomorrow at noon, they will do it. They do not deserve to have swastikas on their doors.\nSo look around here, look around here: Old or young, healthy as a horse or a person with a disability that hasn't kept you down, man or woman, Native American, native born, immigrant, straight or gay, whatever, the test ought to be, I believe in the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Declaration of Independence; I believe in religious liberty; I believe in freedom of speech; I believe in working hard and playing by the rules; I'm showing up for work tomorrow; I'm building that bridge to the 21st century. That ought to be the test.\nMy fellow Americans, 68 nights from tonight the American people will face once again a critical moment of decision. We're going to choose the last President of the 20th century and the first President of the 21st century. But the real choice is not that. The real choice is whether we will build a bridge to the future or a bridge to the past, about whether we believe our best days are still out there or our best days are behind us, about whether we want a country of people all working together or one where you're on your own.\nLet us commit ourselves this night to rise up and build the bridge we know we ought to build all the way to the 21st century. Let us have faith, American faith that we are not leaving our greatness behind. We're going to carry it right on with us into that new century, a century of new challenge and unlimited promise. Let us, in short, do the work that is before us, so that when our time here is over, we will all watch the sun go down, as we all must, and say truly, we have prepared our children for the dawn.\nMy fellow Americans, after these 4 good, hard years, I still believe in a place called Hope, a place called America.\nThank you, God bless you, and good night.", "Words" -> 5903, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 259, "to" -> 258, "and" -> 162, "a" -> 126, "of" -> 124, "in" -> 98, "our" -> 96, "I" -> 89, "we" -> 83, "that" -> 81, "for" -> 75, "We" -> 64, "have" -> 59, "are" -> 49, "will" -> 45, "their" -> 45, "it" -> 41, "is" -> 41, "on" -> 40, "they" -> 39, "with" -> 37, "do" -> 37, "all" -> 33, "people" -> 31, "every" -> 31, "children" -> 30, "not" -> 28, "from" -> 28, "should" -> 27, "as" -> 27, "you" -> 26, "can" -> 26, "years" -> 25, "be" -> 25, "And" -> 25, "must" -> 24, "Americans" -> 24, "America" -> 24, "them" -> 23, "American" -> 23, "who" -> 22, "century" -> 22, "at" -> 22, "us" -> 21, 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"expand" -> 2, "establish" -> 2, "enormous" -> 2, "election" -> 2, "effort" -> 2, "duty" -> 2, "Drugs" -> 2, "doors" -> 2, "doing" -> 2, "doctor" -> 2, "discrimination" -> 2, "dime" -> 2, "difference" -> 2, "developing" -> 2, "determination" -> 2, "desire" -> 2, "Democratic" -> 2, "democracy" -> 2, "democracies" -> 2, "demand" -> 2, "delay" -> 2, "decision" -> 2, "day" -> 2, "dangerous" -> 2, "critical" -> 2, "crack" -> 2, "couldn't" -> 2, "costs" -> 2, "constitutional" -> 2, "conscience" -> 2, "communities" -> 2, "common" -> 2, "combined" -> 2, "classroom" -> 2, "citizens" -> 2, "cities" -> 2, "choose" -> 2, "choice" -> 2, "charter" -> 2, "change" -> 2, "challenges" -> 2, "Central" -> 2, "By" -> 2, "burn" -> 2, "building" -> 2, "brother" -> 2, "Bosnia" -> 2, "born" -> 2, "book" -> 2, "blame" -> 2, "billion" -> 2, "bigger" -> 2, "behind" -> 2, "battle" -> 2, "basics" -> 2, "bargain" -> 2, "ban" -> 2, "balance" -> 2, "available" -> 2, "auto" -> 2, "attend" -> 2, "asset" -> 2, "arm" -> 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"balancing" -> 1, "babies" -> 1, "away" -> 1, "autoworker" -> 1, "attempt" -> 1, "assault" -> 1, "assailant" -> 1, "Asia" -> 1, "arsenals" -> 1, "army" -> 1, "Arkansas" -> 1, "areas" -> 1, "appointments" -> 1, "apart" -> 1, "anyplace" -> 1, "anyone" -> 1, "any" -> 1, "antiracketeering" -> 1, "antidrug" -> 1, "answer" -> 1, "amount" -> 1, "Americans—12" -> 1, "Am" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "allows" -> 1, "allow" -> 1, "alleys" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "alive" -> 1, "Alaska" -> 1, "Al" -> 1, "airports" -> 1, "airport" -> 1, "airplane" -> 1, "aim" -> 1, "AIDS" -> 1, "aided" -> 1, "Again" -> 1, "African-American" -> 1, "Africa" -> 1, "advertising" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "advances" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "adults" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "adopt" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "acts" -> 1, "according" -> 1, "acceptable" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "above" -> 1, "ablebodied" -> 1, "8year-olds" -> 1, "8year-old" -> 1, "8-year-old" -> 1, "68" -> 1, "60" -> 1, "6" -> 1, "500-perchild" -> 1, "500" -> 1, "48" -> 1, "4.4" -> 1, "28" -> 1, "20th" -> 1, "20" -> 1, "197" -> 1, "18-year-old" -> 1, "1.8" -> 1, "1,500-a-year" -> 1, "15" -> 1, "12-yearold" -> 1, "103" -> 1, "100,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25963", "Date" -> DateObject[{2000, 8, 17}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "AlGore::v5jnj"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"LosAngeles", "California", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I speak tonight of gratitude, achievement, and high hopes for our country.\nTonight, I think first of those who helped get me here - starting with the people of Tennessee. Then, those who braved the first snows of Iowa and New Hampshire -- and all of you here, from all over this country, who have come with me into the warm sunlight of this great city.\nWhile I can't thank each of you individually in words, I do so in my heart.\nAnd I know you won't mind if I single out someone who has just spoken so eloquently, someone I've loved with my whole heart since the night of my high school senior prom -- my wife, Tipper. We've been lucky enough to find each other all over again at each new stage of our lives - and we just celebrated our 30th wedding anniversary.\nI want to acknowledge with great pride our four children: Kristin, Sarah, and Albert;\nOur oldest daughter Karenna and her husband Drew;\nAnd the youngest member of our family, who a little over a year ago was born on the Fourth of July -- our grandson Wyatt.\nI'm honored tonight by the support of a leader of high ideals and fundamental decency, who will be an important part of our country's future -- Senator Bill Bradley.\nThere's someone else who will shape that future -- a leader of character and courage. A defender of the environment, and working families --\nThe next Vice President of the United States, Joe Lieberman.\nI picked him for one simple reason: he's the best person for the job.\nFor almost eight years now, I've been the partner of a leader who moved us out of the valley of recession and into the longest period of prosperity in American history. I say to you tonight: millions of Americans will live better lives for a long time to come because of the job that's been done by President Bill Clinton.\nInstead of the biggest deficits in history, we now have the biggest surpluses. The highest home ownership ever. The lowest inflation in a generation.\nInstead of losing jobs, we have 22 million new jobs.\nAbove all, our success comes from you, the people who have worked hard for your families.\nLet's not forget that a few years ago, you were also working hard. But your hard work was undone by a government that didn't work, didn't put people first, and wasn't on your side.\nTogether, we changed things, to help unleash your potential, and innovation and investment in the private sector, the engine that drives our economic growth.\nAnd our progress on the economy is a good chapter in our history.\nBut now we turn the page and write a new chapter. And that's what I want to speak about tonight.\nThis election is not an award for past performance.\nI'm not asking you to vote for me on the basis of the economy we have.\nTonight, I ask for your support on the basis of the better, fairer, more prosperous America we can build together.\nTogether, let's make sure that our prosperity enriches not just the few, but all working families. Let's invest in health care, education, a secure retirement, and middle class tax cuts.\nI'm happy that the stock market has boomed and so many businesses and new enterprises have done well. This country is richer and stronger.\nBut my focus is on working families - people trying to make house payments and car payments, working overtime to save for college and do right by their kids... Whether you're in a suburb, or an inner-city... Whether you raise crops or drive hogs and cattle on a farm, drive a big rig on the Interstate, or drive e-commerce on the Internet... Whether you're starting out to raise your own family, or getting ready to retire after a lifetime of hard work.\nSo often, powerful forces and powerful interests stand in your way, and the odds seemed stacked against you -- even as you do what's right for you and your family.\nHow and what we do for all of you - the people who pay the taxes, bear the burdens, and live the American dream -- that is the standard by which we should be judged.\nAnd for all of our good times, I am not satisfied.\nTo all the families in America who have to struggle to afford the right education and the skyrocketing cost of prescription drugs -\nI want you to know this: I've taken on the powerful forces. And as President, I'll stand up to them, and I'll stand up for you.\nTo all the families who are struggling with things that money can't measure - like trying to find a little more time to spend with your children, or protecting your children from entertainment that you think glorifies violence and indecency -\nI want you to know: I believe we must challenge a culture with too much meanness, and not enough meaning. And as President, I will stand with you for a goal that we share: to give more power back to the parents, to choose what your own children are exposed to, so you can pass on your family's basic lessons of responsibility and decency.\nThe power should be in your hands. The future should belong to everyone in this land.\nWe could squander this moment - but our country would be the poorer for it. Instead, let's lift our eyes, and see how wide the American horizon has become.\nWe're entering a new time -\nWe're electing a new President -\nAnd I stand here tonight as my own man, and I want you to know me for who I truly am.\nI grew up in a wonderful family. I have a lot to be thankful for. And the greatest gift my parents gave me was love. When I was a child, it never once occurred to me that the foundation upon which my security depended would ever shake.\nAnd of all the lessons my parents taught me, the most powerful one was unspoken -- the way they loved one another.\nMy father respected my mother as an equal, if not more. She was his best friend, and in many ways, his conscience. And I learned from them the value of a true, loving partnership that lasts for life.\nThey simply couldn't imagine being without each other. And for 61 years, they were by each other's side.\nMy parents taught me that the real values in life aren't material but spiritual. They include faith and family, duty and honor, and trying to make the world a better place.\nI finished college at a time when all that seemed to be in doubt, and our nation's spirit was being depleted. We saw the assassination of our best leaders. Appeals to racial backlash. And the first warning signs of Watergate.\nI remember the conversations I had with Tipper back then - and the doubts we had about the Vietnam War.\nBut I enlisted in the Army because I knew if I didn't go, someone else in the small town of Carthage, Tennessee would have to go in my place.\nI was an Army reporter in Vietnam. When I was there, I didn't do the most, or run the gravest danger. But I was proud to wear my country's uniform.\nWhen I came home, running for office was the very last thing I ever thought I would do. I studied religion at Vanderbilt, and worked nights as a police reporter at the Nashville Tennessean. And I saw more of what could go wrong in America - not only on the police beat, but as an investigative reporter covering local government.\nI also saw so much of what could go right - citizens lifting up local communities, family by family, block by block, neighborhood by neighborhood, in churches and charities, on school boards and City Councils.\nAnd then, Tipper and I started our own family. And when our first daughter Karenna was born, I began to see the future through a fresh set of eyes. I know a lot of you have had that feeling, too.\nAnd I decided that I could not turn away from service at home - any more than I could have turned away from service in Vietnam.\nThat's why I ran for Congress. In my first term, a family in Hardeman County, Tennessee wrote a letter and told how worried they were about toxic waste that had been dumped near their home. I held some of the first hearings on the issue. And ever since, I've been there in the fight against the big polluters.\nOur children should not have to draw the breath of life in cities awash in pollution. When they come in from playing on a hot summer afternoon, every child in America, anywhere in America, ought to be able to turn on the faucet and get a glass of safe, clean drinking water.\nOn the issue of the environment, I've never given up, I've never backed down, and I never will.\nAnd I say it again tonight: we must reverse the silent, rising tide of global warming.\nIn the Senate and as Vice President, I fought for welfare reform. Over and over again, I talked to folks who told me how they were trapped in the old welfare system. I saw what it did to families. So I fought to end welfare as we then knew it - to help those in trouble, but to insist on work and responsibility.\nOthers talked about welfare reform. We actually reformed welfare and set time limits. Instead of hand-outs, we gave people training to go from welfare to work. And we have cut the welfare rolls in half and moved millions into good jobs.\nFor almost 25 years now, I've been fighting for people. And for all that time, I've been listening to people - holding open meetings, in the places where they live and work.\nAnd you know what? I've learned a lot. And if I'm your President, I'm going to keep on having open meetings all over this country. I'm going to go out to you, the people, because I want to stay in touch with your hopes; with the quiet, every-day heroism of hard-working Americans.\nAnd because I've learned that the issues before us, the problems and the policies, all have names. And I don't mean the big fancy names that we put on programs and legislation. I'm talking about family names like Nystel, Johnson, Gutierrez, and Malone - people and families I've met in the last year, all across this country. And here's what they've told me:\nI met Mildred Nystel in Waterloo, Iowa. Because of our welfare reform, she's left welfare and found a good job training electricians - and she's become a proud member of IBEW Local 288. Now she dreams of sending her daughter Irene to college.\nMildred Nystel is here with us tonight. And I say to her: I will fight for a targeted, affordable tax cut to help working families save and pay for college.\nI met Jacqueline Johnson in St. Louis, Missouri. She worked for 35 years as a medical assistant, caring for others. Now she's 72 years old and needs prescription medicines to care for herself. She spends over half of her Social Security check - her only source of income - on her pills. So she either skips meals, or shops for bargains at a wholesale food store and buys macaroni and cheese dinners in bulk - and then has them at every meal.\nI invited her here tonight. And Mrs. Johnson, I promise you once again: I will fight for a prescription drug benefit for all seniors under Medicare.\nIt's just wrong for seniors to have to choose between food and medicine while the big drug companies run up record profits.\nI met George and Juanita Gutierrez in San Antonio, Texas. Their daughter Caterina has just started the 4th grade at Davy Crockett Elementary School. The school building is crumbling and overcrowded, with cracked walls and peeling plaster. Trailers cover the playground where the kids used to spend recess.\nThe Gutierrez family is here tonight. And I tell them again: I will fight to rebuild and modernize our crumbling schools, and reduce class size. We need to put safety, discipline, and character first in every classroom.\nYou know, education may be a local responsibility. But I believe it also has to be our number-one national priority. We can't stop until every school in America is a good place to get a good education.\nAnd I will never forget a little boy named Ian Malone - who suffered from a medical mistake during childbirth, and needs full-time nursing care for several years. I met him and his parents in Seattle, near their home in Everett, Washington. Their HMO had told the Malones it would no longer pay for the nurse they needed, and then, told them they should consider giving Ian up for adoption.\nThat's when his mom and dad got really mad. They told their story in public, and the HMO was embarrassed. Because they fought for their baby , today Ian has the care he needs to stay alive. But no family in America should have to go on national television to save their child's life.\nDylan and Christine Malone are here with us tonight. Ian's here, too. And I say to them, and to all the families of America: I will fight for a real, enforceable Patients' Bill of Rights.\nIt's just wrong to have life and death medical decisions made by bean-counters at HMO's who don't have a license to practice medicine, and don't have a right to play God. It's time to take the medical decisions away from the HMO's and insurance companies - and give them back to the doctors, the nurses, and the health care professionals.\nSo this is not just an election between my opponent and me. It's about our people, our families, and our future - and whether forces standing in your way will keep you from having a better life.\nTo me, this election is about Mildred Nystel, Jacqueline Johnson, Caterina Gutierrez, Ian Malone.\nIt's about millions of Americans whose names we may never know - but whose needs and dreams must always be our calling.\nAnd so here tonight, in the name of all the working families who are the strength and soul of America -- I accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nI'm here to talk seriously about the issues. I believe people deserve to know specifically what a candidate proposes to do. I intend to tell you tonight. You ought to be able to know, and then judge for yourself.\nIf you entrust me with the Presidency, I will put our democracy back in your hands, and get all the special-interest money - all of it - out of our democracy, by enacting campaign finance reform. I feel so strongly about this, I promise you that campaign finance reform will be the very first bill that Joe Lieberman and I send to Congress.\nLet others try to restore the old guard. We come to this convention as the change we wish to see in America.\nAnd what are those changes?\nAt a time when most Americans will live to know even their great-grandchildren, we will save and strengthen Social Security and Medicare - not only for this generation, but for generations to come.\nAt a time of almost unimaginable medical breakthroughs, we will fight for affordable health care for all - so patients and ordinary people are not left powerless and broke. We will move toward universal health coverage, step by step, starting with all children. Let's get all children covered by the year 2004.\nAnd let's move to the day when we end the stigma of mental illness, and treat it like every other illness, everywhere in this nation.\nWithin the next few years, scientists will identify the genes that cause every type of cancer. We need a national commitment equal to the promise of this unequalled moment. So we will double the federal investment in medical research. We will find new medicines and new cures - not just for cancer, but for everything from diabetes to HIV/AIDS.\nAt a time when there is more computer power in a Palm Pilot than in the spaceship that took Neil Armstrong to the moon, we will offer all our people lifelong learning and new skills for the higher-paying jobs of the future.\nAt a time when the amount of human knowledge is doubling every five years, we will do bold things to make our schools the best in the world. I will fight for the single greatest commitment to education since the G.I. Bill -\nFor revolutionary improvements in our schools. For higher standards and more accountability. To put a fully-qualified teacher in every classroom, test all new teachers, and give teachers the training and professional development they deserve. It's time to treat and reward teachers like the professionals they are.\nIt's not just about more money. It's about higher standards, accountability -- new ideas. But we can't do it without new resources. And that's why I will invest far more in our schools - in the long-run, a second-class education always costs more than a first-class education.\nAnd I will not go along with any plan that would drain taxpayer money away from our public schools and give it to private schools in the form of vouchers.\nThis nation was a pioneer of universal public education. Now let's set a specific new goal for the first decade of the 21st Century: high-quality universal pre-school - available to every child, in every family, all across this country.\nWe also have to give middle-class families help in paying for college with tax-free college savings, and by making most college tuition tax-deductible. Open the doors of learning to all.\nAnd all of this - all of this -- is the change we wish to see in America.\nNot so long ago, a balanced budget seemed impossible. Now our budget surpluses make it possible to give a full range of targeted tax cuts to working families. Not just to help you save for college, but to pay for health insurance or child care. To reform the estate tax, so people can pass on a small business or a family farm. And to end the marriage penalty - the right way, the fair way -- because we shouldn't force couples to pay more in income taxes just because they're married.\nBut let me say it plainly: I will not go along with a huge tax cut for the wealthy at the expense of everyone else and wreck our good economy in the process.\nUnder the tax plan the other side has proposed, for every ten dollars that goes to the wealthiest one percent, middle class families would get one dime. And lower-income families would get one penny.\nIn fact, if you add it up, the average family would get about enough money to buy one extra Diet Coke a day.\nAbout 62 cents in change. Let me tell you: that's not the kind of change I'm working for.\nI'll fight for tax cuts that go to the right people - to the working families who have the toughest time paying taxes and saving for the future.\nI'll fight for a new, tax-free way to help you save and build a bigger nest egg for your retirement. I'm talking about something extra that you can save and invest for yourself. Something that will supplement Social Security, not be subtracted from it.\nBut I will not go along with any proposal to strip one out of every six dollars from the Social Security trust fund and privatize the Social Security that you're counting on. That's Social Security minus. Our plan is Social Security plus.\nWe will balance the budget every year, and dedicate the budget surplus first to saving Social Security.\nIn the next four years, we will pay off all the national debt this nation accumulated in our first 200 years. This will put us on the path to completely eliminating the debt by 2012, keeping America prosperous far into the future.\nBut there's something at stake in this election that's even more important than economic progress. Simply put, it's our values; it's our responsibility to our loved ones, to our families.\nAnd to me, family values means honoring our fathers and mothers, teaching our children well, caring for the sick, respecting one another -- giving people the power to achieve what they want for their families.\nPutting both Social Security and Medicare in an iron-clad lock box where the politicians can't touch them -- to me, that kind of common sense is a family value.\nGetting cigarettes out of the hands of kids before they get hooked is a family value. I will crack down on the marketing of tobacco to our children, no matter how hard the tobacco companies lobby, no matter how much they spend.\nA new prescription drug benefit under Medicare for all our seniors - that's a family value. And let me tell you: I will fight for it, and the other side will not. They give in to the big drug companies. Their plan tells seniors to beg the HMO's and insurance companies for prescription drug coverage.\nAnd that's the difference in this election. They're for the powerful, and we're for the people.\nBig tobacco, big oil, the big polluters, the pharmaceutical companies, the HMO's. Sometimes you have to be willing to stand up and say no - so families can have a better life.\nI know one thing about the job of the President. It is the only job in the Constitution that is charged with the responsibility of fighting for all the people. Not just the people of one state, or one district; not just the wealthy or the powerful -- all the people. Especially those who need a voice; those who need a champion; those who need to be lifted up, so they are never left behind.\nSo I say to you tonight: if you entrust me with the Presidency, I will fight for you.\nThere's one other word we've heard a lot of in this campaign, and that word is honor.\nTo me, honor is not just a word, but an obligation.\nAnd you have my word: we will honor hard work by raising the minimum wage so that work always pays more than welfare.\nWe will honor families by expanding child care, and after-school care, and family and medical leave - so working parents have the help they need to care for their children -- because one of the most important jobs of all is raising our children.\nAnd we'll support the right of parents to decide that one of them will stay home longer with their babies if that's what they believe is best for their families.\nWe will honor the ideal of equality by standing up for civil rights and defending affirmative action.\nWe will honor equal rights and fight for an equal day's pay for an equal day's work.\nAnd let there be no doubt: I will protect and defend a woman's right to choose. The last thing this country needs is a Supreme Court that overturns Roe v. Wade.\nWe will remove all the old barriers -- so that those who are called disabled can develop all their abilities.\nAnd we will also widen the circle of opportunity for all Americans, and enforce all our civil rights laws.\nWe will pass the Employment Non-Discrimination Act.\nAnd we will honor the memory of Matthew Shepard, Joseph Ileto, and James Byrd, whose families all joined us this week -- by passing a law against hate crimes.\nWe will honor the hard work of raising a family - by doing all we can to help parents protect their children. Parents deserve the simple security of knowing that their children are safe whether they're walking down the street, surfing the World Wide Web, or sitting behind a desk in school.\nTo make families safer, we passed the toughest crime bill in history, and we're putting 100,000 new community police on our streets. Crime has fallen in every major category for seven years in a row. But there's still too much danger and there's still too much fear.\nSo tonight I want to set another new, specific goal: to cut the crime rate year after year -- every single year throughout this decade.\nThat's why I'll fight to add another 50,000 new police - community police who help prevent crime by establishing real relationships between law enforcement and neighborhood residents - which, incidentally, is the opposite of racial profiling, which must be brought to an end.\nI will fight for a crime victims' bill of rights, including a Constitutional amendment to make sure that victims, and not just criminals, are guaranteed rights in our justice system.\nI'll fight to toughen penalties on those who misuse the Internet to prey on our children and violate our privacy. And I'll fight to make every school in this nation drug-free and gun-free.\nI believe in the right of sportsmen and hunters and law-abiding citizens to own firearms. But I want mandatory background checks to keep guns away from criminals, and mandatory child safety locks to protect our children.\nTipper and I went out to Columbine High School after the tragedy there, and we embraced the families of the children who were lost. And I will never forget the words of the father who whispered into my ear, \"Promise me that these children will not have died in vain.\"\nAll of us must join together to make that promise come true. Laws and programs by themselves will never be enough. All of us, and especially all parents need to take more responsibility. We need to change our hearts -- and make a commitment to our children and to one another.\nI'm excited about America's prospects and full of hope for America's future. Our country has come a long way, and I've come a long way since that long ago time when I went to Vietnam.\nI've never forgotten what I saw there -- and the bravery of so many young Americans.\nThe price of freedom is sometimes high, but I never believed that America should turn inward.\nAs a Senator, I broke with many in our party and voted to support the Gulf War when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait -- because I believed America's vital interests were at stake.\nEarly in my public service, I took up the issue of nuclear arms control and nuclear weapons -- because nothing is more fundamental than protecting our national security.\nNow I want to lead America because I love America. I will keep America's defenses strong. I will make sure our armed forces continue to be the best-equipped, best-trained, and best-led in the entire world.\nIn the last century, this nation more than any other freed the world from fascism and communism. But a newly free world still has dangers and challenges, both old and new. We must always have the will to defend our enduring interests -- from Europe, to the Middle East, to Japan and Korea. We must strengthen our partnerships with Africa, Latin America, and the rest of the developing world.\nWe must welcome and promote truly free trade. But I say to you: it must be fair trade. We must set standards to end child labor, to prevent the exploitation of workers and the poisoning of the environment. Free trade can and must be -- and if I'm President, will be -- a way to lift everyone up, not bring anyone down to the lowest common denominator.\nSo those are the issues, and that's where I stand. But I also want to tell you just a little more about two of my greatest heroes, my father and my mother.\nThey did give me a good life. But like so many in America, they started out with almost nothing.\nMy father grew up in a small community named Possum Hollow in Middle Tennessee. When he was just eighteen, he went to work as a teacher in a one-room school.\nThen the Great Depression came along and taught him a lesson that couldn't be found in any classroom. He told me and my sister often how he watched grown men, with wives and children they could neither feed nor clothe, on farms they could no longer pay for.\nMy father didn't know whether he could help those families -- but he believed he had to try. And never in the years to come - in Congress, and in the United States Senate -- did he lose sight of the reason he entered public service: to fight for the people, not the powerful.\nMy mother grew up in a poor farming community in northwest Tennessee. Her family ran a small country store in Cold Corner. A store that went bust during the Great Depression.\nShe worked her way through college, then got a room in Nashville at the YWCA and waited tables at an all-night coffee shop for 25-cent tips. She then went on to become one of the first women in history to graduate from Vanderbilt Law School.\nAs Tipper told you tonight, we lost my dad a year and a half ago. But we're so lucky that my mother Pauline continues to be part of our lives, every single day. She's here tonight.\nSometimes in this campaign, when I visit a school and see a hard-working teacher trying to change the world one child at a time -- I see the face of my father.\nAnd I know that teaching our children well is not just the teacher's job; it's everyone's job. And it has to be our national mission.\nI've shaken hands in diners and coffee shops all across this country. And sometimes, when I see a waitress working hard and thanking someone for a tip, I see the face of my mother. And I know: for that waitress carrying trays, or a construction worker in the winter cold, I will never agree to raise the retirement age to 70, or threaten the promise of Social Security.\nI say to you tonight: we've got to win this election - because every hard-working American family deserves to open the door to their dream.\nIn our democracy, the future is not something that just happens to us; it is something we make for ourselves -- together.\nSo to the young people watching tonight, I say: this is your time to make new the life of our world. We need your help to rekindle the spirit of America.\nAnd I ask all of you, my fellow citizens: from this city that marked both the end of America's journey westward and the beginning of the New Frontier, let us set out on a new journey to the best America.\nA new journey on which we advance not by the turning of wheels, but by the turning of our minds; the reach of our vision; the daring grace of the human spirit.\nYes, we have our problems. But the United States of America is the best country ever created -- and still, as ever, the hope of humankind.\nYes, we're all imperfect. But as Americans we all share in the privilege and challenge of building a more perfect union.\nI know my own imperfections. I know that sometimes people say I'm too serious, that I talk too much substance and policy. Maybe I've done that tonight.\nBut the Presidency is more than a popularity contest. It's a day-by-day fight for people. Sometimes, you have to choose to do what's difficult or unpopular. Sometimes, you have to be willing to spend your popularity in order to pick the hard right over the easy wrong.\nThere are big choices ahead, and our whole future is at stake. And I do have strong beliefs about it.\nIf you entrust me with the Presidency, I know I won't always be the most exciting politician.\nBut I pledge to you tonight: I will work for you every day and I will never let you down.\nIf we allow ourselves to believe, without reservation, that we can do what's right and be the better for it -- then the best America will become our America.\nIn this City of Angels, we can summon the better angels of our nature.\nDo not rest where we are, or retreat. Do all we can to make America all it can become.\nThank you - God bless you - and God bless America.", "Words" -> 5408, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 265, "to" -> 180, "and" -> 173, "of" -> 129, "I" -> 126, "a" -> 113, "in" -> 103, "for" -> 87, "our" -> 69, "will" -> 58, "And" -> 56, "that" -> 54, "you" -> 51, "all" -> 47, "we" -> 45, "is" -> 34, "this" -> 32, "on" -> 32, "not" -> 31, "have" -> 31, "with" -> 28, "be" -> 28, "my" -> 27, "who" -> 26, "families" -> 26, "people" -> 25, "me" -> 24, "by" -> 24, "America" -> 24, "We" -> 23, "family" -> 23, "your" -> 22, "new" -> 22, "it" -> 22, "But" -> 22, "tonight" -> 20, "they" -> 20, "more" -> 20, "from" -> 20, "children" -> 20, "just" -> 19, "every" -> 19, "so" -> 18, "one" -> 18, "know" -> 18, "fight" -> 18, "about" -> 18, "time" -> 16, "or" -> 16, "at" -> 16, "was" -> 15, "up" -> 15, "their" -> 15, "I've" -> 15, "never" -> 14, "make" -> 14, "as" -> 14, "are" -> 14, "years" -> 13, "what" -> 13, "I'm" -> 13, "first" -> 13, "but" -> 13, "an" 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DateObject[{2004, 7, 29}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "JohnKerry::982qy"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Boston", "Massachusetts", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I'm John Kerry and I'm reporting for duty.\nWe are here tonight because we love our country.\nWe are proud of what America is and what it can become.\nMy fellow Americans: we are here tonight united in one simple purpose: to make America stronger at home and respected in the world.\nA great American novelist wrote that you can't go home again. He could not have imagined this evening. Tonight, I am home. Home where my public life began and those who made it possible live. Home where our nation's history was written in blood, idealism, and hope. Home where my parents showed me the values of family, faith, and country.\nThank you, all of you, for a welcome home I will never forget.\nI wish my parents could share this moment. They went to their rest in the last few years, but their example, their inspiration, their gift of open eyes, open mind, and endless world are bigger and more lasting than any words.\nI was born in Colorado, in Fitzsimmons Army Hospital, when my dad was a pilot in World War II. Now, I'm not one to read into things, but guess which wing of the hospital the maternity ward was in? I'm not making this up. I was born in the West Wing!\nMy mother was the rock of our family as so many mothers are. She stayed up late to help me do my homework. She sat by my bed when I was sick, and she answered the questions of a child who, like all children, found the world full of wonders and mysteries.\nShe was my den mother when I was a Cub Scout and she was so proud of her fifty year pin as a Girl Scout leader. She gave me her passion for the environment. She taught me to see trees as the cathedrals of nature. And by the power of her example, she showed me that we can and must finish the march toward full equality for all women in our country.\nMy dad did the things that a boy remembers. He gave me my first model airplane, my first baseball mitt and my first bicycle. He also taught me that we are here for something bigger than ourselves; he lived out the responsibilities and sacrifices of the greatest generation to whom we owe so much.\nWhen I was a young man, he was in the State Department, stationed in Berlin when it and the world were divided between democracy and communism. I have unforgettable memories of being a kid mesmerized by the British, French, and American troops, each of them guarding their own part of the city, and Russians standing guard on the stark line separating East from West. On one occasion, I rode my bike into Soviet East Berlin. And when I proudly told my dad, he promptly grounded me.\nBut what I learned has stayed with me for a lifetime. I saw how different life was on different sides of the same city. I saw the fear in the eyes of people who were not free. I saw the gratitude of people toward the United States for all that we had done. I felt goose bumps as I got off a military train and heard the Army band strike up \"Stars and Stripes Forever.\" I learned what it meant to be America at our best. I learned the pride of our freedom. And I am determined now to restore that pride to all who look to America.\nMine were greatest generation parents. And as I thank them, we all join together to thank that whole generation for making America strong, for winning World War II, winning the Cold War, and for the great gift of service which brought America fifty years of peace and prosperity.\nMy parents inspired me to serve, and when I was a junior in high school, John Kennedy called my generation to service. It was the beginning of a great journey – a time to march for civil rights, for voting rights, for the environment, for women, and for peace. We believed we could change the world. And you know what? We did.\nBut we're not finished. The journey isn't complete. The march isn't over. The promise isn't perfected. Tonight, we're setting out again. And together, we're going to write the next great chapter of America's story.\nWe have it in our power to change the world again. But only if we're true to our ideals – and that starts by telling the truth to the American people. That is my first pledge to you tonight. As President, I will restore trust and credibility to the White House.\nI ask you to judge me by my record: As a young prosecutor, I fought for victim's rights and made prosecuting violence against women a priority. When I came to the Senate, I broke with many in my own party to vote for a balanced budget, because I thought it was the right thing to do. I fought to put a 100,000 cops on the street.\nAnd then I reached across the aisle to work with John McCain, to find the truth about our POW's and missing in action, and to finally make peace with Vietnam.\nI will be a commander in chief who will never mislead us into war. I will have a Vice President who will not conduct secret meetings with polluters to rewrite our environmental laws. I will have a Secretary of Defense who will listen to the best advice of our military leaders. And I will appoint an Attorney General who actually upholds the Constitution of the United States.\nMy fellow Americans, this is the most important election of our lifetime. The stakes are high. We are a nation at war – a global war on terror against an enemy unlike any we have ever known before. And here at home, wages are falling, health care costs are rising, and our great middle class is shrinking. People are working weekends; they're working two jobs, three jobs, and they're still not getting ahead.\nWe're told that outsourcing jobs is good for America. We're told that new jobs that pay $9,000 less than the jobs that have been lost is the best we can do. They say this is the best economy we've ever had. And they say that anyone who thinks otherwise is a pessimist. Well, here is our answer: There is nothing more pessimistic than saying America can't do better.\nWe can do better and we will. We're the optimists. For us, this is a country of the future. We're the can do people. And let's not forget what we did in the 1990s. We balanced the budget. We paid down the debt. We created 23 million new jobs. We lifted millions out of poverty and we lifted the standard of living for the middle class. We just need to believe in ourselves – and we can do it again.\nSo tonight, in the city where America's freedom began, only a few blocks from where the sons and daughters of liberty gave birth to our nation – here tonight, on behalf of a new birth of freedom – on behalf of the middle class who deserve a champion, and those struggling to join it who deserve a fair shot – for the brave men and women in uniform who risk their lives every day and the families who pray for their return – for all those who believe our best days are ahead of us – for all of you – with great faith in the American people, I accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nI am proud that at my side will be a running mate whose life is the story of the American dream and who's worked every day to make that dream real for all Americans – Senator John Edwards of North Carolina. And his wonderful wife Elizabeth and their family. This son of a mill worker is ready to lead – and next January, Americans will be proud to have a fighter for the middle class to succeed Dick Cheney as Vice President of the United States.\nAnd what can I say about Teresa? She has the strongest moral compass of anyone I know. She's down to earth, nurturing, courageous, wise and smart. She speaks her mind and she speaks the truth, and I love her for that, too. And that's why America will embrace her as the next First Lady of the United States.\nFor Teresa and me, no matter what the future holds or the past has given us, nothing will ever mean as much as our children. We love them not just for who they are and what they've become, but for being themselves, making us laugh, holding our feet to the fire, and never letting me get away with anything. Thank you, Andre, Alex, Chris, Vanessa, and John.\nAnd in this journey, I am accompanied by an extraordinary band of brothers led by that American hero, a patriot named Max Cleland. Our band of brothers doesn't march together because of who we are as veterans, but because of what we learned as soldiers. We fought for this nation because we loved it and we came back with the deep belief that every day is extra. We may be a little older now, we may be a little grayer, but we still know how to fight for our country.\nAnd standing with us in that fight are those who shared with me the long season of the primary campaign: Carol Moseley Braun, General Wesley Clark, Howard Dean, Dick Gephardt, Bob Graham, Dennis Kucinich, Joe Lieberman and Al Sharpton.\nTo all of you, I say thank you for teaching me and testing me – but mostly, we say thank you for standing up for our country and giving us the unity to move America forward.\nMy fellow Americans, the world tonight is very different from the world of four years ago. But I believe the American people are more than equal to the challenge.\nRemember the hours after September 11th, when we came together as one to answer the attack against our homeland. We drew strength when our firefighters ran up the stairs and risked their lives, so that others might live. When rescuers rushed into smoke and fire at the Pentagon. When the men and women of Flight 93 sacrificed themselves to save our nation's Capitol. When flags were hanging from front porches all across America, and strangers became friends. It was the worst day we have ever seen, but it brought out the best in all of us.\nI am proud that after September 11th all our people rallied to President Bush's call for unity to meet the danger. There were no Democrats. There were no Republicans. There were only Americans. How we wish it had stayed that way.\nNow I know there are those who criticize me for seeing complexities – and I do – because some issues just aren't all that simple. Saying there are weapons of mass destruction in Iraq doesn't make it so. Saying we can fight a war on the cheap doesn't make it so. And proclaiming mission accomplished certainly doesn't make it so.\nAs President, I will ask hard questions and demand hard evidence. I will immediately reform the intelligence system – so policy is guided by facts, and facts are never distorted by politics. And as President, I will bring back this nation's time-honored tradition: the United States of America never goes to war because we want to, we only go to war because we have to.\nI know what kids go through when they are carrying an M-16 in a dangerous place and they can't tell friend from foe. I know what they go through when they're out on patrol at night and they don't know what's coming around the next bend. I know what it's like to write letters home telling your family that everything's all right when you're not sure that's true.\nAs President, I will wage this war with the lessons I learned in war. Before you go to battle, you have to be able to look a parent in the eye and truthfully say: \"I tried everything possible to avoid sending your son or daughter into harm's way. But we had no choice. We had to protect the American people, fundamental American values from a threat that was real and imminent.\" So lesson one, this is the only justification for going to war.\nAnd on my first day in office, I will send a message to every man and woman in our armed forces: You will never be asked to fight a war without a plan to win the peace.\nI know what we have to do in Iraq. We need a President who has the credibility to bring our allies to our side and share the burden, reduce the cost to American taxpayers, and reduce the risk to American soldiers. That's the right way to get the job done and bring our troops home.\nHere is the reality: that won't happen until we have a president who restores America's respect and leadership -- so we don't have to go it alone in the world.\nAnd we need to rebuild our alliances, so we can get the terrorists before they get us.\nI defended this country as a young man and I will defend it as President. Let there be no mistake: I will never hesitate to use force when it is required. Any attack will be met with a swift and certain response. I will never give any nation or international institution a veto over our national security. And I will build a stronger American military.\nWe will add 40,000 active duty troops – not in Iraq, but to strengthen American forces that are now overstretched, overextended, and under pressure. We will double our special forces to conduct anti-terrorist operations. We will provide our troops with the newest weapons and technology to save their lives – and win the battle. And we will end the backdoor draft of National Guard and reservists.\nTo all who serve in our armed forces today, I say, help is on the way.\nAs President, I will fight a smarter, more effective war on terror. We will deploy every tool in our arsenal: our economic as well as our military might; our principles as well as our firepower.\nIn these dangerous days there is a right way and a wrong way to be strong. Strength is more than tough words. After decades of experience in national security, I know the reach of our power and I know the power of our ideals.\nWe need to make America once again a beacon in the world. We need to be looked up to and not just feared.\nWe need to lead a global effort against nuclear proliferation – to keep the most dangerous weapons in the world out of the most dangerous hands in the world.\nWe need a strong military and we need to lead strong alliances. And then, with confidence and determination, we will be able to tell the terrorists: You will lose and we will win. The future doesn't belong to fear; it belongs to freedom.\nAnd the front lines of this battle are not just far away – they're right here on our shores, at our airports, and potentially in any town or city. Today, our national security begins with homeland security. The 9-11 Commission has given us a path to follow, endorsed by Democrats, Republicans, and the 9-11 families. As President, I will not evade or equivocate; I will immediately implement the recommendations of that commission. We shouldn't be letting ninety-five percent of container ships come into our ports without ever being physically inspected. We shouldn't be leaving our nuclear and chemical plants without enough protection. And we shouldn't be opening firehouses in Baghdad and closing them down in the United States of America.\nAnd tonight, we have an important message for those who question the patriotism of Americans who offer a better direction for our country. Before wrapping themselves in the flag and shutting their eyes and ears to the truth, they should remember what America is really all about. They should remember the great idea of freedom for which so many have given their lives. Our purpose now is to reclaim democracy itself. We are here to affirm that when Americans stand up and speak their minds and say America can do better, that is not a challenge to patriotism; it is the heart and soul of patriotism.\nYou see that flag up there. We call her Old Glory. The stars and stripes forever. I fought under that flag, as did so many of you here and all across our country. That flag flew from the gun turret right behind my head. It was shot through and through and tattered, but it never ceased to wave in the wind. It draped the caskets of men I served with and friends I grew up with. For us, that flag is the most powerful symbol of who we are and what we believe in. Our strength. Our diversity. Our love of country. All that makes America both great and good.\nThat flag doesn't belong to any president. It doesn't belong to any ideology and it doesn't belong to any political party. It belongs to all the American people.\nMy fellow citizens, elections are about choices. And choices are about values. In the end, it's not just policies and programs that matter; the president who sits at that desk must be guided by principle.\nFor four years, we've heard a lot of talk about values. But values spoken without actions taken are just slogans. Values are not just words. They're what we live by. They're about the causes we champion and the people we fight for. And it is time for those who talk about family values to start valuing families.\nYou don't value families by kicking kids out of after school programs and taking cops off our streets, so that Enron can get another tax break.\nWe believe in the family value of caring for our children and protecting the neighborhoods where they walk and play.\nAnd that is the choice in this election.\nYou don't value families by denying real prescription drug coverage to seniors, so big drug companies can get another windfall.\nWe believe in the family value expressed in one of the oldest Commandments: \"Honor thy father and thy mother.\" As President, I will not privatize Social Security. I will not cut benefits. And together, we will make sure that senior citizens never have to cut their pills in half because they can't afford life-saving medicine.\nAnd that is the choice in this election.\nYou don't value families if you force them to take up a collection to buy body armor for a son or daughter in the service, if you deny veterans health care, or if you tell middle class families to wait for a tax cut, so that the wealthiest among us can get even more.\nWe believe in the value of doing what's right for everyone in the American family.\nAnd that is the choice in this election.\nWe believe that what matters most is not narrow appeals masquerading as values, but the shared values that show the true face of America. Not narrow appeals that divide us, but shared values that unite us. Family and faith. Hard work and responsibility. Opportunity for all – so that every child, every parent, every worker has an equal shot at living up to their God-given potential.\nWhat does it mean in America today when Dave McCune, a steel worker I met in Canton, Ohio, saw his job sent overseas and the equipment in his factory literally unbolted, crated up, and shipped thousands of miles away along with that job? What does it mean when workers I've met had to train their foreign replacements?\nAmerica can do better. So tonight we say: help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when Mary Ann Knowles, a woman with breast cancer I met in New Hampshire, had to keep working day after day right through her chemotherapy, no matter how sick she felt, because she was terrified of losing her family's health insurance.\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when Deborah Kromins from Philadelphia, Pennsylvania works and saves all her life only to find out that her pension has disappeared into thin air – and the executive who looted it has bailed out on a golden parachute?\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when twenty five percent of the children in Harlem have asthma because of air pollution?\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nWhat does it mean when people are huddled in blankets in the cold, sleeping in Lafayette Park on the doorstep of the White House itself – and the number of families living in poverty has risen by three million in the last four years?\nAmerica can do better. And help is on the way.\nAnd so we come here tonight to ask: Where is the conscience of our country?\nI'll tell you where it is: it's in rural and small town America; it's in urban neighborhoods and suburban main streets; it's alive in the people I've met in every part of this land. It's bursting in the hearts of Americans who are determined to give our country back its values and its truth.\nWe value jobs that pay you more not less than you earned before. We value jobs where, when you put in a week's work, you can actually pay your bills, provide for your children, and lift up the quality of your life. We value an America where the middle class is not being squeezed, but doing better.\nSo here is our economic plan to build a stronger America:\nFirst, new incentives to revitalize manufacturing.\nSecond, investment in technology and innovation that will create the good-paying jobs of the future.\nThird, close the tax loopholes that reward companies for shipping our jobs overseas. Instead, we will reward companies that create and keep good paying jobs where they belong – in the good old U.S.A.\nWe value an America that exports products, not jobs – and we believe American workers should never have to subsidize the loss of their own job.\nNext, we will trade and compete in the world. But our plan calls for a fair playing field – because if you give the American worker a fair playing field, there's nobody in the world the American worker can't compete against.\nAnd we're going to return to fiscal responsibility because it is the foundation of our economic strength. Our plan will cut the deficit in half in four years by ending tax giveaways that are nothing more than corporate welfare – and will make government live by the rule that every family has to follow: pay as you go.\nAnd let me tell you what we won't do: we won't raise taxes on the middle class. You've heard a lot of false charges about this in recent months. So let me say straight out what I will do as President: I will cut middle class taxes. I will reduce the tax burden on small business. And I will roll back the tax cuts for the wealthiest individuals who make over $200,000 a year, so we can invest in job creation, health care and education.\nOur education plan for a stronger America sets high standards and demands accountability from parents, teachers, and schools. It provides for smaller class sizes and treats teachers like the professionals they are. And it gives a tax credit to families for each and every year of college.\nWhen I was a prosecutor, I met young kids who were in trouble, abandoned by adults. And as President, I am determined that we stop being a nation content to spend $50,000 a year to keep a young person in prison for the rest of their life – when we could invest $10,000 to give them Head Start, Early Start, Smart Start, the best possible start in life.\nAnd we value health care that's affordable and accessible for all Americans.\nSince 2000, four million people have lost their health insurance. Millions more are struggling to afford it.\nYou know what's happening. Your premiums, your co-payments, your deductibles have all gone through the roof.\nOur health care plan for a stronger America cracks down on the waste, greed, and abuse in our health care system and will save families up to $1,000 a year on their premiums. You'll get to pick your own doctor – and patients and doctors, not insurance company bureaucrats, will make medical decisions. Under our plan, Medicare will negotiate lower drug prices for seniors. And all Americans will be able to buy less expensive prescription drugs from countries like Canada.\nThe story of people struggling for health care is the story of so many Americans. But you know what, it's not the story of senators and members of Congress. Because we give ourselves great health care and you get the bill. Well, I'm here to say, your family's health care is just as important as any politician's in Washington, D.C.\nAnd when I'm President, America will stop being the only advanced nation in the world which fails to understand that health care is not a privilege for the wealthy, the connected, and the elected – it is a right for all Americans.\nWe value an America that controls its own destiny because it's finally and forever independent of Mideast oil. What does it mean for our economy and our national security when we only have three percent of the world's oil reserves, yet we rely on foreign countries for fifty-three percent of what we consume?\nI want an America that relies on its own ingenuity and innovation – not the Saudi royal family.\nAnd our energy plan for a stronger America will invest in new technologies and alternative fuels and the cars of the future -- so that no young American in uniform will ever be held hostage to our dependence on oil from the Middle East.\nI've told you about our plans for the economy, for education, for health care, for energy independence. I want you to know more about them. So now I'm going to say something that Franklin Roosevelt could never have said in his acceptance speech: go to johnkerry.com.\nI want to address these next words directly to President George W. Bush: In the weeks ahead, let's be optimists, not just opponents. Let's build unity in the American family, not angry division. Let's honor this nation's diversity; let's respect one another; and let's never misuse for political purposes the most precious document in American history, the Constitution of the United States.\nMy friends, the high road may be harder, but it leads to a better place. And that's why Republicans and Democrats must make this election a contest of big ideas, not small-minded attacks. This is our time to reject the kind of politics calculated to divide race from race, group from group, region from region. Maybe some just see us divided into red states and blue states, but I see us as one America – red, white, and blue. And when I am President, the government I lead will enlist people of talent, Republicans as well as Democrats, to find the common ground – so that no one who has something to contribute will be left on the sidelines.\nAnd let me say it plainly: in that cause, and in this campaign, we welcome people of faith. America is not us and them. I think of what Ron Reagan said of his father a few weeks ago, and I want to say this to you tonight: I don't wear my own faith on my sleeve. But faith has given me values and hope to live by, from Vietnam to this day, from Sunday to Sunday. I don't want to claim that God is on our side. As Abraham Lincoln told us, I want to pray humbly that we are on God's side. And whatever our faith, one belief should bind us all: The measure of our character is our willingness to give of ourselves for others and for our country.\nThese aren't Democratic values. These aren't Republican values. They're American values. We believe in them. They're who we are. And if we honor them, if we believe in ourselves, we can build an America that's stronger at home and respected in the world.\nSo much promise stretches before us. Americans have always reached for the impossible, looked to the next horizon, and asked: What if?\nTwo young bicycle mechanics from Dayton asked what if this airplane could take off at Kitty Hawk? It did that and changed the world forever. A young president asked what if we could go to the moon in ten years? And now we're exploring the solar system and the stars themselves. A young generation of entrepreneurs asked, what if we could take all the information in a library and put it on a little chip the size of a fingernail? We did and that too changed the world forever.\nAnd now it's our time to ask: What if?\nWhat if we find a breakthrough to cure Parkinson's, diabetes, Alzheimer's and AIDS? What if we have a president who believes in science, so we can unleash the wonders of discovery like stem cell research to treat illness and save millions of lives?\nWhat if we do what adults should do – and make sure all our children are safe in the afternoons after school? And what if we have a leadership that's as good as the American dream – so that bigotry and hatred never again steal the hope and future of any American?\nI learned a lot about these values on that gunboat patrolling the Mekong Delta with young Americans who came from places as different as Iowa and Oregon, Arkansas, Florida and California. No one cared where we went to school. No one cared about our race or our backgrounds. We were literally all in the same boat. We looked out, one for the other – and we still do.\nThat is the kind of America I will lead as President – an America where we are all in the same boat.\nNever has there been a more urgent moment for Americans to step up and define ourselves. I will work my heart out. But, my fellow citizens, the outcome is in your hands more than mine.\nIt is time to reach for the next dream. It is time to look to the next horizon. For America, the hope is there. The sun is rising. Our best days are still to come.\nGoodnight, God bless you, and God bless America.", "Words" -> 5164, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 239, "and" -> 162, "to" -> 150, "of" -> 115, "in" -> 104, "I" -> 95, "a" -> 91, "we" -> 77, "for" -> 75, "our" -> 72, "that" -> 70, "will" -> 59, "is" -> 56, "And" -> 54, "We" -> 43, "America" -> 41, "it" -> 38, "are" -> 38, "who" -> 34, "as" -> 34, "on" -> 32, "you" -> 31, "not" -> 31, "all" -> 30, "what" -> 28, "have" -> 26, "when" -> 24, "this" -> 24, "American" -> 24, "so" -> 23, "my" -> 23, "can" -> 22, "be" -> 22, "was" -> 21, "me" -> 21, "with" -> 20, "us" -> 20, "their" -> 20, "do" -> 20, "President" -> 19, "by" -> 19, "world" -> 18, "from" -> 18, "people" -> 16, "if" -> 16, "Americans" -> 16, "values" -> 15, "up" -> 15, "say" -> 14, "never" -> 14, "know" -> 14, "but" -> 14, "because" -> 14, "one" -> 13, "make" -> 13, "health" -> 13, "has" -> 13, "country" -> 13, "about" -> 13, "where" -> 12, "What" -> 12, "value" -> 12, "they" -> 12, "out" -> 12, 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1, "bumps" -> 1, "broke" -> 1, "British" -> 1, "breast" -> 1, "breakthrough" -> 1, "break" -> 1, "brave" -> 1, "Braun" -> 1, "boy" -> 1, "both" -> 1, "body" -> 1, "Bob" -> 1, "blood" -> 1, "blocks" -> 1, "blankets" -> 1, "bind" -> 1, "bills" -> 1, "bill" -> 1, "bike" -> 1, "bigotry" -> 1, "between" -> 1, "benefits" -> 1, "bend" -> 1, "believes" -> 1, "believed" -> 1, "behind" -> 1, "begins" -> 1, "beginning" -> 1, "bed" -> 1, "Because" -> 1, "became" -> 1, "beacon" -> 1, "baseball" -> 1, "bailed" -> 1, "Baghdad" -> 1, "backgrounds" -> 1, "backdoor" -> 1, "avoid" -> 1, "Attorney" -> 1, "attacks" -> 1, "asthma" -> 1, "arsenal" -> 1, "around" -> 1, "armor" -> 1, "Arkansas" -> 1, "appoint" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "Any" -> 1, "anti-terrorist" -> 1, "answered" -> 1, "Ann" -> 1, "angry" -> 1, "Andre" -> 1, "among" -> 1, "Alzheimer's" -> 1, "always" -> 1, "alternative" -> 1, "also" -> 1, "along" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "allies" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "alive" -> 1, "Alex" -> 1, "Al" -> 1, "aisle" -> 1, "airports" -> 1, "AIDS" -> 1, "afternoons" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "affordable" -> 1, "affirm" -> 1, "advice" -> 1, "advanced" -> 1, "address" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "active" -> 1, "actions" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "accountability" -> 1, "accomplished" -> 1, "accompanied" -> 1, "accessible" -> 1, "acceptance" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abuse" -> 1, "Abraham" -> 1, "abandoned" -> 1, "93" -> 1, "40,000" -> 1, "23" -> 1, "2000" -> 1, "1990s" -> 1, "100,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=78284", "Date" -> DateObject[{2008, 8, 28}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "BarackObama::7yj6w"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Denver", "Colorado", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "To Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation;\nWith profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.\nLet me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest – a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours -- Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next Vice President of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.\nTo the love of my life, our next First Lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia – I love you so much, and I'm so proud of all of you.\nFour years ago, I stood before you and told you my story – of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren't well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.\nIt is that promise that has always set this country apart – that through hard work and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.\nThat's why I stand here tonight. Because for two hundred and thirty two years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women – students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors -- found the courage to keep it alive.\nWe meet at one of those defining moments – a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil, and the American promise has been threatened once more.\nTonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can't afford to drive, credit card bills you can't afford to pay, and tuition that's beyond your reach.\nThese challenges are not all of government's making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.\nAmerica, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.\nThis country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.\nThis country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he's worked on for twenty years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.\nWe are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.\nTonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land – enough! This moment – this election – is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: \"Eight is enough.\"\nNow let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we'll also hear about those occasions when he's broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.\nBut the record's clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush ninety percent of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than ninety percent of the time? I don't know about you, but I'm not ready to take a ten percent chance on change.\nThe truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives – on health care and education and the economy – Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made \"great progress\" under this President. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisors – the man who wrote his economic plan – was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a \"mental recession,\" and that we've become, and I quote, \"a nation of whiners.\"\nA nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.\nNow, I don't believe that Senator McCain doesn't care what's going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn't know. Why else would he define middle-class as someone making under five million dollars a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a health care plan that would actually tax people's benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize Social Security and gamble your retirement?\nIt's not because John McCain doesn't care. It's because John McCain doesn't get it.\nFor over two decades, he's subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy – give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is – you're on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No health care? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps – even if you don't have boots. You're on your own.\nWell it's time for them to own their failure. It's time for us to change America.\nYou see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.\nWe measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23 million new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was President – when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.\nWe measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job – an economy that honors the dignity of work.\nThe fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great – a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.\nBecause in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton's Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.\nIn the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.\nWhen I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the South Side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.\nAnd when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle-management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She's the one who taught me about hard work. She's the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she's watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.\nI don't know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as President of the United States.\nWhat is that promise?\nIt's a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.\nIt's a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.\nOurs is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves – protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.\nOur government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who's willing to work.\nThat's the promise of America – the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother's keeper; I am my sister's keeper.\nThat's the promise we need to keep. That's the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am President.\nChange means a tax code that doesn't reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.\nUnlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.\nI will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.\nI will cut taxes – cut taxes – for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.\nAnd for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as President: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.\nWashington's been talking about our oil addiction for the last thirty years, and John McCain has been there for twenty-six of them. In that time, he's said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.\nNow is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.\nAs President, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology, and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I'll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I'll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I'll invest 150 billion dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy – wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and five million new jobs that pay well and can't ever be outsourced.\nAmerica, now is not the time for small plans.\nNow is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy. Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don't have that chance. I'll invest in early childhood education. I'll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I'll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American – if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.\nNow is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible health care for every single American. If you have health care, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don't, you'll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.\nNow is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.\nNow is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect Social Security for future generations.\nAnd now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day's work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.\nNow, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I've laid out how I'll pay for every dime – by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don't help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less – because we cannot meet twenty-first century challenges with a twentieth century bureaucracy.\nAnd Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America's promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F. Kennedy called our \"intellectual and moral strength.\" Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programs alone can't replace parents; that government can't turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.\nIndividual responsibility and mutual responsibility – that's the essence of America's promise.\nAnd just as we keep our keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America's promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next Commander-in-Chief, that's a debate I'm ready to have.\nFor while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just \"muddle through\" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he'll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell – but he won't even go to the cave where he lives.\nAnd today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we're wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war.\nThat's not the judgment we need. That won't keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.\nYou don't defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don't protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can't truly stand up for Georgia when you've strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice – but it is not the change we need.\nWe are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don't tell me that Democrats won't defend this country. Don't tell me that Democrats won't keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans -- Democrats and Republicans – have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.\nAs Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm's way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.\nI will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future.\nThese are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.\nBut what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other's character and patriotism.\nThe times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America – they have served the United States of America.\nSo I've got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.\nAmerica, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can't just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose – our sense of higher purpose. And that's what we have to restore.\nWe may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don't tell me we can't uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don't know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America's promise – the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.\nI know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that's to be expected. Because if you don't have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don't have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.\nYou make a big election about small things.\nAnd you know what – it's worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn't work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it's best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know.\nI get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don't fit the typical pedigree, and I haven't spent my career in the halls of Washington.\nBut I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don't understand is that this election has never been about me. It's been about you.\nFor eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us – that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn't come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it – because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.\nAmerica, this is one of those moments.\nI believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I've seen it. Because I've lived it. I've seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I've seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.\nAnd I've seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they'd pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I've seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.\nThis country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that's not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that's not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that's not what keeps the world coming to our shores.\nInstead, it is that American spirit – that American promise – that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend.\nThat promise is our greatest inheritance. It's a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours – a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.\nAnd it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln's Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream.\nThe men and women who gathered there could've heard many things. They could've heard words of anger and discord. They could've been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred.\nBut what the people heard instead – people of every creed and color, from every walk of life – is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.\n\"We cannot walk alone,\" the preacher cried. \"And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.\"\nAmerica, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise – that American promise – and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.\nThank you, God Bless you, and and God Bless the United States of America.", "Words" -> 4649, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 201, "and" -> 157, "to" -> 132, "of" -> 113, "that" -> 111, "a" -> 86, "in" -> 63, "I" -> 63, "we" -> 59, "for" -> 58, "our" -> 55, "is" -> 48, "who" -> 40, "will" -> 34, "you" -> 33, "this" -> 33, "on" -> 32, "promise" -> 31, "are" -> 31, "but" -> 30, "it" -> 29, "have" -> 27, "more" -> 26, "as" -> 26, "And" -> 25, "not" -> 24, "has" -> 24, "with" -> 22, "us" -> 22, "America" -> 22, "what" -> 20, "McCain" -> 20, "from" -> 20, "one" -> 19, "my" -> 19, "your" -> 18, "time" -> 18, "can" -> 18, "American" -> 18, "when" -> 17, "keep" -> 17, "work" -> 16, "up" -> 16, "so" -> 16, "new" -> 16, "John" -> 16, "don't" -> 16, "country" -> 16, "by" -> 16, "We" -> 15, "about" -> 15, "or" -> 14, "he" -> 14, "their" -> 13, "need" -> 13, "been" 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"growth" -> 1, "grow" -> 1, "grasping" -> 1, "grandmother" -> 1, "grandfather" -> 1, "grace" -> 1, "government's" -> 1, "goal" -> 1, "global" -> 1, "given" -> 1, "GI" -> 1, "genocide" -> 1, "generous" -> 1, "generate" -> 1, "gay" -> 1, "gathered" -> 1, "Gates" -> 1, "gas" -> 1, "gang-violence" -> 1, "gamble" -> 1, "gains" -> 1, "fulfilling" -> 1, "fuels" -> 1, "fuel-efficient" -> 1, "fuel-efficiency" -> 1, "frustration" -> 1, "friends" -> 1, "friend" -> 1, "fresh" -> 1, "free" -> 1, "frame" -> 1, "fourth" -> 1, "Four" -> 1, "four" -> 1, "forty" -> 1, "Fortune" -> 1, "foreign" -> 1, "food" -> 1, "fly" -> 1, "floodwaters" -> 1, "flag" -> 1, "fit" -> 1, "First" -> 1, "firmly" -> 1, "firmer" -> 1, "finest" -> 1, "finds" -> 1, "fifth" -> 1, "felt" -> 1, "fellow" -> 1, "feeling" -> 1, "feeds" -> 1, "federal" -> 1, "fear" -> 1, "fathers" -> 1, "farthest" -> 1, "farms" -> 1, "farmers" -> 1, "failed" -> 1, "factory" -> 1, "faces" -> 1, "F" -> 1, "eyes" -> 1, "eye" -> 1, "extra" -> 1, "express" 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"Chairman" -> 1, "certain" -> 1, "CEO" -> 1, "celebrities" -> 1, "cave" -> 1, "cause" -> 1, "cast" -> 1, "case" -> 1, "caring" -> 1, "career" -> 1, "card" -> 1, "car" -> 1, "capital" -> 1, "candidates" -> 1, "candidate" -> 1, "cancer" -> 1, "campaign" -> 1, "buying" -> 1, "Bush-McCain" -> 1, "bureaucracy" -> 1, "burdens" -> 1, "build" -> 1, "budget" -> 1, "brothers" -> 1, "brother's" -> 1, "brink" -> 1, "brief" -> 1, "bridge" -> 1, "bravery" -> 1, "brakes" -> 1, "Born" -> 1, "bootstraps" -> 1, "boots" -> 1, "bonuses" -> 1, "Blue" -> 1, "bled" -> 1, "biofuels" -> 1, "binds" -> 1, "bills" -> 1, "billions" -> 1, "billionaires" -> 1, "bigger" -> 1, "Biden" -> 1, "beyond" -> 1, "bend" -> 1, "beliefs" -> 1, "being" -> 1, "behalf" -> 1, "bed" -> 1, "become" -> 1, "battlefields" -> 1, "battle" -> 1, "bankruptcy" -> 1, "bad" -> 1, "average" -> 1, "attacked" -> 1, "At" -> 1, "around" -> 1, "Army" -> 1, "army" -> 1, "argued" -> 1, "argue" -> 1, "apart" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "anyone" -> 1, "anxiety" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "anger" -> 1, "Amtrak" -> 1, "amount" -> 1, "Amendment" -> 1, "although" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "alliances" -> 1, "al" -> 1, "AK-47s" -> 1, "ailing" -> 1, "aggression" -> 1, "advisors" -> 1, "Administration" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accountable" -> 1, "accountability" -> 1, "accompanied" -> 1, "accessible" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "abortion" -> 1, "abandonment" -> 1, "A" -> 1, "95%" -> 1, "500" -> 1, "4th" -> 1, "23" -> 1, "150" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=101968", "Date" -> DateObject[{2012, 9, 6}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "BarackObama::7yj6w"], "Party" -> "Democrat", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Charlotte", "NorthCarolina", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "And, Joe Biden, thank you for being the very best Vice President I could have ever hoped for and being a strong and loyal friend.\nMadam Chairwoman, delegates, I accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nNow, the first time I addressed this convention in 2004, I was a younger man, a Senate candidate from Illinois who spoke about hope, not blind optimism, not wishful thinking, but hope in the face of difficulty, hope in the face of uncertainty, that dogged faith in the future which has pushed this Nation forward, even when the odds are great, even when the road is long.\nEight years later, that hope has been tested by the cost of war, by one of the worst economic crises in history, and by political gridlock that's left us wondering whether it's still even possible to tackle the challenges of our time.\nBut when all is said and done—when you pick up that ballot to vote—you will face the clearest choice of any time in a generation. Over the next few years, big decisions will be made in Washington on jobs, the economy, taxes and deficits, energy, education, war and peace, decisions that will have a huge impact on our lives and on our children's lives for decades to come.\nAnd on every issue, the choice you face won't just be between two candidates or two parties. It will be a choice between two different paths for America, a choice between two fundamentally different visions for the future.\nOurs is a fight to restore the values that built the largest middle class and the strongest economy the world has ever known, the values my grandfather defended as a soldier in Patton's army, the values that drove my grandmother to work on a bomber assembly line while he was gone.\nThey knew they were part of something larger: a nation that triumphed over fascism and depression; a nation where the most innovative businesses turned out the world's best products. And everyone shared in that pride and success, from the corner office to the factory floor.\nMy grandparents were given the chance to go to college, buy their own home, and fulfill the basic bargain at the heart of America's story: the promise that hard work will pay off, that responsibility will be rewarded, that everyone gets a fair shot and everyone does their fair share and everyone plays by the same rules from Main Street to Wall Street to Washington, DC.\nAnd I ran for President because I saw that basic bargain slipping away. I began my career helping people in the shadow of a shuttered steel mill at a time when too many good jobs were starting to move overseas. And by 2008, we had seen nearly a decade in which families struggled with costs that kept rising, but paychecks that didn't: folks racking up more and more debt just to make the mortgage or pay tuition, put gas in the car or food on the table. And when the house of cards collapsed in the great recession, millions of innocent Americans lost their jobs, their homes, their life savings, a tragedy from which we're still fighting to recover.\nNow, our friends down in Tampa at the Republican Convention were more than happy to talk about everything they think is wrong with America. But they didn't have much to say about how they'd make it right. They want your vote, but they don't want you to know their plan. And that's because all they have to offer is the same prescriptions they've had for the last 30 years: Have a surplus? Try a tax cut. Deficit too high? Try another. Feel a cold coming on? Take two tax cuts, roll back some regulations, and call us in the morning.\nNow, I've cut taxes for those who need it: middle class families, small businesses. But I don't believe that another round of tax breaks for millionaires will bring good jobs to our shores or pay down our deficit. I don't believe that firing teachers or kicking students off financial aid will grow the economy or help us compete with the scientists and engineers coming out of China.\nAfter all we've been through, I don't believe that rolling back regulations on Wall Street will help the small businesswoman expand or the laid-off construction worker keep his home.\nWe have been there, we've tried that, and we're not going back. We are moving forward, America.\nNow, I won't pretend the path I'm offering is quick or easy. I never have. You didn't elect me to tell you what you wanted to hear. You elected me to tell you the truth.\nAnd the truth is it will take more than a few years for us to solve challenges that have built up over decades. It will require common effort and shared responsibility and the kind of bold, persistent experimentation that Franklin Roosevelt pursued during the only crisis worse than this one. And by the way, those of us who carry on his party's legacy should remember that not every problem can be remedied with another Government program or dictate from Washington.\nBut know this, America: Our problems can be solved. Our challenges can be met. The path we offer may be harder, but it leads to a better place. And I'm asking you to choose that future.\nI'm asking you to rally around a set of goals for your country—goals in manufacturing, energy, education, national security, and the deficit—real, achievable plans that will lead to new jobs, more opportunity, and rebuild this economy on a stronger foundation. That's what we can do in the next 4 years, and that is why I'm running for a second term as President of the United States.\nI've met workers in Detroit and Toledo who feared they'd never build another American car. And today, they can't build them fast enough, because we reinvented a dying auto industry that's back on the top of the world.\nI've worked with business leaders who are bringing jobs back to America, not because our workers make less pay, but because we make better products. Because we work harder and smarter than anyone else.\nI've signed trade agreements that are helping our companies sell more goods to millions of new customers, goods that are stamped with three proud words: Made in America.\nAnd now you have a choice: We can give more tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, or we can start rewarding companies that open new plants and train new workers and create new jobs here in the United States of America. We can help big factories and small businesses double their exports, and if we choose this path, we can create a million new manufacturing jobs in the next 4 years. You can make that happen. You can choose that future.\nYou can choose the path where we control more of our own energy. After 30 years of inaction, we raised fuel standards so that by the middle of the next decade, cars and trucks will go twice as far on a gallon of gas. We have doubled our use of renewable energy, and thousands of Americans have jobs today building wind turbines and long-lasting batteries. In the last year alone, we cut oil imports by 1 million barrels a day, more than any administration in recent history. And today, the United States of America is less dependent on foreign oil than at any time in the last two decades.\nSo now you have a choice: between a strategy that reverses this progress or one that builds on it. We've opened millions of new acres for oil and gas exploration in the last 3 years, and we'll open more. But unlike my opponent, I will not let oil companies write this country's energy plan or endanger our coastlines or collect another $4 billion in corporate welfare from our taxpayers. We're offering a better path.\nWe're offering a better path, where we—a future where we keep investing in wind and solar and clean coal; where farmers and scientists harness new biofuels to power our cars and trucks; where construction workers build homes and factories that waste less energy; where we develop a hundred-year supply of natural gas that's right beneath our feet. If you choose this path, we can cut our oil imports in half by 2020 and support more than 600,000 new jobs in natural gas alone.\nAnd yes, my plan will continue to reduce the carbon pollution that is heating our planet, because climate change is not a hoax. More droughts and floods and wildfires are not a joke. They are a threat to our children's future. And in this election, you can do something about it.\nYou can choose a future where more Americans have the chance to gain the skills they need to compete, no matter how old they are or how much money they have. Education was the gateway to opportunity for me. It was the gateway for Michelle. It was the gateway for most of you. And now more than ever, it is the gateway to a middle class life.\nFor the first time in a generation, nearly every State has answered our call to raise their standards for teaching and learning. Some of the worst schools in the country have made real gains in math and reading. Millions of students are paying less for college today because we finally took on a system that wasted billions of taxpayer dollars on banks and lenders.\nAnd government has a role in this. But teachers must inspire; principals must lead; parents must instill a thirst for learning. And, students, you've got to do the work. And together, I promise you, we can out-educate and out-compete any nation on Earth.\nSo help me. Help me recruit 100,000 math and science teachers within 10 years and improve early childhood education. Help give 2 million workers the chance to learn skills at their community college that will lead directly to a job. Help us work with colleges and universities to cut in half the growth of tuition costs over the next 10 years. We can meet that goal together. You can choose that future for America. That's our future.\nIn a world of new threats and new challenges, you can choose leadership that has been tested and proven. Four years ago, I promised to end the war in Iraq. We did. I promised to refocus on the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11. And we have. We've blunted the Taliban's momentum in Afghanistan, and in 2014, our longest war will be over.\nA new tower rises above the New York skyline, Al Qaida is on the path to defeat, and Usama bin Laden is dead.\nAround the world, we've strengthened old alliances and forged new coalitions to stop the spread of nuclear weapons. We've reasserted our power across the Pacific and stood up to China on behalf of our workers. From Burma to Libya to South Sudan, we have advanced the rights and dignity of all human beings: men and women, Christians and Muslims and Jews.\nBut for all the progress that we've made, challenges remain. Terrorist plots must be disrupted. Europe's crisis must be contained. Our commitment to Israel's security must not waver, and neither must our pursuit of peace. The Iranian Government must face a world that stays united against its nuclear ambitions. The historic change sweeping across the Arab world must be defined not by the iron fist of a dictator or the hate of extremists, but by the hopes and aspirations of ordinary people who are reaching for the same rights that we celebrate here today.\nSo now we have a choice. My opponent and his running mate are new to foreign policy, but from all that we've seen and heard, they want to take us back to an era of blustering and blundering that cost America so dearly.\nAfter all, you don't call Russia our number-one enemy—not Al Qaida, Russia—unless you're still stuck in a cold war mind warp. You might not be ready for diplomacy with Beijing if you can't visit the Olympics without insulting our closest ally.\nMy opponent said that it was \"tragic\" to end the war in Iraq. And he won't tell us how he'll end the war in Afghanistan. Well, I have, and I will.\nAnd while my opponent would spend more money on military hardware that our Joint Chiefs don't even want, I will use the money we're no longer spending on war to pay down our debt and put more people back to work rebuilding roads and bridges and schools and runways. Because after two wars that have cost us thousands of live and over a trillion dollars, it's time to do some nation-building right here at home.\nYou can choose a future where we reduce our deficit without sticking it to the middle class. Independent experts say that my plan would cut our deficit by $4 trillion. And last summer, I worked with Republicans in Congress to cut a billion [trillion]* dollars in spending—because those of us who believe Government can be a force for good should work harder than anyone to reform it so that it's leaner and more efficient and more responsive to the American people.\nI want to reform the Tax Code so that it's simple, fair, and asks the wealthiest households to pay higher taxes on incomes over $250,000, the same rate we had when Bill Clinton was President; the same rate we had when our economy created nearly 23 million new jobs, the biggest surplus in history, and a whole lot of millionaires to boot.\nNow, I'm still eager to reach an agreement based on the principles of my bipartisan debt commission. No party has a monopoly on wisdom. No democracy works without compromise. I want to get this done, and we can get it done. But when Governor Romney and his friends in Congress tell us we can somehow lower our deficits by spending trillions more on new tax breaks for the wealthy, well, what did Bill Clinton call it: \"you do the arithmetic.\" You do the math.\nI refuse to go along with that and as long as I'm President, I never will. I refuse to ask middle class families to give up their deductions for owning a home or raising their kids just to pay for another millionaire's tax cut.\nI refuse to ask students to pay more for college or kick children out of Head Start programs, to eliminate health insurance for millions of Americans who are poor and elderly or disabled, all so those with the most can pay less. I'm not going along with that.\nAnd I will never—I will never—turn Medicare into a voucher. No American should ever have to spend their golden years at the mercy of insurance companies. They should retire with the care and the dignity that they have earned. Yes, we will reform and strengthen Medicare for the long haul, but we'll do it by reducing the cost of health care, not by asking seniors to pay thousands of dollars more.\nAnd we will keep the promise of Social Security by taking the responsible steps to strengthen it, not by turning it over to Wall Street.\nYou know what, that's not who we are. That's not what this country's about. As Americans, we believe we are endowed by our Creator with certain, inalienable rights, rights that no man or government can take away. We insist on personal responsibility, and we celebrate individual initiative. We're not entitled to success; we have to earn it. We honor the strivers, the dreamers, the risk takers, the entrepreneurs who have always been the driving force behind our free enterprise system, the greatest engine of growth and prosperity that the world's ever known.\nBut we also believe in something called citizenship. Citizenship: a word at the very heart of our founding, a word at the very essence of our democracy, the idea that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations.\nWe believe that when a CEO pays his autoworkers enough to buy the cars that they build, the whole company does better. We believe that when a family can no longer be tricked into signing a mortgage they can't afford, that family is protected, but so is the value of other people's homes, and so is the entire economy. We believe the little girl who's offered an escape from poverty by a great teacher or a grant for college could become the next Steve Jobs or the scientist who cures cancer or the President of the United States, and it is in our power to give her that chance.\nWe know that churches and charities can often make more of a difference than a poverty program alone. We don't want handouts for people who refuse to help themselves, and we certainly don't want bailouts for banks that break the rules. We don't think that government can solve all of our problems, but we don't think that government is the source of all of our problems, any more than are welfare recipients, or corporations, or unions, or immigrants, or gays, or any other group we're told to blame for our troubles.\nBecause, America, we understand that this democracy is ours. We, the people, recognize that we have responsibilities as well as rights; that our destinies are bound together, that a freedom which asks only \"what's in it for me,\" a freedom without a commitment to others, a freedom without love or charity or duty or patriotism is unworthy of our founding ideals and those who died in their defense.\nAs citizens, we understand that America is not about what can be done for us; it's about what can be done by us, together, through the hard and frustrating, but necessary work of self-government. That's what we believe.\nSo you see, the election 4 years ago wasn't about me. It was about you. My fellow citizens, you were the change. You're the reason there's a little girl with a heart disorder in Phoenix who will get the surgery she needs because an insurance company can't limit her coverage. You did that.\nYou're the reason a young man in Colorado who never thought he'd be able to afford his dream of earning a medical degree is about to get that chance. You made that possible.\nIf you turn away now, if you buy into the cynicism that the change we fought for isn't possible, well, change will not happen. If you give up on the idea that your voice can make a difference, then other voices will fill the void: the lobbyists and special interests; the people with the $10 million checks who are trying to buy this election and those who are trying to make it harder for you to vote; Washington politicians who want to decide who you can marry, or control health care choices that women should be making for themselves.\nOnly you can make sure that doesn't happen. Only you have the power to move us forward.\nI recognize that times have changed since I first spoke to this convention. The times have changed, and so have I. I'm no longer just a candidate. I'm the President.\nAnd that means I know what it means to send young Americans into battle, for I have held in my arms the mothers and fathers of those who didn't return. I've shared the pain of families who've lost their homes and the frustration of workers who've lost their jobs.\nBut as I stand here tonight, I have never been more hopeful about America. Not because I think I have all the answers. Not because I'm naive about the magnitude of our challenges. I'm hopeful because of you.\nThe young woman I met at a science fair who won national recognition for her biology research while living with her family at a homeless shelter, she gives me hope.\nThe autoworker who won the lottery after his plant almost closed, but kept coming to work every day and bought flags for his whole town and one of the cars that he built to surprise his wife, he gives me hope.\nThe family business in Warroad, Minnesota, that didn't lay off a single one of their 4,000 employees when the recession hit, even when their competitors shut down dozens of plants, even when it meant the owner gave up some perks and some pay because they understood that their biggest asset was the community and the workers who had helped build that business—they give me hope.\nI think about the young sailor I met at Walter Reed hospital, still recovering from a grenade attack that would cause him to have his leg amputated above the knee. Six months ago, we would watch him walk into a White House dinner honoring those who served in Iraq, tall and 20 pounds heavier, dashing in his uniform, with a big grin on his face, sturdy on his new leg. And I remember how a few months after that I would watch him on a bicycle, racing with his fellow wounded warriors on a sparkling spring day, inspiring other heroes who had just begun the hard path he had traveled, he gives me hope. He gives me hope.\nI don't know what party these men and women belong to. I don't know if they'll vote for me. But I know that their spirit defines us. They remind me, in the words of Scripture, that ours is a \"future filled with hope.\"\nAnd if you share that faith with me—if you share that hope with me—I ask you tonight for your vote. If you reject the notion that this Nation's promise is reserved for the few, your voice must be heard in this election. If you reject the notion that our Government is forever beholden to the highest bidder, you need to stand up in this election.\nIf you believe that new plants and factories can dot our landscape, that new energy can power our future, that new schools can provide ladders of opportunity to this nation of dreamers; if you believe in a country where everyone gets a fair shot and everyone does their fair share and everyone plays by the same rules, then I need you to vote this November.\nAmerica, I never said this journey would be easy, and I won't promise that now. Yes, our path is harder, but it leads to a better place. Yes, our road is longer, but we travel it together. We don't turn back. We leave no one behind. We pull each other up. We draw strength from our victories, and we learn from our mistakes, but we keep our eyes fixed on that distant horizon, knowing that Providence is with us, and that we are surely blessed to be citizens of the greatest nation on Earth.\nThank you. God bless you, and God bless these United States.", "Words" -> 3857, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 175, "and" -> 106, "to" -> 104, "that" -> 99, "a" -> 90, "of" -> 78, "in" -> 58, "our" -> 50, "we" -> 47, "I" -> 47, "for" -> 46, "you" -> 41, "on" -> 35, "can" -> 35, "have" -> 32, "or" -> 31, "is" -> 29, "And" -> 28, "will" -> 27, "who" -> 26, "with" -> 23, "this" -> 23, "more" -> 23, "it" -> 23, "be" -> 22, "by" -> 21, "We" -> 20, "their" -> 20, "new" -> 20, "not" -> 19, "are" -> 19, "us" -> 17, "but" -> 15, "when" -> 14, "they" -> 14, "me" -> 14, "his" -> 14, "America" -> 14, "You" -> 13, "years" -> 13, "jobs" -> 13, "future" -> 13, "don't" -> 13, "about" -> 13, "believe" -> 12, "because" -> 12, "at" -> 12, "than" -> 11, "pay" -> 11, "I'm" -> 11, "hope" -> 11, "from" -> 11, "But" -> 11, "all" -> 11, "where" -> 10, "what" -> 10, "path" -> 10, "must" -> 10, "work" -> 9, "was" -> 9, "want" -> 9, "up" -> 9, "my" -> 9, "make" -> 9, "choose" -> 9, "workers" -> 8, "war" -> 8, "those" -> 8, "so" 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"agreements" -> 1, "agreement" -> 1, "against" -> 1, "advanced" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "addressed" -> 1, "actually" -> 1, "acres" -> 1, "achievable" -> 1, "able" -> 1, "A" -> 1, "9/11" -> 1, "600,000" -> 1, "4,000" -> 1, "3" -> 1, "23" -> 1, "2020" -> 1, "2014" -> 1, "2008" -> 1, "2004" -> 1, "20" -> 1, "2" -> 1, "100,000" -> 1, "1" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=88863", "Date" -> DateObject[{1864, 6, 9}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "AbrahamLincoln::sjv3j"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Missing["NotAvailable"], "Text" -> "EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 27, 1864.\nHON. WILLIAM DENNISON AND OTHERS, a Committee of the Union National Convention.\nGENTLEMEN:--Your letter of the 14th inst.., formally notifying me that I have been nominated by the convention you represent for the Presidency of the United States for four years from the 4th of March next, has been received. The nomination is gratefully accepted, as the resolutions of the convention, called the platform, are heartily approved.\nWhile the resolution in regard to the supplanting of republican government upon the Western Continent is fully concurred in, there might be misunderstanding were I not to say that the position of the Government in relation to the action of France in Mexico, as assumed through the State Department and indorsed by the convention among the measures and acts of the Executive, will be faithfully maintained so long as the state of facts shall leave that position pertinent and applicable.\nI am especially gratified that the soldier and seaman were not forgotten by the convention, as they forever must and will be remembered by the grateful country for whose salvation they devote their lives.\nThanking you for the kind and complimentary terms in which you have communicated the nomination and other proceedings of the convention, I subscribe myself,\nYour obedient servant,\nA. LINCOLN.", "Words" -> 217, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 26, "of" -> 11, "and" -> 7, "in" -> 5, "convention" -> 5, "that" -> 4, "I" -> 4, "for" -> 4, "by" -> 4, "as" -> 4, "you" -> 3, "to" -> 3, "be" -> 3, "Your" -> 2, "will" -> 2, "were" -> 2, "they" -> 2, "position" -> 2, "not" -> 2, "nomination" -> 2, "is" -> 2, "have" -> 2, "been" -> 2, "years" -> 1, "WILLIAM" -> 1, "whose" -> 1, "While" -> 1, "which" -> 1, "Western" -> 1, "WASHINGTON" -> 1, "upon" -> 1, "United" -> 1, "Union" -> 1, "through" -> 1, "there" -> 1, "their" -> 1, "The" -> 1, "Thanking" -> 1, "terms" -> 1, "supplanting" -> 1, "subscribe" -> 1, "States" -> 1, "State" -> 1, "state" -> 1, "soldier" -> 1, "so" -> 1, "shall" -> 1, "servant" -> 1, "seaman" -> 1, "say" -> 1, "salvation" -> 1, "resolutions" -> 1, "resolution" -> 1, "republican" -> 1, "represent" -> 1, "remembered" -> 1, "relation" -> 1, "regard" -> 1, "received" -> 1, "proceedings" -> 1, "Presidency" -> 1, "platform" -> 1, "pertinent" -> 1, "OTHERS" -> 1, "other" -> 1, "obedient" -> 1, "notifying" -> 1, "nominated" -> 1, "next" -> 1, "National" -> 1, "myself" -> 1, "must" -> 1, "misunderstanding" -> 1, "might" -> 1, "Mexico" -> 1, "measures" -> 1, "me" -> 1, "March" -> 1, "MANSION" -> 1, "maintained" -> 1, "long" -> 1, "lives" -> 1, "LINCOLN" -> 1, "letter" -> 1, "leave" -> 1, "kind" -> 1, "June" -> 1, "inst" -> 1, "indorsed" -> 1, "HON" -> 1, "heartily" -> 1, "has" -> 1, "gratified" -> 1, "gratefully" -> 1, "grateful" -> 1, "Government" -> 1, "government" -> 1, "GENTLEMEN" -> 1, "fully" -> 1, "from" -> 1, "France" -> 1, "four" -> 1, "formally" -> 1, "forgotten" -> 1, "forever" -> 1, "faithfully" -> 1, "facts" -> 1, "EXECUTIVE" -> 1, "Executive" -> 1, "especially" -> 1, "devote" -> 1, "Department" -> 1, "DENNISON" -> 1, "country" -> 1, "Convention" -> 1, "Continent" -> 1, "concurred" -> 1, "complimentary" -> 1, "communicated" -> 1, "Committee" -> 1, "called" -> 1, "assumed" -> 1, "are" -> 1, "approved" -> 1, "applicable" -> 1, "AND" -> 1, "among" -> 1, "am" -> 1, "acts" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "accepted" -> 1, "A" -> 1, "a" -> 1, "4th" -> 1, "27" -> 1, "1864" -> 1, "14th" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=76221", "Date" -> DateObject[{1880, 7, 12}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "JamesGarfield::78q59"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Missing["NotAvailable"], "Text" -> "Dear Sir:\nOn the evening of the 8th of June last, I had the honor to receive from you, in the presence of the committee of which you were the chairman, the official announcement that the Republican national convention of Chicago had that day nominated me for their candidate for President of the United States. I accept the nomination with gratitude for the confidence it implies, and with a deep sense of the responsibilities it imposes. I cordially indorse the principles set forth in the platform adopted by the convention. On nearly all the subjects of which it treats, my opinions are on record among the published proceedings of Congress. I venture, however, to make special mention of some of the principal topics which are likely to become the subject of discussion, without reviewing the controversies which have been settled during the last twenty years, and with no purpose or wish to revive the passions of the late war.\nIt should be said that, while the Republicans fully recognize, and will strenuously defend, all the rights retained by the people, and all the rights reserved by the States, they reject the pernicious doctrine of State supremacy, which so long crippled the functions of the national government and at the time brought the union very near to destruction. They insist that the United States is a nation, with ample power of self-preservation; that its constitutions and laws, made in pursuance thereof, are the supreme law of the land; that the right of the nation to determine the method by which its own legislature shall be created, cannot be surrendered without abdicating one of the fundamental powers of government; that the national laws relating to the election of representatives in Congress shall neither be violated nor evaded; that every elector shall be permitted freely, and without intimidation, to cast his lawful ballot at each election, and have it honestly counted, and that the potency of his vote shall not be destroyed by the fraudulent vote of any other person. The best thoughts and energies of our people should be directed to those great questions of national well-being in which all have a common interest. Such efforts will soonest restore perfect peace to those who were lately in arms against each other, for justice and good-will will outlast passion. But it is certain that the wounds of the war cannot be completely healed, and the spirit of brotherhood cannot fully pervade the whole country, until every citizen, rich or poor, white or black, is secure in the free and equal enjoyment of every civil and equal right guaranteed by the constitution and the laws. Wherever the enjoyment of these rights is not assured, discontent will prevail, immigration will cease, and the social and industrial forces will continue to be disturbed by the migration of laborers and the consequent diminution of prosperity. The national government should exercise all its constitutional authority to put an end to these evils, for all the people and all the States are members of one body, and no member can suffer without injury to all. The most serious evils which now afflict the South arise from the fact that there is not such freedom and toleration of political opinion and action that the minority party can exercise an effective and wholesome restraint upon the party in power. Without such restraint, party rule becomes tyrannical and corrupt. The prosperity which is made possible in the South, by its great advantages of soil and climate, will never be realized until every voter can freely and safely support any party he pleases.\nNext in importance to freedom and justice is popular education, without which neither justice nor freedom can be permanently maintained. Its interests are intrusted to the States and to the voluntary action of the people. Whatever help the nation can justly afford should be generously given to aid the States in supporting common schools; but it would be unjust to our people and dangerous to our institutions to apply any portion of the revenues of the nation, or of the States, to the support of sectarian schools. The separation of the Church and the State in everything relating to taxation should be absolute.\nOn the subject of national finances, my views have been so frequently and fully expressed, that little is needed in the way of an additional statement. The public debt is now so well secured, and the rate of annual interest has been so reduced by refunding, that right economy in expenditures, and the faithful application of our surplus revenues to the payment of the principal of the debt will gradually, but certainly, free the people from its burdens, and close with honor the financial chapter of the war. At the same time, the government can provide for all its ordinary expenditures, and discharge its sacred obligations to the soldiers of the union and to the widows and orphans of those who fell in its defense. The resumption of specie payments, which the Republican party so courageously and successfully accomplished, has removed from the field of controversy many questions that long and seriously disturbed the credit of the government and the business of the country. Our paper currency is now as national as the flag, and resumption has not only made it everywhere equal to coin, but has brought into use our share of gold and silver. The circulating medium is more abundant than ever before, and we need only maintain the equality of all our dollars to insure to labor and capital a measure of value, from the use of which no one can suffer loss. The great prosperity which the country is now enjoying should not be endangered by any violent changes or doubtful financial experiments.\nIn reference to our custom laws, a policy should be pursued which will bring revenues to the treasury, and enable labor and capital, employed in our great industries, to compete fairly in our own markets with the labor and capital of foreign producers. We legislate for the people of the United States, not for the whole world; and it is our glory that the American laborer is more intelligent and better paid than his foreign competitors. Our country cannot be independent unless its people, with their abundant natural resources, possess the requisite skill at any time to clothe, arm and equip themselves for war, and in time of peace produce all the necessary implements of labor. It was the manifest intention of the founders of the government to provide for the common defense, not by standing armies alone, but by raising a greater army of artisans, whose intelligence and skill should powerfully contribute to the safety and glory of the nation.\nFortunately for the interests of commerce, there is no longer any formidable opposition to appropriation for the improvements of our harbors and great navigable rivers, provided that the expenditures for that purpose are strictly limited to works of national importance. The Mississippi river, with its great tributaries is of such vital importance to so many millions of people, that the safety of its navigation requires exceptional consideration. In order to secure to the nation the control of all its waters, President Jefferson negotiated the purchase of a vast territory extending from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean. The wisdom of Congress should be invoked to devise some plan by which that great river shall cease to be a terror to those who dwell upon its banks, and by which its shipping may safely carry the industrial products of 25,000,000 of people. The interests of agriculture, which is the basis of all our material prosperity, and in which seven-twelfths of the population are arrayed, as well as the interest of manufactures and commerce, demand that the facilities for cheap transportation shall be increased by the use of all our great water courses.\nThe material interests of this country, the traditions of its settlement and the sentiment of our people, have led the government to offer the widest hospitality to emigrants who seek our shores for new and happier homes, willing to share the burdens as well as the benefits of our society, and intending that their posterity shall become an undistinguishable part of our population. The recent movement of the Chinese to our Pacific coast partakes but little of the qualities of such an emigration, either in its purposes or its result. It is too much like an importation to be welcomed without restriction; too much like an invasion to be looked upon without solicitude. We cannot consent to allow any form of servile labor to be introduced among us, under the guise of immigration. Recognizing the gravity of this subject, the present administration, supported by Congress, has sent to China a commission of distinguished citizens, for the purpose of securing such a modification of the existing treaty as will prevent the evils likely to arise from the present situation. It is confidently believed that these diplomatic negotiations will be successful, without the loss of commercial intercourse between the two powers, which promises great increase of reciprocal trade and the enlargement of our markets. Should these efforts fail, it will be the duty of Congress to investigate the evils already felt, and prevent their increase by such restrictions as, without violence or injustice, will place upon a sure foundation the peace of our communities, and the freedom and dignity of labor.\nThe appointment of citizens to the various executive and judicial offices of the government is, perhaps, the most difficult of all duties which the constitution has imposed upon the Executive. The convention wisely demands that Congress shall co-operate with the executive departments in placing the civil service on a better basis. Experience has proved that, with our frequent changes of administration, no system of reform can be made effective and permanent without the aid of legislation. Appointments to the military and naval service are so regulated by law and custom, as to leave but little ground for complaint. It may not be wise to make similar regulations by law for the civil service; but, without invading the authority or necessary discretion of the Executive, Congress should devise a method that will determine the tenure of office, and greatly reduce the uncertainty which makes that service so uncertain and unsatisfactory. Without depriving any officer of his rights as a citizen, the government should require him to discharge all his official duties with intelligence, efficiency and faithfulness. To select wisely, from our vast population, those who are best fitted for the many offices to be filled, requires an acquaintance far beyond the range of any one man. The Executive should, therefore, seek and receive the information and assistance of those whose knowledge of the communities, in which the duties are to be performed, best qualifies them to aid in making the wisest choice.\nThe doctrines announced in the Chicago convention, are not the temporary devices of a party to attract votes and carry an election; they are deliberate convictions, resulting from a careful study of the spirit of our institutions, the events of our history and the best impulses of our people. In my judgment, these principles should control the legislation and administration of the government. In any event, they will guide my conduct until experience points out a better way. If elected, it will be my purpose to enforce strict obedience to the constitution and the laws, and to promote, as best I may, the interest and honor of the whole country, relying for support upon the wisdom of Congress, the intelligence and patriotism of the people and the favor of God.\nWith great respect, I am Very truly yours,\nJ.A. GARFIELD.\nTo HON. GEORGE F. 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-> 1, "absolute" -> 1, "abdicating" -> 1, "8th" -> 1, "25,000,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=76068", "Date" -> DateObject[{1888, 9, 11}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "BenjaminHarrison::kg6wp"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Missing["NotAvailable"], "Text" -> "When your committee visited me, on the Fourth of July last, and presented the official announcement of my nomination for the Presidency of the United States by the Republican convention, I promised as soon as practicable to communicate to you a more formal acceptance of the nomination. Since that time the work of receiving and addressing, almost daily, large delegations of my fellow-citizens has not only occupied all of my time, but has in some measure rendered it unnecessary for me to use this letter as a medium of communicating to the public my views upon the questions involved in the campaign. I appreciate very highly the confidence and respect manifested by the convention, and accept the nomination with a feeling of gratitude and a full sense of the responsibilities which accompany it.\nIt is a matter of congratulation that the declarations of the Chicago convention upon the questions that now attract the interest of our people are so clear and emphatic. There is further cause of congratulation in the fact that the convention utterances of the Democratic party, if in any degree uncertain or contradictory, can now be judged and interpreted by executive acts and messages, and by definite propositions in legislation. This is especially true of what is popularly known as the tariff question. The issue can not now be obscured. It is not a contest between schedules, but between wide-apart principles. The foreign competitors for our market have, with quick instinct, seen how one issue of this contest may bring them advantage, and our own people are not so dull as to miss or neglect the grave interests that are involved for them. The assault upon our protective system is open and defiant. Protection is assailed as unconstitutional in law, or as vicious in principle, and those who hold such views sincerely can not stop short of an absolute elimination from our tariff laws of the principle of protection. The Mills bill is only a step, but it is toward an object that the leaders of Democratic thought and legislation have clearly in mind. The important question is not so much the length of the step as the direction of it. Judged by the executive message of December last, by the Mills bill, by the debates in Congress, and by the St. Louis platform, the Democratic party will, if supported by the country, place the tariff laws upon a purely revenue basis. This is practical free trade — free trade in the English sense. The legend upon the banner may not be \"Free Trade\"—it may be the more obscure motto, \"Tariff Reform;\" but neither the banner nor the inscription is conclusive, or, indeed, very important. The assault itself is the important fact.\nThose who teach that the import duty upon foreign goods sold in our market is paid by the consumer, and that the price of the domestic competing article is enhanced to the amount of the duty on the imported article — that every million of dollars collected for customs duties represents many millions more which do not reach the treasury, but are paid by our citizens as the increased cost of domestic productions resulting from the tariff laws — may not intend to discredit in the minds of others our system of levying duties on competing foreign products, but it is clearly already discredited in their own. We can not doubt, without impugning their integrity, that if free to act upon their convictions they would so revise our laws as to lay the burden of the customs revenue upon articles that are not produced in this country, and to place upon the free list all competing foreign products. I do not stop to refute this theory as to the effect of our tariff duties. Those who advance it are students of maxims and not of the markets. They may be safely allowed to call their project \"tariff reform,\" if the people understand that in the end the argument compels free trade in all competing products. This end may not be reached abruptly, and its approach may be accompanied with some expressions of sympathy for our protected industries and our working people, but it will certainly come if these early steps do not arouse the people to effective resistance.\nThe Republican party holds that a protective tariff is constitutional, wholesome, and necessary. We do not offer a fixed schedule, but a principle. We will revise the schedule, modify rates, but always with an intelligent provision as to the effect upon domestic productions and the wages of our working people. We believe it to be one of the worthy objects of tariff legislation to preserve the American market for American producers, and to maintain the American scale of wages by adequate discriminative duties upon foreign competing products. The effect of lower rates and larger importations upon the public revenue is contingent and doubtful, but not so the effect upon American production and American wages. Less work and lower wages must be accepted as the inevitable result of the increased offering of foreign goods in our market. By way of recompense for this reduction in his wages, and the loss of the American market, it is suggested that the diminished wages of the working man will have an undiminished purchasing power, and that he will be able to make up for the loss of the home market by an enlarged foreign market. Our workingmen have the settlement of the question in their own hands. They now obtain higher wages and live more comfortably than those of any other country. They will make choice of the substantial advantages they have in hand and the deceptive promises and forecasts of these theorizing reformers. They will decide for themselves and for their country whether the protective system shall be continued or destroyed.\nThe fact of a Treasury surplus, the amount of which is variously stated, has directed public attention to a consideration of the methods by which the national income may best be reduced to the level of wise and necessary expenditure. This condition has been seized upon by those who are hostile to protective customs duties as an advantageous base of attack upon our tariff laws. They have magnified and nursed the surplus, which they affect to deprecate, seemingly for the purpose of exaggerating the evil, in order to reconcile the people to the extreme remedy they propose. A proper reduction of the revenues does not necessitate, and should not suggest, the abandonment or impairment of the protective system. The methods suggested by our convention will not need to be exhausted in order to effect the necessary reduction. We are not likely to be called upon, I think, to make a present choice between the surrender of the protective system and the entire repeal of the internal taxes. Such a contingency, in view of the present relation of expenditures to revenues, is remote. The inspection and regulation of the manufacture and sale of oleomargarine is important, and the revenue derived from it is not so great that the repeal of the law need enter into any plan of revenue reduction. The surplus now in the Treasury should he used in the purchase of bonds. The law authorizes this use of it, and if it is not needed for current or deficiency appropriations, the people, and not the banks in which it has been deposited, should have the advantage of its use by stopping interest upon the public debt. At least those who needlessly hoard it should not be allowed to use the fear of a monetary stringency, thus produced, to coerce public sentiment upon other questions.\nClosely connected with the subject of the tariff is that of the importation of foreign laborers under contracts of service to be performed here. The law now in force prohibiting such contracts received my cordial support in the Senate, and such amendments as may be found necessary effectively to deliver our working men and women from this most inequitable form of competition will have my sincere advocacy. Legislation prohibiting the importation of laborers under contract to serve here will, however, afford very inadequate relief to our working people if the system of protective duties is broken down. If the products of American shops must compete in the American market, without favoring duties, with the products of cheap foreign labor the effect will be different, if at all, only in degree, whether the cheap laborer is across the street or over the sea. Such competition will soon reduce wages here to the level of those abroad, and when that condition is reached we will not need any laws forbidding the importation of laborer unders contract — they will have no inducement to come, and the employer no inducement to send for them.\nIn the earlier years of our history public agencies to promote immigration were common. The pioneer wanted a neighbor with more friendly instincts than the Indian. Labor was scarce and fully employed. But the day of the immigration bureau has gone by. While our doors will continue open to proper immigration, we do not need to issue special invitations to the inhabitants of other countries to come to our shores orВ»to share our citizenship. Indeed, the necessity of some inspection and limitation is obvious. We should resolutely refuse to permit foreign governments to send their paupers and criminals to our ports. We are also clearly under a duty to defend our civilization by excluding alien races whose ultimate assimilation with our people is neither possible nor desirable. The family has been the nucleus of our best immigration, and the home the most potent assimilating force in our civilization.\nThe objections to Chinese immigration are distinctive and conclusive, and are now so generally accepted as such that the question has passed entirely beyond the stage of argument. The laws relating to this subject would, if I should be charged with their enforcement, be faithfully executed. Such amendments or further legislation as may be necessary and proper to prevent evasions of the laws and to stop further Chinese immigration would also meet my approval. The expression of the convention upon this subject is in entire harmony with my views.\nOur civil compact is a government by majorities, and the law loses its sanction and the magistrate our respect when this compact is broken. The evil results of election frauds do not expend themselves upon the voters who are robbed of their rightful influence in public affairs. The individual or community or party that practices or connives at election frauds has suffered irreparable injury, and will sooner or later realize that to exchange the American system of majority rule for minority control is not only unlawful and unpatriotic, but very unsafe for those who promote it. The disfranchisement of a single legal elector by fraud or intimidation is a crime too grave to be regarded lightly. The right of every qualified elector to cast one free ballot and to have it honestly counted must not be questioned. Every constitutional power should be used to make this right secure and to punish frauds upon the ballot.\nOur colored people do not ask special legislation in their interest, but only to be made secure in the common rights of American citizenship. They will, however, naturally mistrust the sincerity of those party leaders who appeal to their race for support only in those localities where the suffrage is free and election results doubtful, and compass their disfranchisement where their votes would be controlling and their choice can not be coerced.\nThe nation, not less than the States, is dependent for prosperity and security upon the intelligence and morality of the people. This common interest very early suggested national aid in the establishment and endowment of schools and colleges in the new States. There is, I believe, a present exigency that calls for still more liberal and direct appropriations in aid of common-school education in the States.\nThe territorial form of government is a temporary expedient, not a permanent civil condition. It is adapted to the exigency that suggested it, but becomes inadequate, and even oppressive, when applied to fixed and populous communities. Several Territories are well able to bear the burdens and discharge the duties of free commonwealths in the American Union. To exclude them is to deny the just rights of their people, and may well excite their indignant protest. No question of the political preference of the people of a Territory should close against them the hospitable door which has opened to two-thirds of the existing States. But admissions should be resolutely refused to any Territory a majority of whose people cherish institutions that are repugnant to our civilization or inconsistent with a republican form of government.\nThe declaration of the convention against \"all combinations of capital, organized in trusts or otherwise, to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens,\" is in harmony with the views entertained and publicly expressed by me long before the assembling of the convention. Ordinarily, capital shares the losses of idleness with labor; but under the operation of the trust, in some of its forms, the wage-worker alone suffers loss, while idle capital receives its dividends from a trust fund. Producers who refuse to join the combination are destroyed, and competition as an element of prices is eliminated. It can not be doubted that the legislative authority should and will find a method of dealing fairly and effectively with those and other abuses connected with this subject.\nIt can hardly be necessary for me to say that I am heartily in sympathy with the declaration of the convention upon the subject of pensions to our soldiers and sailors. What they gave and what they suffered I had some opportunity to observe, and, in a small measure, to experience. They gave ungrudgingly; it was not a trade, but an offering. The measure was heaped up, running over What they achieved only a distant generation can adequately tell. Without attempting to discuss particular propositions, I may add that measures in behalf of the surviving veterans of the war and of the families of their dead comrades should be conceived and executed in a spirit of justice and of the most grateful liberality, and that, in the competition for civil appointments, honorable military service should have appropriate recognition.\nThe law regulating appointments to the classified civil service received my support in the Senate in the belief that it opened the way to a much-needed reform. I still think so, and, therefore, cordially approve the clear and forcible expression of the convention upon this subject. The law should have the aid of a friendly interpretation and be faithfully and vigorously enforced. All appointments under it should be absolutely free from partisan considerations and influence. Some extensions of the classified list are practicable and desirable, and further legislation extending the reform to other branches of the service to which it is applicable would receive my approval. In appointment to every grade and department, fitness, and not party service, should be the essential and discriminating test, and fidelity and efficiency the only sure tenure of office. Only the interests of the public service should suggest removals from office. I know the practical difficulties attending the attempt to apply the spirit of the civil-service rules to all appointments and removals. It will, however, be my sincere purpose, if elected, to advance the reform.\nI notice with pleasure that the convention did not omit to express its solicitude for the promotion of virtue and temperance among our people. The Republican party has always been friendly to everything that tended to make the home life of our people free, pure, and prosperous, and will in the future be true to its history in this respect.\nOur relations with foreign powers should be characterized by friendliness and respect. The right of our people and of our ships to hospitable treatment should be insisted upon with dignity and firmness. Our nation is too great, both in material strength and in moral power, to indulge in bluster or to be suspected of timorousness. Vacillation and inconsistency are as incompatible with successful diplomacy as they are with the national dignity. We should especially cultivate and extend our diplomatic and commercial relations with the Central and South American states. Our fisheries should be fostered and protected. The hardships and risks that are the necessary incidents of the business should not be increased by an inhospitable exclusion from the near-lying ports. The resources of a firm, dignified, and consistent diplomacy are undoubtedly equal to the prompt and peaceful solution of the difficulties that now exist. Our neighbors will surely not expect in our ports a commercial hospitality they deny to us in theirs.\nI can not extend this letter by a special reference to other subjects upon which the convention gave an expression.\nIn respect to them, as well as to those I have noticed, I am in entire agreement with the declarations of the convention. The resolutions relating to the coinage, to the rebuilding of the Navy, to coast defenses, and to public lands, express conclusions to all of which I gave my support in the Senate.\nInviting a calm and thoughtful consideration of these public questions, we submit them to the people. Their intelligent patriotism and the good Providence that made and has kept us a nation will lead them to wise and safe conclusions.\nVery respectfully, your obedient servant,", "Words" -> 2914, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 221, "of" -> 144, "and" -> 116, "to" -> 102, "in" -> 60, "is" -> 45, "not" -> 41, "be" -> 41, "a" -> 40, "our" -> 37, "The" -> 35, "that" -> 34, "upon" -> 26, "by" -> 25, "with" -> 23, "will" -> 22, "it" -> 22, "for" -> 22, "as" -> 22, "should" -> 21, "are" -> 20, "people" -> 19, "their" -> 17, "or" -> 17, "I" -> 16, "this" -> 15, "but" -> 15, "have" -> 13, "convention" -> 13, "my" -> 12, "may" -> 12, "has" -> 12, "American" -> 12, "foreign" -> 11, "which" -> 10, "those" -> 10, "they" -> 10, "tariff" -> 10, "public" -> 10, "if" -> 10, "free" -> 10, "an" -> 10, "who" -> 9, "can" -> 9, "We" -> 8, "wages" -> 8, "them" -> 8, "so" -> 8, "only" -> 8, "now" -> 8, "market" -> 8, "laws" -> 8, "from" -> 8, "duties" -> 8, "They" -> 7, "system" -> 7, "protective" -> 7, "party" -> 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1, "bonds" -> 1, "bluster" -> 1, "beyond" -> 1, "belief" -> 1, "behalf" -> 1, "before" -> 1, "becomes" -> 1, "bear" -> 1, "basis" -> 1, "base" -> 1, "banks" -> 1, "authorizes" -> 1, "authority" -> 1, "attract" -> 1, "attention" -> 1, "attending" -> 1, "attempting" -> 1, "attempt" -> 1, "attack" -> 1, "At" -> 1, "assimilation" -> 1, "assimilating" -> 1, "assembling" -> 1, "assailed" -> 1, "ask" -> 1, "articles" -> 1, "arouse" -> 1, "arbitrarily" -> 1, "approve" -> 1, "appropriate" -> 1, "approach" -> 1, "appreciate" -> 1, "appointment" -> 1, "apply" -> 1, "applied" -> 1, "applicable" -> 1, "appeal" -> 1, "announcement" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "alien" -> 1, "agreement" -> 1, "agencies" -> 1, "afford" -> 1, "affect" -> 1, "affairs" -> 1, "advocacy" -> 1, "advantages" -> 1, "advantageous" -> 1, "admissions" -> 1, "adequately" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "addressing" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "adapted" -> 1, "acts" -> 1, "act" -> 1, "across" -> 1, "achieved" -> 1, "accompany" -> 1, "accompanied" -> 1, "acceptance" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abuses" -> 1, "absolutely" -> 1, "absolute" -> 1, "abruptly" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "abandonment" -> 1, "A" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=76067", "Date" -> DateObject[{1892, 9, 3}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "BenjaminHarrison::kg6wp"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Missing["NotAvailable"], "Text" -> "I now avail myself of the first period of relief from public duties to respond to the notification which you brought to me on June 20 of my nomination for the office of President of the United States by the Republican national convention recently held at Minneapolis. I accept the nomination, and am grateful for the approval expressed by the convention of the acts of the administration.\nI have endeavored without wavering or weariness, so far as the direction of public affairs was committed to me, to carry out the pledges made to the people in 1888. If the policies of the administration have not been distinctively and progressively American and Republican policies, the fault has not been in the purpose, but in the execution. I shall speak frankly of the legislation of Congress and of the work of the executive departments, for the credit of any successes that have been attained is in such measure due to others — Senators and Representatives and to the efficient heads of the several executive departments — that I may do so without impropriety.\nA vote of want of confidence is asked by our adversaries, and this challenge to a review of what has been done we promptly and gladly accept.\nThe great work of the Fifty-first Congress has been subjected to the revision of a Democratic House of Representatives and the acts of the executive department to its scrutiny and investigation. A Democratic national administration was succeeded by a Republican administration, and the freshness of the events gives unusual facilities for fair comparison and judgment. There has seldom been a time, I think, when a change from the declared policies of the Republican party to the declared policies of the Democratic party involved such serious results to the business interests of the country. A brief review of what has been done and of what the Democratic party proposes to undo will justify this opinion.\nThe Republican party, during the civil war, devised a national currency, consisting of United States notes, issued and redeemable by the Government, and of national-bank notes, based upon the security of United States bonds. A tax was levied upon the issues of State banks, and the intended result, that all such issues should be withdrawn, was realized. There are men among us now who never saw a State-bank note.\nThe notes furnished directly or indirectly by the United States have been the only and the safe and acceptable paper currency of the people. Bank failures have brought no fright, delay, or loss to the bill-holders. The note of an insolvent bank is as good and as current as a Treasury note, for the credit of the United States is behind it. Our money is all national money — I might almost say international, for these bills are not only equally and indiscriminately accepted at par in all the States, but in some foreign countries.\nThe Democratic party, if intrusted with the control of the Government, is now pledged to repeal the tax on State-bank issues, with a view to putting into circulation again, under such diverse legislation as the States may adopt, a flood of local bank issues. Only those who, in the years before the war, experienced the inconvenience and losses attendant upon the use of such money, can appreciate what a return to that system involves.\nThe denomination of a bill was then often no indication of its value. The bank detector of yesterday was not a safe guide to-day as to credit or values. Merchants deposited several times during the day, lest the hour of bank closing should show a depreciation of the money taken in the morning. The traveler could not use in a journey to the East the issues of the most solvent banks of the West; and in consequence a money-changer's office was the familiar neighbor of the ticket office and the lunch counter. The farmer and the laborer found the money received for their products or their labor depreciated when they came to make their purchases, and the whole business of the country was hindered and burdened.\nChanges may become necessary, but a national system of currency, safe and acceptable throughout the whole country, is the good fruit of bitter experiences, and I am sure our people will not consent to the reactionary proposal made by the Democratic party.\nFew subjects have elicited more discussion or excited more general interest than that of a recovery by the United States of its appropriate share of the ocean carrying trade. This subject touches not only our pockets but our national pride. Practically all the freights for transporting to Europe the enormous annual supplies of provisions furnished by this country and for the large return of manufactured products have for many years been paid to foreign owners.\nThousands of immigrants annually seeking homes under our flag have been denied the sight of it until they entered Sandy Hook, while increasing thousands of American citizens, bent on European travel, have each year stepped into a foreign jurisdiction at the New York docks. The merchandise balance of trade which the Treasury books show is largely reduced by the annual tribute which we pay for freight and passage moneys.\nThe great ships — the fastest upon the sea — which are now in peace profiting by our trade, are, in a secondary sense, warships of their respective governments, and in time of war would, under existing contracts with those governments, speedily take on the guns for which their decks are already prepared and enter with terrible efficiency upon the work of destroying our commerce. The undisputed fact is that the great steamship lines of Europe were built up and are now in part sustained by direct or indirect government aid, the latter taking the form of liberal pay for carrying the mails or of an annual bonus given in consideration of agreements to construct the ships so as to adapt them for carrying an armament and to turn them over to the government on demand upon specific terms.\nIt was plain to every intelligent American that if the United States would have such lines a similar policy must be entered upon. The Fifty-first Congress enacted such a law, and under its beneficent influence sixteen American steamships of an aggregate tonnage of 57,400 tons and costing $7,400,000 have been built or contracted to be built in American shipyards.\nIn addition to this it is now practically certain that we shall soon have under the American flag one of the finest steamship lines sailing out of New York for any European port. This contract will result in the construction in American yards of four new passenger steamships of 10,000 tons each, costing about $8,000,000, and will add to our naval reserve six steamships, the fastest upon the sea.\nA special interest has been taken by me in the establishment of lines from our South Atlantic and Gulf ports; and, though my expectations have not yet been realized, attention has been called to the advantages possessed by these ports, and when their people are more fully alive to their interests, I do not doubt that they will be able to secure the capital needed to enable them to profit by their great natural advantages.\nThe Democratic party has found no place in its platform for any reference to this subject, and has shown its hostility to the general policy by refusing to expend an appropriation made during the last administration for ocean mail contracts with American lines.\nThe patriotic people, the workmen in our shops, the capitalists seeking new enterprises, must decide whether the great ships owned by Americans which have sought American registry shall again humbly ask a place in the English naval reserve; the great ships now on the designers' tables go to foreign shops for construction, and the United States lose the now brightening opportunity of recovering a place commensurate with its wealth, the skill of its constructors and the courage of its sailors, in the carrying trade of all the seas.\nAnother related measure, as furnishing an increased ocean traffic for our ships, and of great and permanent benefit to the farmers and manufacturers as well, is the reciprocity policy declared by section 3 of the tariff act of 1890, and now in practical operation with five of the nations of Central and South America, San Domingo, the Spanish and British West India Islands, and with Germany and Austria, under special trade arrangements with each.\nThe removal of the duty upon sugar and the continuance of coffee and tea upon the free list, while giving great relief to our people by cheapening articles used increasingly in every household, was also of such enormous advantage to the countries exporting these articles as to suggest that in consideration thereof reciprocal favors should be shown in their tariffs to articles exported by us to their markets.\nGreat credit is due to Mr. Elaine for the vigor with which he pressed this view upon the country. We have only begun to realize the benefit of these trade arrangements. The work of creating new agencies and of adapting our goods to new markets has necessarily taken time, but the results already attained are such, I am sure, as to establish in popular favor the policy of reciprocal trade, based upon the free importation of such articles as do not injuriously compete with the products of our own farms, mines, or factories, in exchange for the free or favored introduction of our products into other countries.\nThe obvious efficacy of this policy in increasing the foreign trade of the United States at once attracted the alarmed attention of European trade journals and boards of trade. The British board of trade has presented to that government a memorial asking for the appointment of a commission to consider the best means of counteracting what is called \"the commercial crusade of the United States.\"\nAt a meeting held in March last of the Associated Chambers of Commerce of Great Britain, the president reported that the exports from Great Britain to the Latin-American countries during the last year had decreased $23,750,000, and that this was not due to temporary causes, but directly to the reciprocity policy of the United States.\nGermany and France have also shown their startled appreciation of the fact that a new and vigorous contestant has appeared in the battle of the markets and has already secured important advantages.\nThe most convincing evidence of the tremendous commercial strength of our position is found in the fact that Great Britain and Spain have found it necessary to make reciprocal trade agreements with ns for their West India colonies, and that Germany and Austria have given us important concessions in exchange for the continued free importation of their beet sugar.\nA few details only as to the increase of our trade can be given here. Taking all the countries with which such arrangements have been made, our trade to June 30, 1892, had increased 23.78 per cent; with Brazil the increase was nearly 11 per cent; with Cuba, during the first ten months, our exports increased $5,702,193, or 54.86 per cent, and with Porto Rico $590,959, or 34 per cent. The liberal participation of our farmers in the benefits of this policy is shown by the following report from our consul-general at Havana, under date of July 26 last:\nDuring the first half year of 1891 Havana received 140,056 bags of flour from Spain and other ports of the island about an equal amount, or, approximately, 280,112 bags.\nDuring the same period Havana received 13,9/6 bags of American flour and other ports approximately an equal amount, making about 28,000 bags.\nBut for the first half of this year Spain has sent less than 1,000 bags to the whole island, and the United States has sent to Havana alone 168,487 bags and about an equal amount to other ports of the island, making, approximately, 337,000 for the first half of 1892.\n\nPartly by reason of the reciprocal trade agreement, but more largely by reason of the removal of the sanitary restrictions upon American pork, our export of pork products to Germany increased during the ten months ending June 30 last $2,025,074, or about 32 per cent.\nThe British Trade Journal, of London, in a recent issue, speaking of the increase of American coal exports and of the falling off of the English coal exports to Cuba, says :\nIt is another case of American competition. The United States now supply Cuba with about 150,000 tons of coal annually, and there is every prospect of this trade increasing as the forests of the island become exhausted and the use of steam machinery on the sugar estates is developed. Alabama coal, especially, is securing a reputation in the Spanish West Indies, and the river and rail improvements of the Southern States will undoubtedly create an important Gulf trade.\nThe new reciprocity policy by which the United States are enabled to import Cuban sugar will, of course, assist the American coal exporters even more effectively than the new lines of railway.\n\nThe Democratic platform promises a repeal of the tariff law containing this provision, and especially denounces as a sham reciprocity that section of the law under which these trade arrangements have been made. If no other issue were involved in the campaign this alone would give it momentous importance.\nAre the farmers of the great grain growing States willing to surrender these new, large, and increasing markets for their surplus? Are we to have nothing in exchange for the free importation of sugar and coffee and at the same time to destroy the sugar planters of the South and the beet-sugar industry of the Northwest and of the Pacific coast, or are we to have the taxed sugar and coffee, which a \"tariff for revenue only\" necessarily involves, with the added loss of the new markets which have been opened?\nAs I have shown, our own commercial rivals in Europe do not regard this reciprocity policy as a \"sham,\" but as a serious threat to a trade supremacy they have long enjoyed. They would rejoice — and if prudence did not restrain would illuminate their depressed manufacturing cities—over the news that the United States had abandoned its system of protection and reciprocity. They see very clearly that restriction of American production and trade and a corresponding increase of European production and trade would follow, and I will not believe that what is so plain to them can be hidden from our own people.\nThe declaration of the platform in favor of \"the American doctrine of protection\" meets my most hearty approval. The convention did not adopt a schedule, but a principle that is to control all tariff schedules. There may be differences of opinion among protectionists as to the rate upon particular articles necessary to effect an equalization between wages abroad and at home. In some not remote national campaigns the issue has been, or, more correctly, has been made to appear to be between a high and a low protective tariff, both parties expressing some solicitous regard for the wages of our working people and for the prosperity of our domestic industries.\nBut, under a more courageous leadership, the Democratic party has now practically declared that if given power it will enact a tariff law without any regard to its effect upon wages or upon the capital invested in our great industries. The majority report of the committee on platform to the Democratic national convention at Chicago contained this clause:\nThat when custom-house taxation is levied upon articles of any kind produced in this country the difference between the cost Of labor here and labor abroad, when such a difference exists, fully measures any possible benefits to labor, and the enormous additional impositions of the existing tariff fall with crushing force upon our farmers and working men.\n\nHere we have a distinct admission of the Republican contention that American workmen are advantaged by a tariff rate equal to the difference between home and foreign wages, and a declaration only against the alleged \"additional impositions\" of the existing tariff law. Again, this majority report further declared : But in making a reduction in taxes, it is not proposed to injure any domestic industries, but rather to promote their healthy growth. * * * Moreover, many industries have come to rely upon legislation for successful continuance, so that any change of law must be at every step regardful of the labor and the capital thus involved.\nHere we have an admission that many of our industries depend upon protective duties \"for their successful continuance,\" and a declaration that tariff changes should be regardful of the workmen in such industries and of the invested capital.\nThe overwhelming rejection of these propositions, which had before received the sanction of Democratic national conventions, was not more indicative of the new and more courageous leadership to which the party has now committed itself than the substitute which was adopted. This substitute declares that protective duties are unconstitutional — high protection, low protection—all unconstitutional.\nA Democratic Congress holding this view can not enact, nor a Democratic President approve, any tariff schedule the purpose or effect of which is to limit importations or to give any advantage to an American workman or producer. A bounty might, I judge, be given to the importer under this view of the Constitution, in order to increase importations, and so the revenue for \"revenue only\" is the limitation. Reciprocity, of course, falls under this denunciation, for its object and effect are not revenue, but the promotion of commercial exchanges, the profits of which go wholly to our producers.\nThis destructive, un-American doctrine was not held or taught by the historic Democratic statesmen whose fame as American patriots has reached this generation — certainly not by Jefferson or Jackson. This mad crusade against American shops, the bitter epithets applied to American manufacturers, the persistent disbelief of every report of the opening of a tin-plate mill or of an increase of our foreign trade by reciprocity are as surprising as they are discreditable.\nThere is not a thoughtful business man in the country who does not know that the enactment into law of the declaration of the Chicago convention upon the subject of the tariff would at once plunge the country into a business convulsion such as it has never seen; and there is not a thoughtful workingman who does not know that it would at once enormously reduce the amount of work to be done in this country by the increase of importations that would follow and necessitate a reduction of his wages to the European standard.\nIf any one suggests that this radical policy will not be executed if the Democratic party attains power, what shall be thought of a party that is capable of thus trifling with great interests? The threat of such legislation would be only less hurtful than the fact.\nA distinguished Democrat rightly described this movement as a challenge to the protected industries to a fight of extermination, and another such rightly expressed the logic of the situation when he interpreted the Chicago platform to be an invitation to all Democrats holding even the most moderate protection views to go into the Republican party.\nAnd now a few words in regard to the existing tariff law. We are fortunately able to judge of its influence upon production and prices by the market reports. The day of the prophet of calamity has been succeeded by that of the trade reporter.\nAn examination into the effect of the law upon the prices of protected products and of the cost of such articles as enter into the living of people of small means has been made by a Senate committee composed of leading Senators of both parties, with the aid of the best statisticians, and the report, signed by all the members of the committee, has been given to the public. No such wide and careful inquiry has ever before been made. These facts appear from the report:\nFirst. The cost of articles entering into the use of those earning less than $1,000 per annum has decreased up to May, 1892, 3.4 per cent, while in farm products there has been an increase in prices, owing in part to an increased foreign demand and the opening of new markets.\nIn England, during the same period, the cost of living increased 1. 9 per cent. Tested by their power to purchase articles of necessity the earnings of our working people have never been as great as they are now.\nSecond. There has been an average advance in the rate of wages of .75 of 1 per cent.\nThird. There has been an advance in the price of all farm products of 18.67 per cent, and of all cereals 33.59 per cent.\nThe ninth annual report of the chief of the bureau of labor statistics of the State of New York, a Democratic officer, very recently issued, strongly corroborates as to that State the facts found by the Senate committee. His extended inquiry shows that in the year immediately following the passage of the tariff act of 1890 the aggregate sum paid in wages in that State was $6,377,925 in excess, and the aggregate production $31,315,130111 excess of the preceding year.\nIn view of this showing of an increase in wages, of a reduction in the cost of articles of common necessity and of a marked advance in the prices of agricultural products, it is plain that this tariff law has not imposed burdens, but has conferred benefits upon the farmer and the workingman.\nSome special effects of the act should be noticed. It was a courageous attempt to rid our people of a long-maintained foreign monopoly in the production of tin plate, pearl buttons, silk plush, linens, lace, etc. Once or twice in our history the production of tin plate had been attempted, and the prices obtained by the Welsh makers would have enabled our makers to produce it at a profit. But the Welsh makers at once cut prices to a point that drove the American beginners out of the business, and, when this was accomplished, again made their own prices.\nA correspondent of the Industrial World, the official organ of the Welsh tin-plate workers, published at Swansea, in the issue of June 10, 1892, advises a new trial of these methods. He says:\nDo not be deceived. The victory of the Republicans at the polls means the retention of the McKinley bill and means the rapidly accruing loss of the 80 per cent of the export American trade. Had there been no Democratic victory in 1890 the spread of the tin-plate manufacture in the United States would have been both rapid and bona fide. It is not yet too late to do something to reduce the price of plates. Put them down to 11 shillings per box of 100,14 by 20, full weight basis. Let the workmen lake half pay for a few months and turn out more. Then let the masters forego profits for the same time.\n\nAnd again that paper says :\nIt is clearly the interest of both (employer and workmen) to produce tin plates, tariff or no tariff, at a price that will drive all competitors from the field.\n\nBut, in spite of the doubts raised by the elections of 1890 and of the machinations of foreign producers to maintain their monopoly, the tin-plate industry has been established in the United States, and the alliance between the Welsh producers and the Democratic party for its destruction will not succeed.\nThe official returns to the Treasury Department of the production of tin and terne plates in the United States during the last fiscal year show a total production of 13,240,830 pounds, and a comparison of the first quarter, 826,922 pounds, with the last, 8,000,000 pounds, shows the rapid development of the industry. Over 5,000,000 pounds during the last quarter were made from American black plates, the remainder from foreign plates.\nMr. Ayer, the Treasury agent in charge, estimates, as the result of careful inquiry, that the production of the current year will be 100,000,000 pounds, and that by the end of the year our production will be at the rate of 200,000,000 pounds per annum.\nAnother industry that has been practically created by the McKinley bill is the making of pearl buttons. Few articles coming to us from abroad were so distinctly the product of starvation wages.\nBut without unduly extending this letter I can not follow in detail the influences of the tariff law of 1890. It has transplanted several important industries and established them here, and has revived or enlarged all others. The act gives to the miners protection against foreign silver-bearing lead ores, the free introduction of which threatened the great mining industries of the Rocky Mountain States; and to the wool-growers protection for their fleeces and flocks, which has saved them from a further and disastrous decline. The House of Representatives, at its last session, passed bills placing these ores and wool upon the free list. The people of the West will know how destructive to their prosperity these measures would be.\nThis tariff law has given employment to many thousands of American men and women and will each year give employment to increasing thousands. Its repeal would throw thousands out of employment and give work to others only at reduced wages. The appeals of the free trader to the workingman are largely addressed to his prejudices or to his passions and not infrequently are pronouncedly communistic. The new Democratic leadership rages at the employer and seeks to communicate his rage to the employee. I greatly regret that all employers of labor are not just and considerate, and that capital sometimes takes too large a share of the profits. But I do not see that these evils will be ameliorated by a tariff policy, the first necessary effect of which is a severe wage cut, and the second a large diminution of the aggregate amount of work to be done in this country.\nIf the injustice of his employer tempts the workman to strike back he should be very sure that his blow does not fall upon his own head or upon his wife and children. The workmen in our great industries are as a body remarkably intelligent and are lovers of home and country. They may be roused by injustice, or what seems to them to be such, or be led for the moment by others into acts of passion; but they will settle the tariff contest in the calm light of their November firesides and with sole reference to the prosperity of the country of which they are citizens and of the homes they have founded for their wives and children.\nNo intelligent advocate of a protective tariff claims that it is able of itself to maintain a uniform rate of wages without regard to fluctuations in the supply of, and demand for the products of labor. But it is confidently claimed that protective duties strongly tend to hold up wages, and are the only barrier against a reduction to the European scale.\nThe Southern States have had a liberal participation in the benefits of the tariff law, and though their representatives have generally opposed the protection policy, I rejoice that their sugar, rice, coal, ores, iron, fruits, cotton cloths, and other products have not been left to the fate which the votes of their representatives would have brought upon them.\nIn the construction of the Nicaragua Canal, in the new trade with South and Central America, in the establishment of American steamship lines, these States have also special interests, and all these interests will not always consent to be without representation at Washington.\nShrewdly, but not quite fairly, our adversaries speak only of the increased duty imposed upon tin, pearl buttons and other articles by the McKinley bill, and omit altogether any reference to the great and beneficial enlargement of the free list. During the last fiscal year $458,000,772 worth of merchandise, or 55.35 per cent of our total importations, came in free (the largest per centage in our history); while in 1889 the per cent of free importations was only 34.42\nThe placing of sugar upon the free list has saved to the consumer in duties in fifteen months, after paying the bounties provided for, $87,000,000. This relief has been substantially felt in even' household upon every Saturday's purchase of the workingman. per cent.\nOne of the favorite arguments against a protective tariff is that it shuts us out from a participation in what is called with swelling emphasis \"the markets of the world.\" If this view is not a false one, how does it happen that our commercial competitors are not able to bear with more serenity our supposed surrender to them of the \"markets of the world?\" And how does it happen that the partial loss of our market closes foreign tin-plate mills and plush factories that still have all other markets?\nOur natural advantages, our protective tariff, and the reciprocity policy make it possible for us to have a large participation in the \"markets of the world,\" without opening our own to a competition that would destroy the comfort and independence of our people.\nThe resolution of the convention in favor of bimetalism declares, I think, the true and necessary conditions of a movement that has, upon these lines, my cordial adherence and support. I am thoroughly convinced that the free coinage of silver at such a ratio to gold as will maintain the equality in their commercial uses of the two coined dollars would conduce to the prosperity of all the great producing and commercial nations of the world.\nThe one essential condition is that these dollars shall have and retain an equal acceptability and value in all commercial transactions. They are not only a medium of exchange, but a measure of values, and when two unequal measures are called in law by the same name commerce is unsettled and confused and the unwary and ignorant are cheated. Dollars of unequal commercial value will not circulate together. The better dollar is withdrawn and becomes merchandise.\nThe true interest of all our people, and especially of the farmers and working people, who can not closely observe the money market, is that every dollar, paper or coin, issued or authorized by the Government, shall at all times and in all its uses be the exact equivalent, not only in debt-paying, but in purchasing power of any other dollar.\nI am quite sure that if we should now act upon this subject independently of other nations we would greatly promote their interests and injure our own. The monetary conditions in Europe within the last two years have, I think, tended very much to develop a sentiment in favor of a larger use of silver, and I was much pleased and encouraged by the cordiality, promptness, and unanimity with which the invitation of this Government for an international conference upon this subject was accepted by all the powers. We may not only hope for, but expect highly beneficial results from this conference, which will now soon assemble. When the result of the conference is known we shall then be able intelligently to readjust our financial legislation to any new conditions.\nIn my last annual message to Congress I said :\nI must yet entertain the hope that it is possible to secure a calm, patriotic consideration of such Constitutional or statutory changes as may be necessary to secure the choice of the officers of the Government to the people by fair apportionments and free elections. I believe it would be possible to constitute a commission, nonpartisan in its membership and composed of patriotic, wise, and impartial men, to whom a consideration of the questions of the evils connected with our elections systems and methods might be committed with a good prospect of securing unanimity in some plan for removing or mitigating those evils.\nThe Constitution would permit the selection of the commission to be vested in the Supreme Court if that method would give the best guaranty of impartiality. This commission should be charged with the duty of inquiring into the whole subject of the law of elections as related to the choice of officers of the National Government, with a view to securing to every elector a free and unmolested exercise of the suffrage and as near an approach to an equality of value in each ballot cast as is attainable. * * The demand that the limitations of suffrage shall be found in the law, and only there, is a just demand, and no just man should resent or resist it.\n\nIt seemed to me that an appeal to our people to consider the question of readjusting our legislation upon absolutely fair non- partisan lines might find some effective response. Many times I have had occasion to say that laws and election methods designed to give unfair advantages to the party making them would some time be used to perpetuate in power a faction of a party against the will of a majority of the people.\nOf this we seem to have an illustration in the recent State election in Alabama. There was no Republican ticket in the field. The contest was between white Democrats. The Kolb party say they were refused the representation guaranteed by law upon the election boards, and that when the courts by mandamus attempted to right this wrong, an appeal that could not be heard until after the election made the writs ineffectual. Ballot boxes were thrown out for alleged irregularities, or destroyed, and it is asserted on behalf of one-half, at least, of the white voters of Alabama that the officers to whom certificates have been given were not honestly elected.\nThere is no security for the personal or political rights of any man in a community where any other man is deprived of his personal or political rights. The power of the States over the question of the qualification of electors is ample to protect them against the dangers of an ignorant or depraved suffrage, and the demand that every man found to be qualified under the law shall be made secure in the right to cast a free ballot, and to have that ballot honestly counted, can not be abated.\nOur old Republican battle-cry, \"A free ballot and a fair count,\" comes back to us not only from Alabama but from other States, and from men who, differing with us widely in opinions, have come to see that parties and political debate are but a mockery if, when the debate is ended, the judgment of honest majorities is to be reversed by ballot-box frauds and tally-sheet manipulations in the interest of the party or party faction in power.\nThese new political movements in the States and the recent decisions of some of the State courts against unfair apportionment laws, encourage the hope that the arbitrary and partisan election laws and practices which have prevailed may be corrected by the States, the laws made equal and nonpartisan, and the elections free and honest. The Republican party would rejoice at such a solution, as a healthy and patriotic local sentiment is the best assurance of free and honest elections.\nI shall again urge upon Congress that provision be made for the appointment of a nonpartisan commission to consider the subject of apportionments and elections, in their relation to the choice of Federal officers.\nThe civil-service system has been extended and law enforced with vigor and impartiality. There has been no partisan juggling with the law in any of the departments or bureaus, as had before happened, but appointments to the classified service have been made impartially from the eligible lists. The system now in force in all the departments has for the first time placed promotions strictly upon the basis of merit, as ascertained by a daily record, and the efficiency of the force thereby greatly increased.\nThe approval so heartily given by the convention to all those agencies which contribute to the education of the children of the land, was worthily bestowed and meets my hearty approval, as does also the declaration as to liberty of thought and conscience, and the separation of church and state.\nThe safety of the Republic is an intelligent citizenship, and the increased interest manifested in the States in education, the cheerfulness with which the necessary taxes are paid by all classes, and the renewed interest manifested by the children in the national flag, are hopeful indications that the coming generation will direct public affairs with increased prudence and patriotism.\nOur interest in free public schools open to all children of suitable age is supreme, and our care for them will be jealous and constant. The public school system, however, was not intended to restrain the natural right of the parent, after contributing to the public school fund, to choose other educational agencies for his children.\nI favored aid by the General Government to the public schools, with a special view to the necessities of some of the Southern States. But it is gratifying to notice that many of these States are, with commendable liberality, developing their school systems and increasing their school revenues, to the great advantage of the children of both races.\nThe considerate attention of the farmers of the whole country is invited to the work done through the State and Agricultural Departments in the interest of agriculture. Our pork products had for ten years been not only excluded by the great continental nations of Europe, but their value discredited by the reasons given for this exclusion. All previous efforts to secure the removal of these restrictions had failed, but the wise legislation of the Fifty-first Congress, providing for the inspection and official certification of our meats, and giving to the President power to forbid the introduction into this country of selected products of such countries as should continue to refuse our inspected meats, enabled us to open all the markets of Europe to our pork products. The result has been not only to sustain prices by providing new markets for our surplus, but to add fifty cents per one hundred pounds to the market value of the inspected meats.\nUnder the reciprocity agreements special favors have been secured for agricultural products, and our exports of such products have been greatly increased, with a sure prospect of a further and rapid increase. The Agricultural Department has maintained in Europe an agent whose special duty it is to introduce there the various preparations of corn as articles of food, and his work has been very successful.\nThe Department has also sent skilled veterinarians to Liverpool to examine, in connection with the British veterinarians, the live cattle from the United States landed at that port, and the result, in connection with the sanitary methods adopted at home, has been that we hear no more about our cattle being infected with pleuro-pneumonia. A judicious system of quarantine lines has prevented the infection of Northern cattle with the Texas fever.\nThe tariff bill of 1890 gives better protection to farm products subject to foreign competition than they ever had before, and the home markets for such products have been enlarged by the establishment of new industries and the development of others.\nWe may confidently submit to the intelligent and candid judgment of the American farmer whether in any corresponding period so much has been done to promote his interests, and whether, in a continuance and extension of these methods, there is not a better prospect offered to him than in the invitation of the Democratic party to give our home market to foreign manufacturers and to abandon the reciprocity policy, and better also than the radical and untried methods of relief proposed by other parties which are soliciting his support.\nI have often expressed my strong conviction of the value of the Nicaragua Ship Canal to our commerce and to our Navy. The project is not one of convenience, but of necessity. It is quite possible, I believe, if the United States will support the enterprise, to secure the speedy completion of the canal without taxing the Treasury for any direct contribution, and at the same time to secure to the United States that influence in its management which is imperative.\nIt has been the purpose of the administration to make its foreign policy not a matter of partisan politics, but of patriotism and national honor, and I have very great gratification in being able to state that the Democratic members of the Committees of Foreign Affairs responded in a true American spirit. I have not hesitated to consult freely with them about the most confidential and delicate affairs, and here frankly confess my obligation for needed cooperation. They did not regard a patient but firm insistence upon American rights and upon immunity from insult and injury for our citizens and sailors in foreign ports as a policy of \"irritation and bluster.\" They did not believe, as some others seem to believe, that to be a Democrat one must take the foreign side of every international question if a Republican administration is conducting the American side. I do not believe that a tame submission to insult and outrage by any nation at the hands of another can ever form the basis of a lasting friendship ; the necessary element of mutual respect will be wanting.\nThe Chilean incident, now so happily and honorably adjusted, will, I do not doubt, place our relations with that brave people upon a more friendly basis than ever before. This already appears in the agreement since negotiated by Mr. Egan for the settlement by a commission of the long unsettled claims between the two Governments. The work of Mr. Egan has been highly advantageous to the United States. The confidence which I refused to withdraw from him has been abundantly justified.\nIn our relations with the great European powers the rights of the United States and of our citizens have been insisted upon with firmness. The strength of our cause and not the strength of our adversary has given tone to our correspondence.\nThe Samoan question and the Bering Sea question, which came over from the preceding administration, have been the one settled and the other submitted to arbitration upon a fair basis.\nNever before, I think, in a like period have so many important treaties and commercial agreements been concluded and never before, I am sure, have the honor and influence, national and commercial, of the United States been held in higher estimation in both hemispheres.\nThe Union soldiers and sailors are now veterans of time as well as of war. The parallels of age have approached close to the citadels of life and the end, for each, of a brave and honorable struggle is not remote. Increasing infirmity and years give the minor tones of sadness and pathos to the mighty appeal of service and suffering. The ear that does not listen with sympathy and the heart that does not respond with generosity are the ear and heart of an alien and not of an American. Now, soon again the surviving veterans are to parade upon the great avenue of the national capital and every tribute of honor and love should attend the march. A comrade in the column of the victors' parade in 1865, I am not less a comrade now.\nI have used every suitable occasion to urge upon the people of all sections the consideration that no good cause can 1>e promoted upon the lines of lawlessness. Mobs do not discriminate, and the punishments inflicted by them have no repressive or salutary influence. On the contrary, they beget revenges and perpetuate feuds. It is especially the duty of the educated and influential to see that the weak and ignorant when accused of crime are fairly tried before lawful tribunals. The moral sentiment of the country should be aroused and brought to bear for the suppression of these offenses against the law and social order.\nThe necessity for a careful discrimination among the emigrants seeking our shores becomes every day more apparent. We do not want and should not receive those who by reason of bad character or habits are not wanted at home. The industrious and self-respecting, the lovers of law and liberty, should be discriminated from the pauper, the criminal and the anarchist, who come only to burden and disturb our communities. Every effort has been made to enforce the laws and some convictions have been secured under the contract-labor law.\nThe general condition of our country is one of great prosperity. The blessing of God has rested upon our fields and upon our people. The annual value of our foreign commerce has increased more than $400,000,000 over the average for the preceding ten years, and more than $210,000,000 over 1890, the last year unaffected by the new tariff. Our exports in 1892 exceeded those of 1890 by more than $172,000,000, and the annual average for ten years by $265,000,000. Our exports of breadstuffs increased over those of 1890 more than $144,000,000; of provisions over $4,000,000, and of manufactures over $8,000,000. The merchandise balance of trade in our favor in 1892 was $202,944,342.\nNo other nation can match the commercial progress which these figures disclose. Our compassion may well go out to those whose party necessities and habits still compel them to declare that our people are oppressed and our trade restricted by a protective tariff.\nIt is not possible for me to refer, even in the briefest way, to many of the topics presented in the resolutions adopted by the convention. Upon all that have not been discussed I have before publicly expressed my views.\nA change in the personnel of a national administration is of comparatively little moment. If those exercising public functions are able, honest, diligent, and faithful, others possessing all these qualities may be found to take their places. But changes in the laws and administrative policies are of great moment. When public affairs have been given a direction and business has adjusted itself to these lines, any sudden change involves a stoppage and new business adjustments. If the change of direction is so radical as to bring the commercial turn-table into use the business changes involved are not readjustments, but reconstructions.\nThe Democratic party offers a programme of demolition. The protective policy — to which all business, even that of the importer, is now adjusted — the reciprocity policy, the new merchant marine, are all to be demolished, not gradually, not taken down, but blown up. To this programme of destruction it has added one constructive feature, the reestablishment of State banks of issue.\nThe policy of the Republican party is, on the other hand, distinctively a policy of safe progression and development—of new factories, new markets, and new ships. It will subject business to no perilous changes, but offers attractive opportunities for expansion upon familiar lines.\nVery respectfully yours,\nBEJ. 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"abandon" -> 1, "9" -> 1, "826,922" -> 1, "8,000,000" -> 1, "80" -> 1, ".75" -> 1, "57,400" -> 1, "55.35" -> 1, "54.86" -> 1, "5,000,000" -> 1, "34.42" -> 1, "34" -> 1, "3.4" -> 1, "337,000" -> 1, "33.59" -> 1, "32" -> 1, "3" -> 1, "280,112" -> 1, "28,000" -> 1, "26" -> 1, "23.78" -> 1, "200,000,000" -> 1, "1>e" -> 1, "1891" -> 1, "1889" -> 1, "1888" -> 1, "18.67" -> 1, "1865" -> 1, "168,487" -> 1, "150,000" -> 1, "140,056" -> 1, "13,9/6" -> 1, "13,240,830" -> 1, "100,14" -> 1, "100,000,000" -> 1, "10,000" -> 1, "1,000" -> 1, "10" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=76197", "Date" -> DateObject[{1900, 7, 12}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "WilliamMcKinley::kh5c8"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Canton", "Ohio", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "The message which you bring to me is one of signal honor. It is also a summons to duty. A single nomination for the office of President by a great party which in 32 years out of 40 has been triumphant at national elections is a distinction which I gratefully cherish. To receive unanimous renomination by the same party is an expression of regard and a pledge of continued confidence for which it is difficult to make adequate acknowledgment.\nIf anything exceeds the honor of the office of President of the United States it is the responsibility which attaches to it. Having been invested with both, I do not underappraise either. Any one who has borne the anxieties and burdens of the Presidential office, especially in time of National trial, cannot contemplate assuming it a second time without profoundly realizing the severe exactions and the solemn obligations which it imposes, and this feeling is accentuated by the momentous problems which now press for settlement. If my Countrymen shall confirm the action of the convention at our National election in November I shall, craving Divine guidance, undertake the exalted trust, to administer it for the interest and honor of the country and the well-being of the new peoples who have become the objects of our care. The declaration of principles adopted by the convention has my hearty approval. At some future date I will consider its subjects in detail and will by letter communicate to your Chairman a more formal acceptance of the nomination.\nOn a like occasion four years ago I said:\n\"The party that supplied by legislation the vast revenues for the conduct of our greatest war, that promptly restored the credit of the country at its close; that from its abundant revenues paid off a large share of the debt incurred by this war; and that resumed specie payments and placed our paper currency upon a sound and enduring basis, can be safely trusted to preserve both our credit and currency with honor, stability, and inviolability. The American people hold the financial honor of our Government as sacred as our flag, and can be relied upon to guard it with the same sleepless vigilance. They hold its preservation above party fealty and have often demonstrated that party ties avail nothing when the spotless credit of our country is threatened.\n\"The dollar paid to the farmer, the wage-earner, and the pensioner must continue forever equal in purchasing and debt paying power to the dollar paid to any Government creditor.\n\"Our industrial supremacy, our productive capacity, our business and commercial prosperity, our labor and its rewards, our National credit and currency, our proud financial honor, and our splendid free citizenship, the birthright of every American, are all involved in the pending campaign, and thus every home in the land is directly and intimately connected with their proper settlement.\nOur domestic trade must be won back and our idle working people employed in gainful occupations at American wages. Our home market must be restored to its proud rank of first in the world, and our foreign trade, so precipitately cut off by adverse National legislation, reopened on fair and equitable terms for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products.\nPublic confidence must be resumed and the skill, energy and capital of our country find ample employment at home. The Government of the United States must raise money enough to meet both its current expenses and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests of our people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources and maintaining that high standard of civilization which has distinguished our country for more than a century of its existence.\nThe National credit, which has thus far fortunately resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened. If sufficient revenues are provided for the support of the Government there will be no necessity for borrowing money and increasing the public debt.\"\nThree and one-half years of legislation and administration have been concluded since these words were spoken. Have those to whom was confided the direction of the Government kept their pledges? The record is made up. The people are not unfamiliar with what has been accomplished. The gold standard has been reaffirmed and strengthened. The endless chain has been broken, and the drain upon our gold reserve no longer frets us. The credit of the country has been advanced to the highest place among all nations. We are refunding our bonded debt-bearing 3 and 4 and 5 per cent., interest at 2 per cent., a lower rate than that of any other country, and already more than $300,000,000 have been funded, with a gain to the Government of many millions of dollars. Instead of 16 to 1, for which our opponents contended four years ago, legislation has been enacted which, while utilizing all forms of our money, secures one fixed value for every dollar, and that the best known to the civilized world.\nA tariff which protects American labor and industry and provides ample revenues has been written in public law. We have lower interest and higher wages; more money and fewer mortgages. The world's markets have been opened to American products, which go now where they have never gone before. We have passed from a bond-issuing to a bond-paying Nation; from a Nation of borrowers to a Nation of lenders; from a deficiency in revenue to a surplus; from fear to confidence; from enforced idleness to profitable employment. The public faith has been upheld; public order has been maintained. We have prosperity at home and prestige abroad.\nUnfortunately the threat of 1896 has just been renewed by the allied parties without abatement or modification. The Gold bill has been denounced and its repeal demanded. The menace of 16 to 1, therefore, still hangs over us with all its dire consequences to credit and confidence, to business and industry. The enemies of sound currency are rallying their scattered forces. The people must once more unite and overcome the advocates of repudiation, and must not relax their energy until the battle for public honor and honest money shall again triumph.\nA Congress which will sustain and, if need be, strengthen the present law, can prevent a financial catastrophe which every lover of the Republic is interested to avert.\nNot satisfied with assaulting the currency and credit of the Government, our political adversaries condemn the tariff enacted at the extra session of Congress in 1897, known as the Dingley act, passed in obedience to the will of the people expressed at the election in the preceding November, a law which at once stimulated our industries, opened the factories and mines, and gave to the laborer and to the farmers fair returns for their toil and investment. Shall we go back to a tariff which brings deficiency in our revenues and destruction to our industrial enterprises?\nFaithful to its pledges in these internal affairs, how has the Government discharged its international duties?\nOur platform of 1896 declared \"the Hawaiian Islands should be controlled by the United States, and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere with them.\" This purpose has been fully accomplished by annexation, and delegates from those beautiful islands have participated in the declaration for which you speak today. In the great conference of nations at The Hague, we reaffirmed before the world the Monroe doctrine and our adherence to it and our determination not to participate in the complications of Europe. We have happily ended the European alliance in Samoa, securing to ourselves one of the most valuable harbors in the Pacific Ocean, while the open door in China gives to us fair and equal competition in the vast trade of the Orient.\nSome things have happened which were not promised, nor even foreseen, and our purposes in relation to them must not be left in doubt. A just war has been waged for humanity, and with it have come new problems and responsibilities. Spain has been ejected from the Western Hemisphere and our flag floats over her former territory. Cuba has been liberated and our guarantees to her people will be sacredly executed. A beneficent government has been provided for Porto Rico. The Philippines are ours and American authority must be supreme throughout the archipelago. There will be amnesty broad and liberal but no abatement of our rights, no abandonment of our duty. There must be no scuttle policy. We will fulfill in the Philippines the obligations imposed by the triumphs of our arms and by the treaty of peace; by international law, by the Nation's sense of honor, and, more than all, by the rights, interests, and conditions of the Philippine people themselves.\nNo outside interference blocks the way to peace and a stable government. The obstructionists are here, not elsewhere. They may postpone, but they cannot defeat the realization of the high purpose of this Nation to restore order to the islands and to establish a just and generous Government, in which the inhabitants shall have the largest participation for which they are capable.\nThe organized forces which have been misled into rebellion have been dispersed by our faithful soldiers and sailors and the people of the islands, delivered from anarchy, pillage and oppression, recognize American sovereignty as the symbol and pledge of peace, justice, law, religious freedom, education, the security of life and property and the welfare and prosperity of their several communities.\nWe reassert the early principle of the Republican Party, sustained by unbroken judicial precedents, that the Representatives of the people in Congress assembled have full legislative power over territory belonging to the United States, subject to the fundamental safeguards of liberty, justice, and personal rights, and are vested with ample authority to act \"for the highest interests of our Nation and the people intrusted to its care.\" This doctrine, first proclaimed in the cause of freedom, will never be used as a weapon for oppression. I am glad to be assured by you that what we have done in the Far East has the approval of the country.\nThe sudden and terrible crisis in China calls for the gravest consideration, and you will not expect from me now any further expression than to say that my best efforts shall be given to the Immediate purpose of protecting the lives of our citizens who are in peril, with the ultimate object of the peace and welfare of China, the safeguarding of all our treaty rights, and the maintenance of those principles of impartial intercourse to which the civilized world is pledged.\nI cannot conclude without congratulating my countrymen upon the strong National sentiment which finds expression in every part of our common country and the increased respect with which the American name is greeted throughout the world. We have been moving in untried paths, but our steps have been guided by honor and duty. There will be no turning aside, no wavering, no retreat. No blow has been struck except for liberty and humanity, and none will be. We will perform without fear every National and international obligation.\nThe Republican Party was dedicated to freedom forty-four years ago. It has been the party of liberty and emancipation from that hour; not of profession, but of performance. It broke the shackles of 4,000,000 slaves and made them free, and to the party of Lincoln has come another supreme opportunity, which it has bravely met in the liberation of 10,000,000 of the human family from the yoke of imperialism.\nIn its solution of great problems, in its performance of high duties, it has had the support of members of all parties in the past and confidently invokes their cooperation in the future.\nPermit me to express, Mr. Chairman, my most sincere appreciation of the complimentary terms in which you convey the official notice of my nomination and my thanks to the members of the committee and to the great constituency which they represent, for this additional evidence of their favor and support.", "Words" -> 2008, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 142, "and" -> 103, "of" -> 94, "to" -> 59, "our" -> 42, "in" -> 38, "which" -> 28, "has" -> 27, "been" -> 26, "The" -> 24, "a" -> 24, "for" -> 22, "be" -> 21, "have" -> 20, "by" -> 20, "its" -> 15, "with" -> 14, "will" -> 14, 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"advocates" -> 1, "adverse" -> 1, "adversaries" -> 1, "advanced" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "administer" -> 1, "adherence" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "additional" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "acknowledgment" -> 1, "acceptance" -> 1, "accentuated" -> 1, "abundant" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "above" -> 1, "abandonment" -> 1, "5" -> 1, "4,000,000" -> 1, "40" -> 1, "4" -> 1, "32" -> 1, "3" -> 1, "2" -> 1, "1897" -> 1, "10,000,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=76222", "Date" -> DateObject[{1908, 7, 28}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "WilliamHowardTaft::qmt52"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Cincinnati", "Ohio", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I am deeply sensible of the honor which the Republican National Convention has conferred on me in the nomination which you formally tender. I accept it with full appreciation of the responsibility it imposes.\nGentlemen, the strength of the Republican cause in the campaign at hand is in the fact that we represent the policies essential to the reform of known abuses, to the continuance of liberty and true prosperity, and that we are determined, as our platform unequivocally declares, to maintain them and carry them on. For more than ten years this country passed through an epoch of material development far beyond any that ever occurred in the world before. In its course, certain evils crept in. Some prominent and influential members of the community, spurred by financial success and in their hurry for greater wealth, became unmindful of the common rules of business honesty and fidelity and of the limitations imposed by law upon their action. This became known. The revelations of the breaches of trust, the disclosures as to rebates and discriminations by railways, the accumulating evidence of the violation of the anti-trust law by a number of corporations, the overissue of stocks and bonds on interstate railways for the unlawful enriching of directors and for the purpose of concentrating control of railways in one management, all quickened the conscience of the people, and brought on a moral awakening among them that boded well for the future of the country.\nThe man who formulated the expression of the popular conscience and who led the movement for practical reform was Theodore Roosevelt. He laid down the doctrine that the rich violator of the law should be as amenable to restraint and punishment as the offender without wealth and without influence, and he proceeded by recommending legislation and directing executive action to make that principle good in actual performance. He secured the passage of the so-called rate bill, designed more effectively to restrain excessive and fix reasonable rates, and to punish secret rebates and discriminations which had been general in the practice of the railroads, and which had done much to enable unlawful trusts to drive out of the business their competitors. It secured much closer supervision of railway transactions and brought within the operation of the same statute express companies, sleeping car companies, fast freight and refrigerator lines, terminal railroads and pipelines, and in order to avoid undue discrimination, forbade in future the combination of the transportation and shipping business under one control.\nPresident Roosevelt directed suits to be brought and prosecutions to be instituted under the anti-trust law, to enforce its provisions against the most powerful of the industrial corporations. He pressed to passage the pure food law and the meat inspection law in the interest of the health of the public, clean business methods and great ultimate benefit to the trades themselves. He recommended the passage of a law, which the Republican Convention has since specifically approved, restricting the future issue of stocks and bonds by interstate railways to such as may be authorized by Federal authority. He demonstrated to the people by what he said, by what he recommended to Congress, and by what he did, the sincerity of his efforts to command respect for the law, to secure equality of all before the law, and to save the country from dangers of a plutocratic government, toward which we were fast tending. In this work Mr. Roosevelt has had the support and sympathy of the Republican party, and its chief hope of success in the present controversy must rest on the confidence which the people of the country have in the sincerity of the party's declaration in its platform, that it intends to continue his policies.\nMr. Roosevelt has set high the standard of business morality and obedience to law. The railroad rate bill was more useful possibly in the immediate moral effect of its passage than even in the legal effect of its very useful provisions. From its enactment dates the voluntary abandonment of the practice of rebates and discriminations by the railroads and the return by their managers to obedience to law in the fixing of tariffs. The pure food and meat inspection laws and the prosecutions directed by the President under the anti-trust law have had a similar moral effect in the general business community and have made it now the common practice for the great industrial corporations to consult the law with a view to keeping within its provisions. It has also had the effect of protecting and encouraging smaller competitive companies so that they have been enabled to do a profitable business.\nBut we should be blind to the ordinary working of human nature if we did not recognize that the moral standards set by President Roosevelt will not continue to be observed by those whom cupidity and a desire for financial power may tempt, unless the requisite machinery is introduced into the law which shall in its practical operation maintain these standards and secure the country against a departure from them.\nThe chief function of the next Administration, in my judgment, is distinct from, and a progressive development of, that which has been performed by President Roosevelt. The chief function of the next Administration is to complete and perfect the machinery by which these standards may be maintained, by which the lawbreakers may be promptly restrained and punished, but which shall operate with sufficient accuracy and dispatch to interfere with legitimate business as little as possible. Such machinery is not now adequate. Under the present rate bill, and under all its amendments, the burden of the Interstate Commerce Commission in supervising and regulating the operation of the railroads of this country has grown so heavy that it is utterly impossible for that tribunal to hear and dispose of, in any reasonable time, the many complaints, queries and issues that are brought before it for decision. It ought to be relieved of its jurisdiction as an executive, directing body, and its functions should be limited to the quasi-judicial investigation of complaints made by individuals and made by a department of the Government charged with the executive business of supervising the operation of railways.\nThere should be a classification of that very small percentage of industrial corporations having power and opportunity to effect illegal restraints of trade and monopolies, and legislation either inducing or compelling them to subject themselves to registry and to proper publicity regulations and supervision of the Department of Commerce and Labor.\nThe field covered by the industrial combinations and by the railroads is so very extensive that the interests of the public and the interests of the businesses concerned cannot be properly subserved except by reorganization of bureaus in the Department of Commerce and Labor, Agriculture, and Justice, and a change in the jurisdiction of the Interstate Commerce Commission. It does not assist matters to prescribe new duties for the Interstate Commerce Commission which it is practically impossible for it to perform, or to denounce new offenses with drastic punishment, unless subordinate and ancillary legislation shall be passed making possible the quick enforcement in the great variety of cases which are constantly arising, of the principles laid down by Mr. Roosevelt, and with respect to which only typical instances of prosecution with the present machinery are possible. Such legislation should and would greatly promote legitimate business by enabling those anxious to obey the Federal statutes to know just what are the bounds of their lawful action. The practical constructive and difficult work, therefore, of those who follow Mr. Roosevelt is to devise the ways and means by which the high level of business integrity and obedience to law which he has established may be maintained and departures from it restrained without undue interference with legitimate business.\nIt is agreeable to note in this regard that the Republican platform expressly, and the Democratic platform impliedly, approve an amendment to the Interstate Commerce Law, by which interstate railroads may make useful traffic agreements if approved by the Commission. This has been strongly recommended by President Roosevelt and will make for the benefit of the business.\nSome of the suggestions of the Democratic platform relate really to this subordinate and ancillary machinery to which I have referred. Take for instance the so-called \" physical valuation of railways.\" It is clear that the sum of all rates or receipts of a railway, less proper expenses, should be limited to a fair profit upon the reasonable value of its property, and that if the sum exceeds this measure, it ought to be reduced. The difficulty in enforcing the principle is in ascertaining what is the reasonable value of the company's property, and in fixing what is a fair profit. It is clear that the physical value of a railroad and its plant is an element to be given weight in determining its full value; but as President Roosevelt in his Indianapolis speech and the Supreme Court have in effect pointed out, the value of a railroad as a going concern, including its good will, due to efficiency of service and many other circumstances, may be much greater than the value of its tangible property, and it is the former that measures the investment on which a fair profit must be allowed. Then, too, the question, \"What is a fair profit,\" is one involving not only the rate of interest usually earned on normally safe investments, but also a sufficient allowance to make up for the risk of loss both of capital and interest in the original outlay. These considerations will have justified the company in imposing charges high enough to secure a fair income on the enterprise as a whole. The securities at market prices will have passed into the hands of subsequent purchasers from the original investors. Such circumstances should properly affect the decision of the tribunal engaged in determining whether the totality of rates charged is reasonable or excessive. To ignore them might so seriously and unjustly impair settled values as to destroy all hope of restoring confidence and forever to end the inducement for investment in new railroad construction which, in returning prosperous times, is sure to be essential to our material progress. As Mr. Roosevelt has said in speaking of this very subject: \"\nThe effect of such valuation and supervision of securities can not be retroactive. Existing securities should be tested by laws in existence at the time of their issue. This Nation would no more injure securities which have become an important part of the National wealth than it would consider a proposition to repudiate the National debt.\"\nThe question of rates and the treatment of railways is one that has two sides. The shippers are certainly entitled to reasonable rates; but less is an injustice to the carriers. Good business for the railroads is essential to general prosperity. Injustice to them is not alone injustice to stockholders and capitalists, whose further investments may be necessary for the good of the whole country, but it directly affects and reduces the wages of railway employees, and indeed may deprive them of their places entirely.\nFrom what has been said, the proper conclusion would seem to be that in attempting to determine whether the entire schedule of rates of a railway is excessive, the physical valuation of the road is a relevant and important but not necessarily a controlling factor.\nI am confident that the fixing of rates on the principles suggested above would not materially impair the present market values of railroad securities in most cases, for I believe that the normal increase in the value of railroad properties, especially in their terminals, will more than make up for the possible overcapitalization in earlier years. In some cases, doubtless, it will be found that overcapitalization is made an excuse for excessive rates, and then they should be reduced; but the consensus of opinion seems to be that the railroad rates generally in this country are reasonably low. This is why, doubtless, the complaints filed with the Interstate Commerce Commission against excessive rates are so few as compared with those against unlawful discrimination in rates between shippers and between places. Of course, in the determination of the question whether discrimination is unlawful or not, the physical valuation of the whole road is of little weight.\nI have discussed this with some degree of detail, merely to point out that the valuation by the Interstate Commerce Commission of the tangible property of a railroad is proper and may from time to time be necessary in settling certain issues which may come before them, and that no evil or injustice can come from valuation in such cases, if it be understood that the result is to be used for a just purpose, and the right to a fair profit under all the circumstances of the investment is recognized. The Interstate Commerce Commission has nowВ» the power to ascertain the value of the physical railroad property, if necessary, in determining the reasonableness of rates. If the machinery for doing so is not adequate, as is probable, it should be made so.\nThe Republican platform recommends legislation forbidding the issue in the future of interstate railway stocks and bonds without Federal authority. It may occur in such cases that the full value of the railway, and, as an element thereof, the value of the tangible property of the railway, would be a relevant and important factor in assisting the proper authority to determine whether the stocks and bonds to be issued were to have proper security behind them, and in such case, therefore, there should be the right and machinery to make a valuation of the physical property.\nAnother suggestion in respect to subordinate and - ancillary machinery necessary to carry out Republican policies is that of the incorporation under National law or the licensing by National license or enforced registry of companies engaged in interstate trade. The fact is that nearly all corporations doing a commercial business are engaged in interstate commerce, and if they all were required to take out a Federal license or a Federal charter, the burden upon the interstate business of the country would become intolerable.\nIt is necessary, therefore, to devise some means for classifying and insuring Federal supervision of such corporations as have the power and temptation to effect restraints of interstate trades and monopolies. Such corporations constitute a very small percentage of all engaged in interstate business.\nWith such classification in view, Mr. Roosevelt recommended an amendment to the anti-trust law, known as the Hepburn Bill, which provided for voluntary classification, and created a strong motive therefore by granting immunity from prosecution for reasonable restraints of interstate trade to all corporations which would register and submit themselves to the publicity regulations of the Department of Commerce and Labor.\nThe Democratic platform suggests a requirement that corporations in interstate trade having control of 25 per cent, of the products in which they deal shall take out a Federal license. This classification would probably include a great many small corporations engaged in the manufacture of special articles, or commodities whose total value is so inconsiderable that they are not really within the purview or real evil of the anti-trust law.\nIt is not now necessary, however, to discuss the relative merit of such propositions, but it is enough merely to affirm the necessity for some method by which greater executive supervision can be given to the Federal Government over those businesses in which there is a temptation to violations of the anti-trust law.\nThe possible operation of the anti-trust law under existing rulings of the Supreme Court has given rise to suggestions for its necessary amendment to prevent its application to cases which it is believed were never in the contemplation of the framers of the statute. Take two instances: A merchant or manufacturer engaged in a legitimate business that covers certain states, wishes to sell his business and his good will, and so in the terms of the sale obligates himself to the purchaser not to go into the same business in those states. Such a restraint of trade has always been enforced at common law. Again, the employees of an interstate railway combine and enter upon a peaceable and lawful strike to secure better wages. At common law this was not a restraint of trade or commerce or a violation of the rights of the company or of the public. Neither case ought to be made a violation of the anti-trust law. My own impression is that the Supreme Court would hold that neither of these instances is within its inhibition, but, if they are to be so regarded, general legislation amending the law is necessary.\nThe suggestion of the Democratic platform that trusts be ended by forbidding corporations to hold more than 50 per cent, of the plant in any line of manufacture is made without regard to the possibility of enforcement or the real evil in trusts. A corporation controlling 45 or 50 per cent, of the products may by well-known methods frequently effect monopoly and stamp out competition in a part of the country as completely as if it controlled 60 or 70 per cent, thereof.\nThe proposal to compel every corporation to sell its commodities at the same price the country over, allowing for transportation, is utterly impracticable. If it can be shown that in order to drive out competition, a corporation owning a large part of the plant producing an article is selling in one part of the country, where it has competitors, at a low and unprofitable price, and in another part of the country, where it has none, at an exorbitant price, this is evidence that it is attempting an unlawful monopoly, and justifies conviction under the anti-trust law; but the proposal to supervise the business of corporations in such a way as to fix the price of commodities and compel the sale at such price is as absurd and socialistic a plank as was ever inserted in a Democratic political platform.\nThe chief difference between the Republican and the Democratic platforms is the difference which has heretofore been seen between the policies of Mr. Roosevelt and those which have been advocated by the Democratic candidate, Mr. Bryan. Mr. Roosevelt's policies have been progressive and regulative; Mr. Bryan's destructive. Mr. Roosevelt has favored regulation of the business in which evils have grown up so as to stamp out the evils and permit the business to continue. The tendency of Mr. Bryan's proposals has generally been destructive of the business with respect to which he is demanding reform. Mr. Roosevelt would compel the trusts to conduct their business in a lawful manner and secure the benefits of their operation and the maintenance of the prosperity of the country of which they are an important part; while Mr. Bryan would extirpate and destroy the entire business in order to stamp out the evils which they have practised.\nThe combination of capital in large plants to manufacture goods with the greatest economy is just as necessary as the assembling of the parts of a machine to the economical and more rapid manufacture of what in old times was made by hand. The Government should not interfere with one any more than the other, when such aggregations of capital are legitimate and are properly controlled, for they are then the natural results of modern enterprise and are beneficial to the public. In the proper operation of competition the public will soon share with the manufacturer the advantage in economy of operation and lower prices.\nWhen, however, such combinations are not based on any economic principle, but are made merely for the purpose of controlling the market, to maintain or raise prices, restrict output and drive out competitors, the public derives no benefit and we have a monopoly. There must be some use by the company of the comparatively great size of its capital and plant and extent of its output, either to coerce persons to buy of it rather than of some competitor or to coerce those who would compete with it to give up their business. There must usually, in other words, be shown an element of duress in the conduct of its business toward the customers in the trade and its competitors before mere aggregation of capital or plant becomes an unlawful monopoly. It is perfectly conceivable that in the interest of economy of production a great number of plants may be legitimately assembled under the ownership of one corporation. It is important, therefore, that such large aggregations of capital and combinations should be controlled so that the public may have the advantage of reasonable prices and that the avenues of enterprise may be kept open to the individual and the smaller corporation wishing to engage in business.\nIn a country like this, where, in good times, there is an enormous floating capital awaiting investment, the period before which effective competition, by construction of new plants, can be introduced into any business, is comparatively short, rarely exceeding a year, and is usually even less than that. Existence of actual plant is not, therefore, necessary to potential competition. Many enterprises have been organized on the theory that mere aggregation of all, or nearly all, existing plants in a line of manufacture, without regard to economy of production, destroys competition. They have, most of them, gone into bankruptcy. Competition in a profitable business will not be affected by the mere aggregation of many existing plants under one company, unless the company thereby effects great economy, the benefit of which it shares with the public, or takes some illegal method to avoid competition and to perpetuate a hold on the business.\nUnlawful trusts should be restrained with all the efficiency of injunctive process, and the persons engaged in maintaining them should be punished with all the severity of criminal prosecution, in order that the methods pursued in the operation of their business shall be brought within the law. To destroy them and to eliminate the wealth they represent from the producing capital of the country would entail enormous loss, and would throw out of employment myriads of workingmen and workingwomen. Such a result is wholly unnecessary to the accomplishment of the needed reform, and will inflict upon the innocent far greater punishment than upon the guilty.\nThe Democratic platform does not propose to destroy the plants of the trusts physically, but it proposes to do the same thing in a different way. The business of this country is largely dependent on a protective system of tariffs. The business done by many of the so-called \"trusts\" is protected with the other business of the country. The Democratic platform proposes to take off the tariff on all articles coming into competition with those produced by the so-called \"trusts,\" and to put them on the free list. If such a course would be utterly destructive of their business, as is intended, it would not only destroy the trusts, but all of their smaller competitors. The ruthless and impracticable character of the proposition grows plainer as its effects upon the whole community are realized.\nTo take the course suggested by the Democratic platform in these matters is to involve the entire community, innocent as it is, in the punishment of the guilty, while our policy is to stamp out the specific evil. This difference between the policies of the two great parties is of especial importance in view of the present condition of business. After ten years of the most remarkable material development and prosperity, there came a financial stringency, a panic and an industrial depression. This was brought about not only by the enormous expansion of business plants and business investments which could not be readily converted, but also by the waste of capital, in extravagance of living, in wars and other catastrophes. The free convertible capital was exhausted. In addition to this, the confidence of the lending public in Europe and in this country had been affected by the revelations of irregularity, breaches of trust, overissues of stock, violations of law, and lack of rigid State or National supervision in the management of our largest corporations. Investors withheld what loanable capital remained available. It became impossible for the soundest railroads and other enterprises to borrow money enough for new construction or reconstruction.\nGradually business is acquiring a healthier tone. Gradually all wealth which was hoarded is coming out to be used. Confidence in security of business investments is a plant of slow growth and is absolutely necessary in order that our factories may all open again, in order that our unemployed may become employed, and in order that we may again have the prosperity which blessed us for ten years. The identity of the interests of the capitalist, the farmer, the business man and the wage-earner in the security and profit of investments cannot be too greatly emphasized. I submit to those most interested to wage-earners, to farmers, and to business men, whether the introduction into power of the Democratic party, with Mr. Bryan at its head, and with the business destruction that it openly advocates as a remedy for present evils, will bring about the needed confidence for the restoration of prosperity.\nThe Republican doctrine of protection, as definitely announced by the Republican Convention of this year and by previous conventions, is that a tariff shall be imposed on all imported products, whether of the factory, farm or mine, sufficiently great to equal the difference between the cost of production abroad and at home, and that this difference should, of course, include the difference between the higher wages paid in this country and the wages paid abroad, and embrace a reasonable profit to the American producer. A system of protection thus adopted and put in force has led to the establishment of a rate of wages here that has greatly enhanced the standard of living of the laboring man. It is the policy of the Republican party permanently to continue that standard of living. In 1897 the Dingley Tariff Bill was passed, under which we have had, as already said, a period of enormous prosperity.\nThe consequent material development has greatly changed the conditions under which many articles described by the schedules of the tariff are now produced. The tariff in a number of schedules exceeds the difference between the cost of production of such articles abroad and at home, including a reasonable profit to the American producer. The excess over that difference serves no useful purpose, but offers a temptation to those who would monopolize the production and the sale of such articles in this country, to profit by the excessive rate. On the other hand, there are some few other schedules in which the tariff is not sufficiently high to give the measure of protection which they should receive upon Republican principles, and as to those the tariff should be raised. A revision of the tariff undertaken upon this principle, which is at the basis of our present business system, begun promptly upon the incoming of the new administration, and considered at a special session with the preliminary investigations already begun by the appropriate committees of the House and Senate, will make the disturbance of business incident to such a change as little as possible.\nThe Democratic party in its platform has not had the courage of its previous convictions on the subject of the tariff, denounced by it in 1904 as a system of the robbery of the many for the benefit of the few, but it does declare its intention to change the tariff with a view to reaching a revenue basis and thus to depart from, the protective system. The introduction into power of a party with this avowed purpose can not but halt the gradual recovery from our recent financial depression and produce business disaster compared with which our recent panic and depression will seem small indeed.\nAs the Republican platform says, the welfare of the farmer is vital to that of the whole country. One of the strongest hopes of returning prosperity is based on the business which his crops are to afford. He is vitally interested in the restraining of excessive and unduly discriminating railroad rates, in the enforcement of the pure food laws, in the promotion of scientific agriculture, and in increasing the comforts of country life, as by the extension of free rural delivery. The policies of the present Administration, which have most industriously promoted all these objects, can not fail to commend themselves to his approval; and it is difficult to see how with his intelligent appreciation of the threat to business prosperity involved in Democratic success at the polls he can do otherwise than give his full and hearty support to the continuation of the policies of the present Administration under Republican auspices.\nWe come now to the question of labor. One important phase of the policies of the present Administration has been an anxiety to secure for the wage-earner an equality of opportunity and such positive statutory protection as shall place him on a level in dealing with his employer. The Republican party has passed an employers liability act for interstate railroads, and has established an eight-hour law for government employees and on government construction. The essence of the reform effected by the former is the abolition of the fellow-servant rule, and the introduction of the comparative negligence theory by which an employee injured in the service of his employer does not lose all his right to recover because of slight negligence on his part. Then there is the act providing for compensation for injury to government employees, together with the various statutes requiring safety appliances upon interstate commerce railroads for the protection of their employees, and limiting the hours of their employment. These are all instances of the desire of the Republican party to do justice to the wage-earner. Doubtless a more comprehensive measure for compensation of government employees will be adopted in the future; the principle in such cases has been recognized, and in the necessarily somewhat slow course of legislation will be more fully embodied in definite statutes.\nThe interests of the employer and the employee never differ except when it comes to a division of the joint profit of labor and capital into dividends and wages. This must be a constant source of periodical discussion between the employer and the employee, as indeed are the other terms of the employment.\nTo give to employees their proper position in such a controversy, to enable them to maintain themselves against employers having great capital, they may well unite, because in union there is strength and without it each individual laborer and employee would be helpless. The promotion of industrial peace through the instrumentality of the trade agreement is often one of the results of such union when intelligently conducted.\nThere is a large body of laborers, however, skilled and unskilled, who are not organized into unions. Their rights before the law are exactly the same as those of the union men, and are to be protected with the same care and watchfulness.\nIn order to induce their employer into a compliance with their request for changed terms of employment, workmen have a right to strike in a body. They have a right to use such persuasion as they may, provided it does not reach the point of duress, to lead their reluctant co-laborers to join them in their union against their employer, and they have a right, if they choose, to accumulate funds to support those engaged in a strike, to delegate to officers the power to direct the action of the union, and to withdraw themselves and their associates from dealings with, or giving custom to, those with whom they are in controversy.\nWhat they have not the right to do is to injure their employer's property, to injure their employer's business by use of threats or methods of physical duress against those who would work for him, or deal with him, or by carrying on what is sometimes known as a secondary boycott against his customers or those with whom he deals in business. All those who sympathize with them may unite to aid them in their struggle, but they may not through the instrumentality of a threatened or actual boycott compel third persons against their will and having no interest in their controversy to come to their assistance. These principles have for a great many years been settled by the courts of this country.\nThreatened unlawful injuries to business, like those described above, can only be adequately remedied by an injunction to prevent them. The jurisdiction of a court of equity to enjoin in such cases arises from the character of the injury and the method of inflicting it and the fact that suit for damages offers no adequate remedy. The unlawful injury is not usually done by one single act, which might be adequately compensated for in damages by a suit at law, but it is the result of a constantly recurring series of acts, each of which in itself might not constitute a substantial injury or make a suit at law worth while, and all of which would require a multiplicity of suits at law. Injuries of this class have since the foundation of courts of equity been prevented by injunction.\nIt has been claimed that injunctions do not issue to protect anything but property rights, and that business is not a property right; but such a proposition is wholly inconsistent with all the decisions of the courts. The Supreme Court of the United States says that the injunction is a remedy to protect property or rights of a pecuniary nature, and we may well submit to the considerate judgment of all laymen whether the right of a man in his business is not as distinctly a right of a pecuniary nature as the right to his horse or his house or the stock of goods on his shelf; and the instances in which injunctions to protect business have been upheld by all courts are so many that it is futile further to discuss the proposition.\nIt is difficult to tell the meaning of the Democratic platform upon this subject. It says:\n\"Questions of judicial practice have arisen especially in connection with industrial disputes. We deem that the parties to all judicial proceedings should be treated with rigid impartiality, and that injunctions should not be issued in any cases in which injunctions would not issue if no industrial dispute were involved.\"\nThis declaration is disingenuous. It seems to have been loosely drawn with the especial purpose of rendering it susceptible to one interpretation by one set of men and to a diametrically opposite interpretation by another. It does not aver that injunctions should not issue in industrial disputes, but only that they should not issue merely because they are industrial disputes, and yet those responsible for the declaration must have known that no one has ever maintained that the fact that a dispute was industrial gave any basis for issuing an injunction in reference thereto.\nThe declaration seems to be drawn in its present vague and ambiguous shape in order to persuade some people that it is a declaration against the issuing of injunctions in any industrial dispute, while at the same time it may be possible to explain to the average plain citizen who objects to class distinction that no such intention exists at all. Our position is clear and unequivocal. We are anxious to prevent even an appearance of any injustice to labor in the issuance of injunctions, not in a spirit of favoritism to one set of our fellow citizens, but of justice to all of our fellow citizens. The reason for exercising or refusing to exercise the power of injunction must be found in the character of the unlawful injury and not in the character or class of the persons who inflict this injury.\nThe man who has a business which is being unlawfully injured is entitled to the remedies which the law has always given him, no matter who has inflicted the injuries. Otherwise, we shall have class legislation unjust in principle and likely to sap the foundations of a free government.\nI come now to the question of notice before issuing an injunction. It is a fundamental rule of general jurisprudence that no man shall be affected by a judicial proceeding without notice and hearing. This rule, however, has sometimes had an exception in the issuing of temporary restraining orders commanding a defendant in effect to maintain the status quo until a hearing. Such a process should issue only in rare cases where the threatened change of the status quo would inflict irreparable injury if time were taken to give notice and a summary hearing. The unlawful injury usual in industrial disputes, such as I have described, does not become formidable except after sufficient time in which to give the defendants notice and a hearing. I do not mean to say that there may not be cases even in industrial disputes where a restraining order might properly be issued without notice, but, generally, I think it is otherwise. In some State courts, and in fewer Federal courts, the practice of issuing a temporary restraining order without notice, merely to preserve the status quo on the theory that it will not hurt anybody, has been too common. Many of us recall that the practice has been pursued in other than industrial disputes, as, for instance, in corporate and stock controversies like those over the Erie Railroad, in which a stay order without notice was regarded as a step of great advantage to the one who secured it, and a corresponding disadvantage to the one against whom it was secured. Indeed, the chances of doing injustice on an ex parte application are much increased over those when a hearing is granted, and there may be circumstances under which it may affect the defendant to his detriment. In the case of a lawful strike, the sending of a formidable document restraining a number of defendants from doing a great many different things which the plaintiff avers they are threatening to do, often so discourages men always reluctant to go into a strike from continuing what is their lawful right. This has made the laboring man feel that an injustice is done in the issuing of a writ without notice. I conceive that in the treatment of this question it is the duty of the citizen and the legislator to view the subject from the standpoint of the man who believes himself to be unjustly treated, as well as from that of the community at large. I have suggested the remedy of returning in such cases to the original practice under the old statute of the United States and the rules in equity adopted by the Supreme Court, which did not permit the issuing of an injunction without notice. In this respect, the Republican Convention has adopted another remedy, that, without going so far, promises to be efficacious in securing proper consideration in such cases by courts, by formulating into a legislative act the best present practice.\nUnder this recommendation, a statute may be framed which shall define with considerable particularity, and emphasize the exceptional character of the cases in which restraining orders may issue without notice, and which shall also provide that when they are issued, they shall cease to be operative beyond a short period, during which time notice shall be served and a hearing had unless the defendant desires a postponement of the hearing. By this provision the injustice which has sometimes occurred by which a preliminary restraining order of widest application has been issued without notice, and the hearing of the motion for the injunction has been fixed weeks and months after its date, could not recur.\nThe number of instances in which restraining orders without notice in industrial disputes have issued by Federal courts is small, and it is urged that they do not therefore constitute an evil to be remedied by statutory amendment. The small number of cases complained of above shows the careful manner in which most Federal judges have exercised the jurisdiction, but the belief that such cases are numerous has been so widespread and has aroused such feeling of injustice that more definite specification in procedure to prevent recurrence of them is justified if it can be effected without injury to the administration of the law.\nWith respect to notice, the Democratic platform contains no recommendation. Its only intelligible declaration in regard to injunction suits is a reiteration of the plank in the platforms of 1896 and 1904 providing that in prosecutions for contempt in Federal courts, where the violation of the order constituting the contempt charged is indirect, i.e., outside of the presence of the court, there shall be a jury trial.\nThis provision in the platform of 1896 was regarded then as a most dangerous attack upon the power of the courts to enforce their orders and decrees, and it was one of the chief reasons for the defeat of the Democratic party in that contest, as it ought to have been. The extended operation of such provision to weaken the power of the courts in the enforcement of its lawful orders can hardly be overstated.\nUnder such a provision a recalcitrant witness who refuses to obey a subpoena may insist on a jury trial before the court can determine that he received the subpoena. A citizen summoned as a juror and refusing to obey the writ when brought into court must be tried by another jury to determine whether he got the summons. Such a provision applies not alone to injunctions, but to every order which the court issues against persons. A suit may be tried in the court of first instance and carried to the Court of Appeals, and thence to the Supreme Court, and a judgment and decree entered and an order issued, and then if the decree involves the defendant's doing anything or not doing anything, and he disobeys it, the plaintiff who has pursued his remedies in lawful course for years must, to secure his rights, undergo the uncertainties and the delays of a jury trial before he can enjoy that which is his right by the decision of the highest court of the land. I say without hesitation that such a change will greatly impair the indispensable power and authority of the courts. In securing to the public the benefits of the new statutes enacted in the present Administration, the ultimate instrumentality to be resorted to is the courts of the United States. If now their authority is to be weakened in a manner never known in the history of the jurisprudence of England or America, except in the constitution of Oklahoma, how can we expect that such statutes will have efficient enforcement? Those who advocate this intervention of a jury in such cases seem to suppose that this change in some way will inure only to the benefit of the poor workingman. As a matter of fact, the person who will secure chief advantage from it is the wealthy and unscrupulous defendant, able to employ astute and cunning counsel and anxious to avoid justice.\nI have been willing, in order to avoid a popular but unfounded impression that a judge, in punishing for contempt of his own order, may be affected by personal feeling, to approve a law which should enable the contemnor upon his application to have another judge sit to hear the charge of contempt, but this, with so many judges as there are available in the Federal court, would not constitute a delay in the enforcement of the process. The character and efficiency of the trial would be the same. It is the nature and the delay of a jury trial in such cases that those who would wish to defy the order of the court would rely upon as a reason for doing so.\nThe administration of justice lies at the foundation of government. The maintenance of authority of the courts is essential unless we are prepared to embrace anarchy. Never in the history of the country has there been such an insidious attack upon the judicial system as the proposal to interject a jury trial between all orders of the court made after full hearing and the enforcement of such orders.\nThe late panic disclosed a lack of elasticity in our financial system. This has been provisionally met by an act of the present Congress permitting the issue of additional emergency bank notes, and insuring their withdrawal when the emergency has passed, by a high rate of taxation. It is drawn in conformity with the present system of banknote currency but varies from it in certain respects by authorizing the use of commercial paper and bonds of good credit, as well as United States bonds, as security for its redemption. It is expressly but a temporary measure and contains a provision for the appointment of a currency commission to devise and recommend a new and reformed system of currency. This inadequacy of our present currency system, due to changed conditions and enormous expansion, is generally recognized. The Republican platform well states that we must have a more elastic and adaptable system to meet the requirements of agriculturists, manufacturers, merchants and business men generally, which must be automatic in operation, recognizing the fluctuation in interest rates,\" in which every dollar shall be as good as gold, and which shall prevent rather than aid financial stridency in bringing on a panic.\nIn addition to this, the Republican platform recommends the adoption of a postal - savings - bank system in which, of course, the Government would become responsible to the depositors for the payment of principal and interest. It is thought that the government guaranty will bring out of hoarding-places much money which may be turned into wealth-producing capital, and that it will be a great incentive for thrift in the many small places in the country having now no savings-bank facilities, which are reached by the Post Office Department. It will bring to every one, however remote from financial centers, a place of perfect safety for deposits, with interest return. The bill now pending in Congress, which of course the Republican Convention had in mind, provides for the investment of the money deposited in National banks in the very places in which it is gathered, or as near thereto as may be practicable. This is an answer to the criticism contained in the Democratic platform that under the system the money gathered in the country will be deposited in Wall Street banks. The system of postal savings banks has been tried in so many countries successfully that it cannot be regarded longer as a new and untried experiment.\nThe Democratic platform recommends a tax upon National banks and upon such State banks as may come in, in the nature of enforced insurance, to raise a guaranty fund to pay the depositors of any bank which fails. How State banks can be included in such a scheme under the Constitution is left in the twilight zone of State's rights and Federalism so frequently dimming the meaning and purpose of the promises of the platform. If they come in under such a system, they must necessarily be brought within the closest National control, and so they must really cease to be State banks and become National banks.\nThe proposition is to tax the honest and prudent banker to make up for the dishonesty and imprudence of others. No one can foresee the burden which under this system would be imposed upon the sound and conservative bankers of the country by this obligation to make good the losses caused by the reckless, speculative and dishonest men who would be enabled to secure deposits under such a system on the faith of the proposed insurance; as in its present shape the proposal would remove all safeguards against recklessness in banking, and the chief, and in the end probably the only benefit, would accrue to the speculator, who would be delighted to enter the banking business when it was certain that he could enjoy any profit that would accrue, while the risk would have to be assumed by his honest and hard-working fellow. In short, the proposal is wholly impracticable unless it is to be accompanied by a complete revolution in our banking system, with a supervision so close as practically to create a government bank. If the proposal were adopted exactly as the Democratic platform suggests, it would bring the whole banking system of the country down in ruin, and this proposal is itself an excellent illustration of the fitness for National control of a party which will commit itself to a scheme of this nature without the slightest sense of responsibility for the practical operation of the law proposed.\nThe Democratic party announces its adhesion to this plan, and only recommends the tried system of postal savings banks as an alternative if the new experimental panacea is not available. The Republican party prefers the postal savings bank as one tried, safe, and known to be effective, and as reaching many more people now without banking facilities than the new system proposed.\nA plan for guaranty of deposits by the voluntary act of the banks involved has been favorably reported to the House of Representatives. This is, of course, entirely different from the scheme in the Democratic platform, omitting, as it does, the feature of compulsory participation. This proposition will unquestionably receive the thoughtful consideration of the National Monetary Commission.\nThe Republican party has pursued consistently the policy originally adopted with respect to the dependencies which came to us as the result of the Spanish war.\nThe material prosperity of Porto Rico and the progress of its inhabitants toward better conditions in respect to comfort of living and education, should make every American proud that this nation has been an efficient instrument in bringing happiness to a million people.\nIn Cuba, the provisional government established in order to prevent a bloody revolution has so administered affairs and initiated the necessary laws as to make it possible to turn back the island to the lawfully elected officers of the Republic in February next.\nIn the Philippines the experiment of a national assembly has justified itself, both as an assistance in the government of the islands and as an education in the practice of self- government to the people of the islands. We have established a government with effective and honest executive departments, and a clean and fearless administration of justice; we have created and are maintaining a comprehensive school system which is educating the youth of the islands in English and in industrial branches; we have constructed great government public works, roads and harbors; we have induced the private construction of eight hundred miles of railroad; we have policed the islands so that their condition as to law and order is better now than it ever has been in their history. It is quite unlikely that the people, because of the dense ignorance of 90 per cent., will be ready for complete self-government and independence before two generations have passed, but the policy of increasing partial self-government step by step as the people shall show themselves fit for it should be continued.\nThe proposition of the Democratic platform is to turn over the islands as soon as a stable government is established. This has been established. The proposal then is in effect to turn them over at once. Such action will lead to ultimate chaos in the islands and the progress among the ignorant masses in education and better living will stop. We are engaged in the Philippines in a great missionary work that does our nation honor, and is certain to promote in a most effective way the influence of Christian civilization. It is cowardly to lay down the burden until our purpose is achieved.\nMany unfortunate circumstances beyond human control have delayed the coming of business prosperity to the islands. Much may be done in this regard by increasing the trade between the islands and the United States, under tariff laws permitting reciprocal free trade in the respective products of the two countries, with such limitations as to sugar and tobacco imported into the United States as will protect domestic interests. The admission of 350,000 tons of sugar from the Philippine Islands in a foreign importation of 1,600,000 tons, will have no effect whatever upon the domestic sugar interests of the United States, and yet such an importation from the Philippine Islands, not likely to be reached in ten years, will bring about the normal state of prosperity in these islands in reference to sugar culture.\nThe same thing is true of a similar limitation on the importation of tobacco. It is not well for the Philippines to develop the sugar industry to such a point that the business of the islands shall be absorbed in it, because it makes a society in which there are wealthy landowners, holding very large estates, with valuable and expensive plants, and a large population of unskilled labor. In such a community there is no farming or middle class tending to build up a conservative, self-respecting community, capable of self-government. There are many other products, notably that of Manila hemp, to which the energy of the islands can be, and is being, directed, the cultivation of which develops the class of small and intelligent farmers.\nOne misconception of fact with respect to our Philippine policy is that it is costing the people of the United States a vast annual sum. The expenses of the war in the Philippines from 1898 to 1902 involved the Government in an expenditure of less than $175,000,000. This was incident to war. The fact is that since the close of the war in 1902 and the restoration of order in the islands, the extra cost of the American troops of the regular army in the islands, together with that of maintaining about 4,000 Philippine scouts as a part of the regular army, does not exceed $6,000,000 annually. This is all the expense to which the United States has been put for five or six years last past. The expenses of the Civil Government in the islands since its establishment have been met entirely from the proceeds of taxes collected in the islands, with but one notably generous and commendable exception when the Congress of the United States appropriated $3,000,000 in 1902 to relieve the inhabitants of the islands from the dangers of famine and distress caused by the death from rinderpest of three- fourths of the cattle of the islands.\nBoth platforms declare, as they should, in favor of generous pensions for the veterans of the Civil and Spanish wars. I stop to note the presence here of a body of veterans of Ohio, and to express my thanks for the honor they do me in coming. I am lacking in one qualification of all Republican Presidents since Lincoln, that of having been exposed to danger and death on the field of battle in defense of our country. I hope that this lack will not make the veterans think I am any less deeply thrilled by the memory of their great comrades gone before — Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Harrison and McKinley — all sons of Ohio, who left records reflecting glory upon their State and Nation, or that my sympathies with the valor and courage and patriotism of those who faced death in the country's crises are any less earnest and sincere than they would be had I the right to wear a button of the Grand Army or of the veteran association of any of our country's wars.\nThe Republican platform refers to the amendments to the Constitution that were passed by the Republican party for the protection of the Negro. The Negro, in the forty years since he was freed from slavery, has made remarkable progress. He is becoming a more and more valuable member of the communities in which he lives. The education of the Negro is being expanded and improved in every way. The best men of both races, at the North as well as at the South, ought to rejoice to see growing up among the Southern people an influential element disposed to encourage the Negro in his hard struggle for industrial independence and assured political status. The Republican platform, adopted at Chicago, explicitly demands justice for all men without regard to race or color, and just as explicitly declares for the enforcement, and without reservation, in letter and spirit, of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the Constitution. It is needless to state that I stand with my party squarely on that plank in the platform, and believe that equal justice to all men, and the fair and impartial enforcement of these amendments is in keeping with the real American spirit of fair play.\nMr. McEanley and Mr. Roosevelt, and the Republican party, have constantly advocated a policy with respect to the Army and Navy that will keep this Republic ready at all times to defend her territory and her doctrines, and to assure her appropriate part in promoting permanent tranquility among the nations. I welcome from whatever motive the change in the Democratic attitude toward the maintenance and support of an adequate Navy, and hope that in the next platform the silence of the present platform, in respect to the Army, will be changed to an acquiescence in its maintenance to the point of efficiency in connection with the efficiently reorganized militia and the National volunteers, for the proper defense of the country in time of war, and the discharge of those duties in time of peace for which the Army, as at present constituted, has shown itself so admirably adapted in the Philippines, in San Francisco, in Cuba, and elsewhere. We are a world power and cannot help it, and, although at peace with all the world and secure in the consciousness that the American people do not desire and will not provoke a war with any other country, we must be prudent and not be lulled into a sense of security which would possibly expose us to national humiliation. Our best course, therefore, is to insist on a constant improvement in our navy and its maintenance at the highest point of efficiency.\nThe position which our country has won under Republican administrations before the world should inure to the benefit of every one, even the humblest of those entitled to look to the American flag for protection, without regard to race, creed or color, and whether he is a citizen of the United States or of any of our dependencies. In some countries with which we are on friendly terms, distinctions are made in respect to the treatment of our citizens traveling abroad and having passports of our Executive, based on considerations that are repugnant to the principles of our Government and civilization. The Republican party and administration will continue to make every proper endeavor to secure the abolition of such distinctions, which in our eyes are both needless and opprobrious.\nIn the matter of the limitation upon Asiatic immigration, referred to in the Democratic platform, it is sufficient to say that the present Republican Administration has shown itself able, by diplomatic negotiation, and without unnecessary friction with self-respecting governments to minimize the evils suggested, and a subsequent Republican Administration may be counted on to continue the same policy.\nThe conservation of National resources is a subject to which the present Administration has given especial attention. The necessity for a comprehensive and systematic improvement of our waterways, the preservation of our soil, and of our forests, the securing from private appropriation the power in the navigable streams, the retention of the undisposed-of coal lands of the Government from alienation, all will properly claim from the next Administration earnest attention and appropriate legislation.\nI have long been of the opinion that the various agencies of the National Government established for the preservation of the National health, scattered through several departments, should be rendered more efficient by uniting them in a bureau of the Government under a competent head, and that I understand to be, in effect, the recommendation of both parties.\nAnother plank of the Democratic platform refers to the failure of the Republican Convention to express an opinion in favor of the publicity of contributions received and expenditures made in elections. Here again we contrast our opponents' promises with our own acts. Great improvement has taken place under Republican auspices in respect to the collection and expenditure of money for this purpose. The old and pernicious system of levying a tax on the salaries of Government employees in order to pay the expenses of the party in control of the Administration has been abolished by statute. By a law passed by the Republican Congress in 1907, contributions from corporations to influence or pay the expenses connected with the election of presidential electors or of members of Congress, is forbidden under penalty.\nA resident of New York has been selected as treasurer of the Republican National Committee, who was treasurer of the Republican State Committee when Governor Hughes was elected in New York, and who made a complete statement within twenty days after the election, as required by the New York law, of the contributions received by him and the expenditures made by him or under his authority in connection with that election. His residence and the discharge of his duties in the State of New York subject him to the law of that State as to all receipts of the treasury of the National Committee from whatever source, and as to all its disbursements. His returns will be under the obligations and penalties of the law, and a misstatement by him or the riling of a false account will subject him to prosecution for perjury and violation of the statute. Of course, under the Federal law, he is not permitted to receive any contributions from corporations.\nIf I am elected President, I shall urge upon Congress, with every hope of success, that a law be passed requiring the filing in a Federal office of a statement of the contributions received by committees and candidates in elections for members of Congress, and in such other elections as are constitutionally within the control of Congress. Meantime the Republican party by the selection of a New York treasurer has subjected all its receipts and expenditures to the compulsory obligation of such a law.\nThe Democratic platform demands two constitutional amendments, one providing for an income tax, and the other for the election of Senators by the people. In my judgment, an amendment to the Constitution for an income tax is not necessary. I believe that an income tax, when the protective system of customs and the internal revenue tax shall not furnish income enough for governmental needs, can and should be devised which under the decisions of the Supreme Court will conform to the Constitution.\nWith respect to the election of Senators by the people, personally I am inclined to favor it, but it is hardly a party question. A resolution in its favor has passed a Republican House of Representatives several times and has been rejected in a Republican Senate by the votes of Senators from both parties. It has been approved by the Legislatures of many Republican States. In a number of States, both Democratic and Republican, substantially such a system now prevails.\nOur opponents denounce the Republican party for increasing the number of offices 23,000, at a cost of sixteen millions of dollars, during the last year. Such denunciation is characteristic of the Democratic platform. It fails to specify in any way what the offices are, and leaves the inference that the increase was resisted by the representatives of Democracy in Congress. As a matter of fact, the net number of offices increased was just about half the number stated; the increase was due chiefly to the enlargement of the Navy, the construction of the Panama Canal, the extension of the Rural Free Delivery, and to the new offices necessary in the enforcement of the pure food, meat inspection, railroad rate regulation, arid land reclamation, forest preservation and other measures which Congress passed with almost unanimous popular approval. The Democratic platform so far from attacking any of this legislation specifically approves much, and condemns none of it, and it is of course disingenuous to claim credit for approving legislation and yet to denounce the expenditures necessary to give it effect.\nAgain, it charges that a deficit of sixty millions of dollars between the receipts and expenditures during the fiscal year ending June 30, 1908, occurred. As explained by the Secretary of the Treasury, at least half of this deficit is only an apparent one. The falling off in receipts was, of course, occasioned by the unusual panic, but there is ample free money in the Treasury to meet the difference, and the difference itself is not half of it properly a deficit, because involved in it was the retirement of some thirty-three millions of the bonds of the Government.\nDuring the past seven years the income and expenditures of the Government have been nearly equal, some years showing a surplus, and others, fewer in number, a deficit. Taking one year with another, including this year, there has been an average surplus. The surplus last year, for instance, was greater than the deficit this year, so that, in fact, under the present administration there has been no deficit, but a surplus, which is actually in the Treasury.\nThe Democratic platform nowhere points out the expenditures which might be reduced or avoided. It would be found generally that to the increases which have occurred, Democratic representatives in Congress made no opposition, but rather supported the measures providing them, and now the party has not the courage to indicate what part of Government cost it would end. It joins the Republican party specifically in approving the outlay of $150,000,000 as pensions. It expressly favors also the cost of greatly increased River and Harbor improvements, the cost of doubling the Navy, and of many other enterprises to which it urges the Government. Its attack, therefore, has nothing in it either of fairness or sincerity.\nThe truth is that it is known of all fair-minded men that there never has been an administration in the Government more efficiently conducted, more free from scandal, and in which the standard of official duty has been set higher than in the present Republican Administration, which the Democratic platform has thus denounced. It has had to meet the problems arising from the enormous expansion of Government functions under the new legislative measures as well as in the new dependencies, and in the greatest constructive work of modern times, the Panama Canal, and its members may well feel a just pride in the exceptional record for efficiency, economy, honesty and fidelity which it has made. We may rely upon our record in this regard in an appeal to the American people for their approval.\nThe foreign policy of this country under the present Administration has greatly contributed to the peace of the world. The important part the Administration took in bringing about an end of the Russian-Japanese War by a treaty honorable to both parties, and the prevention of wars in Central America and Cuba are striking instances of this. The arbitration treaties signed with all the important nations of the world mark a great step forward in the development of the usefulness of The Hague tribunal. The visit of Secretary Root to South America emphasized our friendship for our sister republics which are making such strides in the southern hemisphere, and met with a most cordial and gratifying response from our Latin-American colleagues. The assistance which we are rendering in Santo Domingo to enable that Government to meet its obligations and avoid anarchy is another instance of successful work of this Administration in helping our neighbors.\nThis Administration has by the promptness, skill and energy of its negotiations secured dominion in the Canal Zone of the Isthmus of Panama, without which the construction of the canal would have been impossible. It has subdued the heretofore insurmountable obstacle of disease and made the place of work healthy. It has created such an organization that in six years certainly, and probably in less, the Atlantic and Pacific will be united, to the everlasting benefit of the world's commerce, and the effectiveness of our Navy will be doubled.\nThe mere statement of the things actually done by this Administration at home, in our dependencies, and in foreign affairs shows a marvel of successful accomplishment, and if ever a party has entitled itself to the approval of its works by a renewed mandate of power from the people whom it served, it is the Republican party in the present campaign.\nThe only respect in which nothing has been done is in the development of our foreign marine. As long as we uphold the system of protection for our home industries we must recognize that it is ineffectual to assist those of our citizens engaged in the foreign shipping business, because there is no feasible means of excluding foreign competition, and that the only other method of building up such a business is by direct aid in the form of a mail subsidy. I am in favor of the bill considered in the last Congress as a tentative step. The establishment of direct steamship lines between our Atlantic ports and South America would certainly do much to develop a trade that might be made far greater. On the Pacific, the whole shipping trade threatens to pass into the control of Japan, Something ought to be done, and the bill which failed was a step in the right direction.\nThe Democratic party under its present leadership in previous campaigns has manifested a willingness to embrace any doctrine which would win votes, with little sense of responsibility for its practical operation. In its striving for success it has ignored the business prosperity of the country, has departed from sound economic and governmental principles, and has reversed its own traditional views of constitutional construction. Patriotic members of the party have refused to be controlled by party ties, and have either refrained from voting or have supported the Republican candidate. May we not appeal to these courageous and independent citizens again to give us their support in this campaign, because the reasons for their breaking the bonds of party are stronger to-day than ever before?\nI have now reviewed at great length the principles at issue between the two parties. When I began the preparation of this speech of acceptance I had hoped to make it much briefer than it is, but I found on an examination of the platform and on a consideration of the many measures passed during the present Administration and the issues arising out of them, that it was impossible to deal with the subjects comprehensively with proper explanation and qualification in a short discussion. This is my excuse.\nI have pointed out that the attitude of the Republican party with reference to evils which have crept in, due to the enormous material expansion of this country, is to continue the Roosevelt policies of progress and regulation, while the attitude of the Democratic party under its present leadership is the change for the sake of change to the point of irresponsible destruction, and that there is no hope whatever of a restoration of prosperity in returning it to power. As said in our platform, we Republicans go before the country asking the support, not only of those who have acted with us heretofore, but of all our fellow citizens who, regardless of past political differences, unite in the desire to maintain the policies, perpetuate the blessings and make secure the achievements of a greater America.", "Words" -> 12043, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 1028, "of" -> 694, "and" -> 401, "to" -> 400, "in" -> 346, "a" -> 260, "is" -> 180, "that" -> 140, "be" -> 125, "by" -> 113, "which" -> 112, "for" -> 102, "The" -> 98, "as" -> 96, "it" -> 91, "has" -> 87, "with" -> 76, "not" -> 69, "have" -> 65, "business" -> 64, "an" -> 58, "this" -> 55, "or" -> 55, "are" -> 54, "such" -> 53, "its" -> 52, "been" -> 48, "Republican" -> 47, "will" -> 45, "all" -> 45, "our" -> 44, "law" -> 44, "would" -> 43, "from" -> 43, "their" -> 40, "may" -> 40, "platform" -> 39, "on" -> 38, "but" -> 38, "It" -> 37, "country" -> 37, "under" -> 34, "I" -> 34, "Democratic" -> 34, "at" -> 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"Convention" -> 6, "class" -> 6, "citizens" -> 6, "character" -> 6, "certain" -> 6, "bill" -> 6, "become" -> 6, "act" -> 6, "about" -> 6, "York" -> 5, "whom" -> 5, "wealth" -> 5, "violation" -> 5, "view" -> 5, "union" -> 5, "tried" -> 5, "There" -> 5, "then" -> 5, "sugar" -> 5, "success" -> 5, "strike" -> 5, "statutes" -> 5, "set" -> 5, "security" -> 5, "securities" -> 5, "secured" -> 5, "said" -> 5, "remedy" -> 5, "reform" -> 5, "receipts" -> 5, "progress" -> 5, "products" -> 5, "production" -> 5, "price" -> 5, "practical" -> 5, "Philippines" -> 5, "persons" -> 5, "per" -> 5, "panic" -> 5, "next" -> 5, "New" -> 5, "Navy" -> 5, "merely" -> 5, "members" -> 5, "measures" -> 5, "manufacture" -> 5, "maintenance" -> 5, "living" -> 5, "legitimate" -> 5, "laws" -> 5, "involved" -> 5, "investments" -> 5, "investment" -> 5, "instance" -> 5, "impossible" -> 5, "however" -> 5, "high" -> 5, "given" -> 5, "general" -> 5, "future" -> 5, "full" -> 5, "favor" -> 5, "far" -> 5, "expenses" -> 5, "executive" -> 5, "evil" -> 5, "even" -> 5, "election" -> 5, "destroy" -> 5, "corporation" -> 5, "contributions" -> 5, "Constitution" -> 5, "competitors" -> 5, "company" -> 5, "common" -> 5, "circumstances" -> 5, "cent" -> 5, "bring" -> 5, "banking" -> 5, "bank" -> 5, "avoid" -> 5, "articles" -> 5, "America" -> 5, "amendment" -> 5, "also" -> 5, "action" -> 5, "whatever" -> 4, "wars" -> 4, "usually" -> 4, "useful" -> 4, "use" -> 4, "toward" -> 4, "To" -> 4, "through" -> 4, "terms" -> 4, "ten" -> 4, "take" -> 4, "surplus" -> 4, "suit" -> 4, "suggested" -> 4, "sufficient" -> 4, "stocks" -> 4, "status" -> 4, "standard" -> 4, "stamp" -> 4, "so-called" -> 4, "shown" -> 4, "short" -> 4, "savings" -> 4, "returning" -> 4, "result" -> 4, "regarded" -> 4, "recommends" -> 4, "recommended" -> 4, "received" -> 4, "pursued" -> 4, "pure" -> 4, "punishment" -> 4, "providing" -> 4, "protect" -> 4, "prosecution" -> 4, "prices" -> 4, "postal" -> 4, "plank" -> 4, "places" -> 4, "place" -> 4, "Philippine" -> 4, "peace" -> 4, "passage" -> 4, "own" -> 4, "offices" -> 4, "occurred" -> 4, "never" -> 4, "Negro" -> 4, "moral" -> 4, "monopoly" -> 4, "methods" -> 4, "method" -> 4, "mere" -> 4, "meet" -> 4, "measure" -> 4, "matter" -> 4, "little" -> 4, "last" -> 4, "labor" -> 4, "jurisdiction" -> 4, "judicial" -> 4, "judgment" -> 4, "issues" -> 4, "increasing" -> 4, "home" -> 4, "found" -> 4, "food" -> 4, "fellow" -> 4, "expansion" -> 4, "except" -> 4, "essential" -> 4, "entitled" -> 4, "enough" -> 4, "end" -> 4, "enable" -> 4, "employment" -> 4, "employee" -> 4, "element" -> 4, "either" -> 4, "effective" -> 4, "education" -> 4, "during" -> 4, "due" -> 4, "down" -> 4, "determine" -> 4, "desire" -> 4, "dependencies" -> 4, "Department" -> 4, "defendant" -> 4, "currency" -> 4, "controversy" -> 4, "controlled" -> 4, "contempt" -> 4, "constitute" -> 4, "confidence" -> 4, "complete" -> 4, "compel" -> 4, "companies" -> 4, "commerce" -> 4, "coming" -> 4, "classification" -> 4, "citizen" -> 4, "changed" -> 4, "cannot" -> 4, "burden" -> 4, "body" -> 4, "better" -> 4, "Army" -> 4, "approval" -> 4, "application" -> 4, "among" -> 4, "amendments" -> 4, "again" -> 4, "after" -> 4, "affected" -> 4, "advantage" -> 4, "adequate" -> 4, "abroad" -> 4, "yet" -> 3, "With" -> 3, "wholly" -> 3, "wage-earner" -> 3, "voluntary" -> 3, "veterans" -> 3, "utterly" -> 3, "unite" -> 3, "Under" -> 3, "ultimate" -> 3, "turn" -> 3, "tribunal" -> 3, "treatment" -> 3, "Treasury" -> 3, "treasurer" -> 3, "too" -> 3, "thus" -> 3, "These" -> 3, "theory" -> 3, "temptation" -> 3, "temporary" -> 3, "tangible" -> 3, "sum" -> 3, "suits" -> 3, "subordinate" -> 3, "submit" -> 3, "stock" -> 3, "states" -> 3, "statement" -> 3, "standards" -> 3, "spirit" -> 3, "specifically" -> 3, "South" -> 3, "sometimes" -> 3, "smaller" -> 3, "sincerity" -> 3, "shipping" -> 3, "sense" -> 3, "Senators" -> 3, "self-government" -> 3, "seems" -> 3, "seem" -> 3, "securing" -> 3, "scheme" -> 3, "schedules" -> 3, "says" -> 3, "say" -> 3, "sale" -> 3, "rule" -> 3, "restraints" -> 3, "restraint" -> 3, "restrained" -> 3, "restoration" -> 3, "responsibility" -> 3, "regulation" -> 3, "reference" -> 3, "reduced" -> 3, "recommendation" -> 3, "recognized" -> 3, "receive" -> 3, "rebates" -> 3, "really" -> 3, "real" -> 3, "rather" -> 3, "quo" -> 3, "put" -> 3, "publicity" -> 3, "provisions" -> 3, "protective" -> 3, "prosecutions" -> 3, "proposed" -> 3, "promises" -> 3, "process" -> 3, "probably" -> 3, "previous" -> 3, "preservation" -> 3, "position" -> 3, "popular" -> 3, "political" -> 3, "platforms" -> 3, "period" -> 3, "pay" -> 3, "past" -> 3, "Panama" -> 3, "Our" -> 3, "original" -> 3, "opinion" -> 3, "One" -> 3, "old" -> 3, "obey" -> 3, "obedience" -> 3, "necessarily" -> 3, "nearly" -> 3, "millions" -> 3, "met" -> 3, "meat" -> 3, "means" -> 3, "market" -> 3, "Many" -> 3, "manner" -> 3, "maintaining" -> 3, "maintained" -> 3, "like" -> 3, "license" -> 3, "lack" -> 3, "Labor" -> 3, "justified" -> 3, "introduction" -> 3, "instrumentality" -> 3, "inspection" -> 3, "injure" -> 3, "influence" -> 3, "inflict" -> 3, "indeed" -> 3, "increased" -> 3, "increase" -> 3, "including" -> 3, "improvement" -> 3, "impracticable" -> 3, "imposed" -> 3, "importation" -> 3, "impair" -> 3, "House" -> 3, "honor" -> 3, "honest" -> 3, "hold" -> 3, "history" -> 3, "heretofore" -> 3, "her" -> 3, "hand" -> 3, "half" -> 3, "guaranty" -> 3, "go" -> 3, "fixing" -> 3, "few" -> 3, "expressly" -> 3, "express" -> 3, "existing" -> 3, "establishment" -> 3, "especial" -> 3, "equity" -> 3, "equal" -> 3, "entirely" -> 3, "entire" -> 3, "enterprises" -> 3, "enterprise" -> 3, "enforced" -> 3, "embrace" -> 3, "elections" -> 3, "elected" -> 3, "efficient" -> 3, "duties" -> 3, "duress" -> 3, "drive" -> 3, "drawn" -> 3, "doctrine" -> 3, "dispute" -> 3, "discriminations" -> 3, "discrimination" -> 3, "directed" -> 3, "direct" -> 3, "difficult" -> 3, "different" -> 3, "did" -> 3, "devise" -> 3, "determining" -> 3, "destructive" -> 3, "described" -> 3, "depression" -> 3, "deposits" -> 3, "denounce" -> 3, "decision" -> 3, "death" -> 3, "deal" -> 3, "Cuba" -> 3, "created" -> 3, "courage" -> 3, "countries" -> 3, "could" -> 3, "controlling" -> 3, "constantly" -> 3, "consideration" -> 3, "connection" -> 3, "conditions" -> 3, "comprehensive" -> 3, "complaints" -> 3, "commodities" -> 3, "Committee" -> 3, "combinations" -> 3, "clear" -> 3, "charged" -> 3, "certainly" -> 3, "case" -> 3, "Canal" -> 3, "campaign" -> 3, "Bryan" -> 3, "bringing" -> 3, "beyond" -> 3, "best" -> 3, "believe" -> 3, "being" -> 3, "became" -> 3, "basis" -> 3, "based" -> 3, "available" -> 3, "attitude" -> 3, "attack" -> 3, "assistance" -> 3, "arising" -> 3, "approved" -> 3, "appropriate" -> 3, "anything" -> 3, "anxious" -> 3, "ancillary" -> 3, "always" -> 3, "aid" -> 3, "aggregation" -> 3, "actual" -> 3, "above" -> 3, "1902" -> 3, "writ" -> 2, "works" -> 2, "whose" -> 2, "When" -> 2, "What" -> 2, "weight" -> 2, "wealthy" -> 2, "votes" -> 2, "violations" -> 2, "various" -> 2, "values" -> 2, "valuable" -> 2, "used" -> 2, "until" -> 2, "unskilled" -> 2, "unnecessary" -> 2, "unjustly" -> 2, "undue" -> 2, "trust" -> 2, "true" -> 2, "treated" -> 2, "transportation" -> 2, "trades" -> 2, "tons" -> 2, "together" -> 2, "tobacco" -> 2, "threatened" -> 2, "think" -> 2, "things" -> 2, "thing" -> 2, "They" -> 2, "thereto" -> 2, "thereof" -> 2, "Then" -> 2, "tending" -> 2, "tariffs" -> 2, "taken" -> 2, "Take" -> 2, "supported" -> 2, "supervising" -> 2, "suggests" -> 2, "suggestions" -> 2, "suggestion" -> 2, "sufficiently" -> 2, "successful" -> 2, "subsequent" -> 2, "subpoena" -> 2, "struggle" -> 2, "strength" -> 2, "stop" -> 2, "statutory" -> 2, "state" -> 2, "speech" -> 2, "special" -> 2, "Spanish" -> 2, "source" -> 2, "sound" -> 2, "soon" -> 2, "Some" -> 2, "slow" -> 2, "six" -> 2, "similar" -> 2, "shows" -> 2, "shippers" -> 2, "shape" -> 2, "several" -> 2, "settled" -> 2, "service" -> 2, "served" -> 2, "Senate" -> 2, "sell" -> 2, "self-respecting" -> 2, "see" -> 2, "Secretary" -> 2, "safety" -> 2, "safe" -> 2, "rules" -> 2, "road" -> 2, "risk" -> 2, "rigid" -> 2, "revolution" -> 2, "revenue" -> 2, "revelations" -> 2, "return" -> 2, "results" -> 2, "responsible" -> 2, "requiring" -> 2, "required" -> 2, "Republic" -> 2, "Representatives" -> 2, "representatives" -> 2, "represent" -> 2, "rendering" -> 2, "remedies" -> 2, "remedied" -> 2, "remarkable" -> 2, "rely" -> 2, "reluctant" -> 2, "relevant" -> 2, "regulations" -> 2, "regular" -> 2, "registry" -> 2, "refusing" -> 2, "refers" -> 2, "referred" -> 2, "record" -> 2, "recognize" -> 2, "recent" -> 2, "reasons" -> 2, "reason" -> 2, "ready" -> 2, "reaching" -> 2, "reached" -> 2, "raise" -> 2, "race" -> 2, "qualification" -> 2, "punished" -> 2, "prudent" -> 2, "provided" -> 2, "protected" -> 2, "proposes" -> 2, "promptly" -> 2, "promotion" -> 2, "promote" -> 2, "progressive" -> 2, "profitable" -> 2, "producing" -> 2, "producer" -> 2, "produced" -> 2, "private" -> 2, "presence" -> 2, "preliminary" -> 2, "practically" -> 2, "possibly" -> 2, "pointed" -> 2, "plan" -> 2, "plaintiff" -> 2, "perpetuate" -> 2, "permitting" -> 2, "permit" -> 2, "perfect" -> 2, "percentage" -> 2, "pensions" -> 2, "pecuniary" -> 2, "paid" -> 2, "Pacific" -> 2, "overcapitalization" -> 2, "output" -> 2, "outlay" -> 2, "otherwise" -> 2, "others" -> 2, "organized" -> 2, "opportunity" -> 2, "opponents" -> 2, "open" -> 2, "On" -> 2, "Ohio" -> 2, "often" -> 2, "officers" -> 2, "offers" -> 2, "off" -> 2, "Of" -> 2, "obligations" -> 2, "obligation" -> 2, "objects" -> 2, "nothing" -> 2, "note" -> 2, "notably" -> 2, "normal" -> 2, "none" -> 2, "negligence" -> 2, "needless" -> 2, "needed" -> 2, "necessity" -> 2, "nations" -> 2, "national" -> 2, "Nation" -> 2, "nation" -> 2, "motive" -> 2, "monopolies" -> 2, "modern" -> 2, "meaning" -> 2, "me" -> 2, "matters" -> 2, "manufacturer" -> 2, "management" -> 2, "making" -> 2, "low" -> 2, "loss" -> 2, "long" -> 2, "lines" -> 2, "line" -> 2, "limited" -> 2, "limitations" -> 2, "limitation" -> 2, "likely" -> 2, "level" -> 2, "legislative" -> 2, "left" -> 2, "led" -> 2, "leadership" -> 2, "lead" -> 2, "land" -> 2, "laid" -> 2, "laboring" -> 2, "keeping" -> 2, "jurisprudence" -> 2, "judges" -> 2, "judge" -> 2, "Its" -> 2, "Islands" -> 2, "inure" -> 2, "introduced" -> 2, "interpretation" -> 2, "interfere" -> 2, "interested" -> 2, "intention" -> 2, "intelligent" -> 2, "insuring" -> 2, "insurance" -> 2, "insist" -> 2, "innocent" -> 2, "injuries" -> 2, "injured" -> 2, "inhabitants" -> 2, "influential" -> 2, "individual" -> 2, "independence" -> 2, "include" -> 2, "incident" -> 2, "impression" -> 2, "imported" -> 2, "illegal" -> 2, "human" -> 2, "how" -> 2, "honesty" -> 2, "His" -> 2, "himself" -> 2, "highest" -> 2, "higher" -> 2, "here" -> 2, "hear" -> 2, "health" -> 2, "head" -> 2, "hardly" -> 2, "guilty" -> 2, "grown" -> 2, "greatest" -> 2, "Gradually" -> 2, "governmental" -> 2, "goods" -> 2, "gone" -> 2, "going" -> 2, "generous" -> 2, "gathered" -> 2, "further" -> 2, "functions" -> 2, "function" -> 2, "From" -> 2, "frequently" -> 2, "foundation" -> 2, "formidable" -> 2, "former" -> 2, "forbidding" -> 2, "fix" -> 2, "field" -> 2, "fidelity" -> 2, "fewer" -> 2, "feeling" -> 2, "feel" -> 2, "fast" -> 2, "farmers" -> 2, "farmer" -> 2, "fails" -> 2, "factor" -> 2, "facilities" -> 2, "extension" -> 2, "explicitly" -> 2, "experiment" -> 2, "expenditure" -> 2, "excuse" -> 2, "exceptional" -> 2, "exception" -> 2, "exceeds" -> 2, "exactly" -> 2, "evidence" -> 2, "especially" -> 2, "equality" -> 2, "enter" -> 2, "enjoy" -> 2, "enforce" -> 2, "energy" -> 2, "enabled" -> 2, "employers" -> 2, "employer's" -> 2, "emphasized" -> 2, "emergency" -> 2, "efficiently" -> 2, "effects" -> 2, "effected" -> 2, "economic" -> 2, "earnest" -> 2, "each" -> 2, "duty" -> 2, "doubtless" -> 2, "domestic" -> 2, "dollars" -> 2, "distinctions" -> 2, "disingenuous" -> 2, "discussion" -> 2, "discuss" -> 2, "discharge" -> 2, "directing" -> 2, "develop" -> 2, "destruction" -> 2, "depositors" -> 2, "deposited" -> 2, "departments" -> 2, "denounced" -> 2, "demands" -> 2, "delay" -> 2, "definite" -> 2, "defense" -> 2, "defendants" -> 2, "deeply" -> 2, "decree" -> 2, "declares" -> 2, "declare" -> 2, "decisions" -> 2, "dangers" -> 2, "damages" -> 2, "customers" -> 2, "crept" -> 2, "credit" -> 2, "country's" -> 2, "contains" -> 2, "constructive" -> 2, "constitutional" -> 2, "constant" -> 2, "considered" -> 2, "considerations" -> 2, "conservative" -> 2, "conscience" -> 2, "conducted" -> 2, "conduct" -> 2, "condition" -> 2, "compulsory" -> 2, "compensation" -> 2, "compared" -> 2, "comparatively" -> 2, "committees" -> 2, "commercial" -> 2, "combination" -> 2, "color" -> 2, "coerce" -> 2, "close" -> 2, "clean" -> 2, "claim" -> 2, "civilization" -> 2, "Civil" -> 2, "charges" -> 2, "cease" -> 2, "caused" -> 2, "carry" -> 2, "candidate" -> 2, "came" -> 2, "By" -> 2, "businesses" -> 2, "Bryan's" -> 2, "breaches" -> 2, "boycott" -> 2, "Bill" -> 2, "benefits" -> 2, "begun" -> 2, "average" -> 2, "auspices" -> 2, "attention" -> 2, "attempting" -> 2, "Atlantic" -> 2, "assist" -> 2, "army" -> 2, "approving" -> 2, "approve" -> 2, "appreciation" -> 2, "appeal" -> 2, "Another" -> 2, "anarchy" -> 2, "already" -> 2, "alone" -> 2, "aggregations" -> 2, "Again" -> 2, "affect" -> 2, "affairs" -> 2, "advocated" -> 2, "adequately" -> 2, "addition" -> 2, "actually" -> 2, "acts" -> 2, "accrue" -> 2, "accomplishment" -> 2, "abolition" -> 2, "able" -> 2, "50" -> 2, "1904" -> 2, "1896" -> 2, "$6,000,000" -> 1, "$3,000,000" -> 1, "$175,000,000" -> 1, "$150,000,000" -> 1, "Zone" -> 1, "zone" -> 1, "youth" -> 1, "you" -> 1, "worth" -> 1, "world's" -> 1, "workmen" -> 1, "workingwomen" -> 1, "workingmen" -> 1, "workingman" -> 1, "working" -> 1, "words" -> 1, "won" -> 1, "witness" -> 1, "withheld" -> 1, "withdrawal" -> 1, "withdraw" -> 1, "wishing" -> 1, "wishes" -> 1, "wish" -> 1, "win" -> 1, "willingness" -> 1, "willing" -> 1, "widest" -> 1, "widespread" -> 1, "why" -> 1, "well-known" -> 1, "welfare" -> 1, "welcome" -> 1, "weeks" -> 1, "wear" -> 1, "wealth-producing" -> 1, "weakened" -> 1, "weaken" -> 1, "ways" -> 1, "waterways" -> 1, "watchfulness" -> 1, "waste" -> 1, "War" -> 1, "Wall" -> 1, "wage-earners" -> 1, "voting" -> 1, "volunteers" -> 1, "vitally" -> 1, "vital" -> 1, "visit" -> 1, "violator" -> 1, "views" -> 1, "veteran" -> 1, "vast" -> 1, "variety" -> 1, "varies" -> 1, "valor" -> 1, "vague" -> 1, "usual" -> 1, "usefulness" -> 1, "urges" -> 1, "urged" -> 1, "urge" -> 1, "uphold" -> 1, "upheld" -> 1, "unusual" -> 1, "untried" -> 1, "unscrupulous" -> 1, "unquestionably" -> 1, "unprofitable" -> 1, "unmindful" -> 1, "unlikely" -> 1, "unlawfully" -> 1, "Unlawful" -> 1, "unjust" -> 1, "uniting" -> 1, "united" -> 1, "unions" -> 1, "unfounded" -> 1, "unfortunate" -> 1, "unequivocally" -> 1, "unequivocal" -> 1, "unemployed" -> 1, "unduly" -> 1, "undisposed-of" -> 1, "undertaken" -> 1, "understood" -> 1, "understand" -> 1, "undergo" -> 1, "uncertainties" -> 1, "unanimous" -> 1, "typical" -> 1, "twilight" -> 1, "twenty" -> 1, "turned" -> 1, "truth" -> 1, "troops" -> 1, "treaty" -> 1, "treaties" -> 1, "treasury" -> 1, "traveling" -> 1, "transactions" -> 1, "tranquility" -> 1, "traffic" -> 1, "traditional" -> 1, "totality" -> 1, "total" -> 1, "took" -> 1, "tone" -> 1, "to-day" -> 1, "ties" -> 1, "throw" -> 1, "thrilled" -> 1, "thrift" -> 1, "three" -> 1, "threats" -> 1, "threatens" -> 1, "threatening" -> 1, "Threatened" -> 1, "threat" -> 1, "thoughtful" -> 1, "thought" -> 1, "Those" -> 1, "thirty-three" -> 1, "Thirteenth" -> 1, "third" -> 1, "thereby" -> 1, "Theodore" -> 1, "thence" -> 1, "Their" -> 1, "thanks" -> 1, "tested" -> 1, "territory" -> 1, "terminals" -> 1, "terminal" -> 1, "tentative" -> 1, "tender" -> 1, "tendency" -> 1, "tempt" -> 1, "tell" -> 1, "taxes" -> 1, "taxation" -> 1, "Tariff" -> 1, "Taking" -> 1, "takes" -> 1, "systematic" -> 1, "sympathy" -> 1, "sympathize" -> 1, "sympathies" -> 1, "susceptible" -> 1, "sure" -> 1, "suppose" -> 1, "supervise" -> 1, "summons" -> 1, "summoned" -> 1, "summary" -> 1, "successfully" -> 1, "substantially" -> 1, "substantial" -> 1, "subsidy" -> 1, "subserved" -> 1, "subjects" -> 1, "subjected" -> 1, "subdued" -> 1, "strongly" -> 1, "strongest" -> 1, "stronger" -> 1, "strong" -> 1, "striving" -> 1, "stringency" -> 1, "striking" -> 1, "strides" -> 1, "stridency" -> 1, "Street" -> 1, "streams" -> 1, "stockholders" -> 1, "steamship" -> 1, "stay" -> 1, "State's" -> 1, "stated" -> 1, "standpoint" -> 1, "stand" -> 1, "stable" -> 1, "squarely" -> 1, "spurred" -> 1, "speculator" -> 1, "speculative" -> 1, "specify" -> 1, "specification" -> 1, "specific" -> 1, "speaking" -> 1, "Southern" -> 1, "southern" -> 1, "soundest" -> 1, "sons" -> 1, "somewhat" -> 1, "Something" -> 1, "soil" -> 1, "society" -> 1, "socialistic" -> 1, "slightest" -> 1, "slight" -> 1, "sleeping" -> 1, "slavery" -> 1, "skilled" -> 1, "skill" -> 1, "size" -> 1, "sixty" -> 1, "sixteen" -> 1, "sit" -> 1, "sister" -> 1, "single" -> 1, "sincere" -> 1, "silence" -> 1, "signed" -> 1, "sides" -> 1, "showing" -> 1, "show" -> 1, "shelf" -> 1, "shares" -> 1, "share" -> 1, "severity" -> 1, "seven" -> 1, "settling" -> 1, "session" -> 1, "serves" -> 1, "seriously" -> 1, "series" -> 1, "sensible" -> 1, "sending" -> 1, "selling" -> 1, "self" -> 1, "selection" -> 1, "selected" -> 1, "seen" -> 1, "secret" -> 1, "secondary" -> 1, "scouts" -> 1, "scientific" -> 1, "school" -> 1, "schedule" -> 1, "scattered" -> 1, "scandal" -> 1, "savings-bank" -> 1, "save" -> 1, "sap" -> 1, "Santo" -> 1, "San" -> 1, "salaries" -> 1, "sake" -> 1, "safeguards" -> 1, "ruthless" -> 1, "Russian-Japanese" -> 1, "Rural" -> 1, "rural" -> 1, "rulings" -> 1, "ruin" -> 1, "Root" -> 1, "Roosevelt's" -> 1, "robbery" -> 1, "roads" -> 1, "River" -> 1, "rise" -> 1, "rinderpest" -> 1, "riling" -> 1, "Rico" -> 1, "rich" -> 1, "revision" -> 1, "reviewed" -> 1, "reversed" -> 1, "returns" -> 1, "retroactive" -> 1, "retirement" -> 1, "retention" -> 1, "restricting" -> 1, "restrict" -> 1, "restrain" -> 1, "restoring" -> 1, "rest" -> 1, "response" -> 1, "respects" -> 1, "respective" -> 1, "resources" -> 1, "resorted" -> 1, "resolution" -> 1, "resisted" -> 1, "resident" -> 1, "residence" -> 1, "reservation" -> 1, "requisite" -> 1, "requirements" -> 1, "requirement" -> 1, "require" -> 1, "request" -> 1, "repugnant" -> 1, "repudiate" -> 1, "republics" -> 1, "Republicans" -> 1, "reported" -> 1, "reorganized" -> 1, "reorganization" -> 1, "renewed" -> 1, "rendered" -> 1, "remove" -> 1, "remote" -> 1, "remained" -> 1, "relieved" -> 1, "relieve" -> 1, "relative" -> 1, "relate" -> 1, "rejoice" -> 1, "rejected" -> 1, "reiteration" -> 1, "regulative" -> 1, "regulating" -> 1, "register" -> 1, "regardless" -> 1, "refuses" -> 1, "refused" -> 1, "refrigerator" -> 1, "refrained" -> 1, "reformed" -> 1, "reflecting" -> 1, "reduces" -> 1, "redemption" -> 1, "recurring" -> 1, "recurrence" -> 1, "recur" -> 1, "recovery" -> 1, "recover" 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"acted" -> 1, "acquiring" -> 1, "acquiescence" -> 1, "achievements" -> 1, "achieved" -> 1, "accuracy" -> 1, "accumulating" -> 1, "accumulate" -> 1, "account" -> 1, "accompanied" -> 1, "acceptance" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abuses" -> 1, "absurd" -> 1, "absorbed" -> 1, "absolutely" -> 1, "abolished" -> 1, "abandonment" -> 1, "90" -> 1, "70" -> 1, "60" -> 1, "45" -> 1, "4,000" -> 1, "350,000" -> 1, "30" -> 1, "25" -> 1, "23,000" -> 1, "1908" -> 1, "1907" -> 1, "1898" -> 1, "1897" -> 1, "1,600,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=76198", "Date" -> DateObject[{1920, 6, 12}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "WarrenGHarding::6v4g6"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "The message which you have formally conveyed brings to me a realization of responsibility which is not underestimated. It is a supreme task to interpret the covenant of a great political party, the activities of which are so woven into the history of this Republic, and a very sacred and solemn undertaking to utter the faith and aspirations of the many millions who adhere to that party. The party platform has charted the way, yet, somehow, we have come to expect that interpretation which voices the faith of nominees who must assume specific tasks.\nLet me be understood clearly from the very beginning: I believe in party sponsorship in government. I believe in party government as distinguished from personal government, individual, dictatorial, autocratic or what not. In a citizenship of more than a hundred millions it is impossible to reach agreement upon all questions. Parties are formed by those who reach a consensus of opinion. It was the intent of the founding fathers to give to this Republic a dependable and enduring popular government, representative in form, and it was designed to make political parties, not only the preserving sponsors, but the effective agencies through which hopes and aspirations and convictions and conscience may be translated into public performance.\nPopular government has been an inspiration of liberty since the dawn of civilizations. Republics have risen and fallen, and a transition from party to personal government has preceded every failure since the world began. Under the Constitution we have the charted way to security and perpetuity. We know it gave to us the safe path to a developing eminence which no people in the world ever rivalled. It has guaranteed the rule of intelligent, deliberate public opinion expressed through parties. Under this plan, a masterful leadership becomingly may manifest its influence, but a people's will still remains the supreme authority.\nThe American achievement under the plan of the fathers is nowhere disputed. On the contrary, the American example has been the model of every republic which glorifies the progress of liberty, and is everywhere the leaven of representative democracy which has expanded human freedom. It has been wrought through party government.\nNo man is big enough to run this great Republic. There never has been one. Such domination was never intended. Tranquillity, stability, dependability—all are assured in party sponsorship. and we mean to renew the assurances which were rended in the cataclysmal war.\nIt was not surprising that we went far afield from safe and prescribed paths amid the war anxieties. There was the unfortunate tendency before; there was the surrender of Congress to the growing assumption of the executive before the world-war imperilled all the practices we had learned to believe in; and in the war emergency every safeguard was swept away. In the name of democracy we established autocracy. We are not complaining at this extraordinary bestowal or assumption in war, it seemed temporarily necessary; our alarm is over the failure to restore the constitutional methods when the war emergency ended.\nOur first committal is the restoration of representative popular government, under the Constitution, through the agency of the Republican Party. Our vision includes more than a Chief Executive; we believe in a Cabinet of highest capacity, equal to the responsibilities which our system contemplates, in whose councils the Vice President, second official of the Republic, shall be asked to participate. The same vision includes a cordial understanding and coordinated activities with a House of Congress, fresh from the people, voicing the convictions which members bring from direct contact with the electorate, and cordial co-operation along with the restored functions of the Senate, fit to be the greatest deliberative body of the world. Its members are the designated sentinels on the towers of constitutional Government. The resumption of the Senate's authority saved to this Republic its independent nationality, when autocracy misinterpreted the dream of a world experiment to be the vision of a world ideal.\nIt is not difficult, Chairman Lodge, to make ourselves clear on the question of international relationship. We Republicans of the Senate, conscious of our solemn oaths and mindful of our constitutional obligations, when we saw the structure of a world super-government taking visionary form, joined in a becoming warning of our devotion to this Republic. If the torch of constitutionalism had not been dimmed, the delayed peace of the world and the tragedy of disappointment and Europe's misunderstanding of America easily might have been avoided. The Republicans of the Senate halted the barter of independent American eminence and influence, which it was proposed to exchange for an obscure and unequal place in the merged government of the world. Our Party means to hold the heritage of American nationality unimpaired and unsurrendered.\nThe world will not misconstrue. We do not mean to hold aloof. We do not mean to shun a single responsibility of this Republic to world civilization. There is no hate in the American heart. We have no envy, no suspicion, no aversion for any people in the world. We hold to our rights, and mean to defend, aye, we mean to sustain the rights of this nation and our citizens alike, everywhere under the shining sun. Yet there is the concord of amity and sympathy and fraternity in every resolution. There is a genuine aspiration in every American breast for a tranquil friendship with all the world.\nMore we believe the unspeakable sorrows, the immeasurable sacrifices, the awakened convictions and the aspiring conscience of human kind must commit the nations of the earth to a new and better relationship. It need not be discussed now what motives plunged the world into war; it need not be inquired whether we asked the sons of this Republic to defend our national rights, as I believe we did, or to purge the old world of the accumulated ills of rivalry and greed, the sacrifices will be in vain if we cannot acclaim a new order, with added security to civilization and peace maintained.\nOne may readily sense the conscience of our America. I am sure I understand the purpose of the dominant group of the Senate. We were not seeking to defeat a world aspiration, we were resolved to safeguard America. We were resolved then, even as we are today, and will be tomorrow, to preserve this free and independent Republic. Let those now responsible, or seeking responsibility, propose the surrender, whether with interpretations, apologies or reluctant reservations— from which our rights are to be omitted—we welcome the referendum to the American people on the preservation of America, and the Republican Party pledges its defense of the preserved inheritance of national freedom.\nIn the call of the conscience of America is peace, peace that closes the gaping wound of world war, and silences the impassioned voices of international envy and distrust. Heeding this call and knowing as I do the disposition of Congress, I promise you formal and effective peace so quickly as a Republican Congress can pass its declaration for a Republican executive to sign. Then we may turn to our readjustment at home and proceed deliberately and reflectively to that hoped-for world relationship which shall satisfy both conscience and aspirations and still hold us free from menacing involvement.\nI can hear in the call of conscience an insistent voice for the largely reduced armaments throughout the world, with attending reduction of burdens upon peace-loving humanity. We wish to give of American influence and example; we must give of American leadership to that invaluable accomplishment.\nI can speak unreservedly of the American aspirations and the Republican committal for an association of nations, co-operating in sublime accord, to attain and preserve peace through justice rather than force, determined to add to security through international law, so clarified that no misconstruction can be possible without affronting world honor.\nThis Republic can never be unmindful of its power, and must never forget the force of its example. Possessor of might that admits no fear, America must stand foremost for the right. If the mistaken voice of America, spoken in unheeding haste, led Europe, in the hour of deepest anxiety, into a military alliance which menaces peace and threatens all freedom, instead of adding to their security, then we must speak the truth for America and express our hope for the fraternized conscience of nations.\nIt will avail nothing to discuss in detail the League Covenant, which was conceived for world super-government, negotiated in misunderstanding, and intolerantly urged and demanded by its administration sponsors, who resisted every effort to safeguard America, and who finally rejected it when such safeguards were inserted. If the supreme blunder has left European relationships inextricably interwoven in the League compact, our sympathy for Europe only magnifies our own good fortune in resisting involvement. It is better to be the free and disinterested agent of international justice and advancing civilization, with the covenant of conscience, than be shackled by a written compact which surrenders our freedom of action and gives a military alliance the right to proclaim America's duty to the world.\nNo surrender of rights to a world council or its military alliance, no assumed mandatory, however appealing, ever shall summon the sons of this Republic to war. Their supreme sacrifice shall only be asked for America and its call of honor. There is a sanctity in that right we will not delegate.\nWhen the compact was being written, I do not know whether Europe asked or ambition insistently bestowed. It was so good to rejoice in the world's confidence in our unselfishness that I can believe our evident disinterestedness inspired Europe's wish for our association, quite as much as the selfish thought of enlisting American power and resources. Ours is an outstanding, influential example to the world, whether we cloak it in spoken modesty or magnify it in exaltation. We want to help; we mean to help; but we hold to our own interpretation of the American conscience as the very soul of our nationality.\nDisposed as we are, the way is very simple. Let the failure attending assumption, obstinacy, impracticability and delay be recognized, and let us find the big, practical, unselfish way to do our part, neither covetous because of ambition nor hesitant through fear, but ready to serve ourselves, humanity and God. With a Senate advising as the Constitution contemplates, I would hopefully approach the nations of Europe and of the earth, proposing that understanding which makes us a willing participant in the consecration of nations to a new relationship, to commit the moral forces of the world, America included, to peace and international justice, still leaving America free, independent and self-reliant but offering friendship to all the world.\nIf men call for more specific details, I remind them that moral committals are broad and all-inclusive, and we are contemplating peoples in the concord of humanity's advancement. From our own viewpoint the program is specifically American, and we mean to be American first, to all the world.\nAppraising preserved nationality as the first essential to the continued progress of the Republic, there is linked with it the supreme necessity of the restoration—let us say the revealment—of the Constitution, and our reconstruction as an industrial nation. Here is the transcending task. It concerns our common weal at home and will decide our future eminence in the world. More than these, this Republic, under constitutional liberties, has given to mankind the most fortunate conditions for human activity and attainment the world has ever noted, and we are today the world's reserve force in the great contest for liberty through security, and maintained equality of opportunity and its righteous rewards.\nIt is folly to close our eyes to outstanding facts. Humanity is restive, much of the world is in revolution, the agents of discord and destruction have wrought their tragedy in pathetic Russia, have lighted their torches among other peoples, and hope to see America as a part of the great Red conflagration. Ours is the temple of liberty under the law, and it is ours to call the Sons of Opportunity to its defense. America must not only save herself, but ours must be the appealing voice to sober the world.\nMore than all else the present-day world needs understanding. There can be no peace save through composed differences, and the submission of the individual to the will and weal of the many. Any other plan means anarchy and its rule of force.\nIt must be understood that toil alone makes for accomplishment and advancement, and righteous possession is the reward of toil, and its incentive. There is no progress except in the stimulus of competition.\nWhen competition—natural, fair, impelling competition—is suppressed, whether by law, compact or conspiracy, we halt the march of progress, silence the voice of inspiration, and paralyze the will for achievement. These are but common sense truths of human development.\nThe chief trouble today is that the world war wrought the destruction of healthful competition, left our storehouses empty, and there is a minimum production when our need is maximum. Maximums, not minimums, is the call of America. It isn't a new story, because war never fails to leave depleted storehouses and always impairs the efficiency of production. War also establishes its higher standards for wages, and they abide. I wish the higher wage to abide, on one explicit condition—that the wage-earner will give full return for the wage received. It is the best assurance we can have for a reduced cost of living. Mark you, I am ready to acclaim the highest standard of pay, but I would be blind to the responsibilities that mark this fateful hour if I did not caution the wage-earners of America that mounting wages and decreased production can lead only to industrial and economic ruin.\nI want, somehow, to appeal to the sons and daughters of the Republic, to every producer, to join hand and brain in production, more production, honest production, patriotic production, because patriotic production is no less a defense of our best civilization than that of armed force. Profiteering is a crime of commission, underproduction is a crime of omission. We must work our most and best, else the destructive reaction will come. We must stabilize and strive for normalcy, else the inevitable reaction will bring its train of sufferings, disappointments and reversals. We want to forestall such reaction, we want to hold all advanced ground, and fortify it with general good-fortune.\nLet us return for a moment to the necessity for understanding, particularly that understanding which concerns ourselves at home. I decline to recognize any conflict of interest among the participants in industry. The destruction of one is the ruin of the other, the suspicion or rebellion of one unavoidably involves the other. In conflict is disaster, in understanding there is triumph. There is no issue relating to the foundation on which industry is builded, because industry is bigger than any element in its modern making. But the insistent call is for labor, management and capital to reach understanding.\nThe human element comes first, and I want the employers in industry to understand the aspirations, the convictions, the yearnings of the millions of American wage-earners, and I want the wage earners to understand the problems, the anxieties, the obligations of management and capital, and all of them must understand their relationship to the people and their obligation to the Republic. Out of this understanding will come the unanimous committal to economic justice, and in economic justice lies that social justice which is the highest essential to human happiness.\nI am speaking as one who has counted the contents of the pay envelope from the viewpoint of the earner as well as the employer. No one pretends to deny the inequalities which are manifest in modern industrial life. They are less, in fact, than they were before organization and grouping on either side revealed the inequalities, and conscience has wrought more justice than statutes have compelled, but the ferment of the world rivets our thoughts on the necessity of progressive solution, else our generation will suffer the experiment which means chaos for our day to re-establish God's plan for the great tomorrow.\nSpeaking our sympathies, uttering the conscience of all the people, mindful of our right to dwell amid the good fortunes of rational, conscience-impelled advancement, we hold the majesty of righteous government, with liberty under the law, to be our avoidance of chaos, and we call upon every citizen of the Republic to hold fast to that which made us what we are, and we will have orderly government safeguard the onward march to all we ought to be.\nThe menacing tendency of the present day is not chargeable wholly to the unsettled and fevered conditions caused by the war. The manifest weakness in popular government lies in the temptation to appeal to grouped citizenship for political advantage. There is no greater peril. The Constitution contemplates no class and recognizes no group. It broadly includes all the people, with specific recognition for none, and the highest consecration we can make today is a committal of the Republican Party to that saving constitutionalism which contemplates all America as one people, and holds just government free from influence on the one hand and unmoved by intimidation on the other.\nIt would be the blindness of folly to ignore the activities in our own country which are aimed to destroy our economic system, and to commit us to the colossal tragedy which has both destroyed all freedom and made Russia impotent. This movement is not to be halted in throttled liberties. We must not abridge the freedom of speech, the freedom of press, or the freedom of assembly, because there is no promise in repression. These liberties are as sacred as the freedom of religious belief, as inviolable as the rights of life and the pursuit of happiness. We do hold to the right to crush sedition, to stifle a menacing contempt for law, to stamp out a peril to the safety of the Republic or its people, when emergency calls, because security and the majesty of the law are the first essentials of liberty. He who threatens destruction of the Government by force or flaunts his contempt for lawful authority, ceases to be a loyal citizen and forfeits his rights to the freedom of the Republic.\nLet it be said to all of America that our plan of popular government contemplates such orderly changes as the crystallized intelligence of the majority of our people think best. There can be no modification of this underlying rule, but no majority shall abridge the rights of a minority. Men have a right to question our system in fullest freedom, but they must always remember that the rights of freedom impose the obligations which maintain it. Our policy is not of repression, but we make appeal today to American intelligence and patriotism, when the Republic is menaced from within, just as we trusted American patriotism when our rights were threatened from without.\nWe call on all America for steadiness, so that we may proceed deliberately to the readjustment which concerns all the people. Our party platform fairly expresses the conscience of Republicans on industrial relations. No party is indifferent to the welfare of the wage-earner. To us his good fortune is of deepest concern, and we seek to make that good fortune permanent. We do not oppose but approve collective bargaining, because that is an outstanding right, but we are unalterably insistent that its exercise must not destroy the equally sacred right of the individual, in his necessary pursuit of livelihood. Any American has the right to quit his employment, so has every American the right to seek employment. The group must not endanger the individual, and we must discourage groups preying upon one another, and none shall be allowed to forget that government's obligations are alike to all the people.\nI hope we may do more than merely discourage the losses and sufferings attending industrial conflict. The strike against the Government is properly denied, for Government service involves none of the elements of profit which relate to competitive enterprise. There is progress in the establishment of official revealment of issues and conditions which lead to conflict, so that unerring public sentiment may speed the adjustment, but I hope for that concord of purpose, not forced but inspired by the common weal, which will give a regulated public service the fullest guaranty of continuity.\nI am thinking of the railroads. In modern life they are the very base of all our activities and interchanges. For public protection we have enacted laws providing for a regulation of the charge for service, a limitation on the capital invested and a limitation on capital's earnings. There remains only competition of service, on which to base our hopes for an efficiency and expansion which meet our modern requirements. The railway workmen ought to be the best paid and know the best working conditions in the world. Theirs is an exceptional responsibility. They are not only essential to the life and health and all productive activities of the people, but they are directly responsible for the safety of traveling millions. The government which has assumed so much authority for the public good might well stamp railway employment with the sanctity of public service and guarantee to the railway employees that justice which voices the American conception of righteousness on the one hand, and assures continuity of service on the other.\nThe importance of the railway rehabilitation is so obvious that reference seems uncalled for. We are so confident that much of the present-day insufficiency and inefficiency of transportation are due to the withering hand of government operation that we emphasize anew our opposition to government ownership; we want to expedite the reparation, and make sure the mistake is not repeated.\nIt is little use to recite the story of development, exploitation, government experiment and its neglect, government operation and its failures. The inadequacy of trackage and terminal facilities, the insufficiency of equipment and the inefficiency of operation—all bear the blighting stamp of governmental incapacity during Federal operation. The work of rehabilitation under the restoration of private ownership deserves our best encouragement. Billions are needed in new equipment, not alone to meet the growing demand for service, but to restore the extraordinary depreciation due to the strained service of war. With restricted earnings, and with speculative profits removed, railway activities have come to the realm of conservative and constructive service, and the government which impaired must play its part in restoration. Manifestly the returns must be so gauged that necessary capital may so be enlisted, and we must foster as well as restrain.\nWe have no more pressing problem. A state of inadequate transportation facilities, mainly chargeable to the failure of governmental experiment, is losing millions to agriculture, it is hindering industry, it is menacing the American people with a fuel shortage little less than a peril. It emphasizes the present-day problem, and suggests that spirit of encouragement and assistance which commits all America to relieve such an emergency.\nThe one compensation amid attending anxieties is our new and needed realization of the vital part transportation plays in the complexities of modern life. We are not to think of rails alone, but highways from farm to market, from railway to farm, arteries of life-blood to present-day life, the quickened ways to communication and exchange, the answer of our people to the motor age. We believe in generous federal cooperation in construction, linked with assurances of maintenance that will put an end to criminal waste of public funds on the one hand and give a guaranty of upkept highways on the other.\nWater transportation is inseparably linked with adequacy of facilities, and we favor American eminence on the seas, the practical development of inland waterways, the upbuilding and co-ordination of all to make them equal to and ready for every call of developing and widening American commerce. I like that recommittal to thoughts of America first which pledges the Panama Canal, and American creation, to the free use of American shipping. It will add to the American reawakening.\nOne cannot speak of industry and commerce, and the transportation on which they are dependent, without an earnest thought of the abnormal cost of living and the problems in its wake. It is easy to inveigh, but that avails nothing. And it is far too serious to dismiss with flaming but futile promises.\nEight years ago, in times of peace, the Democratic Party made it an issue, and when clothed with power that party came near to its accomplishment by destroying the people's capacity to buy. But that was a cure worse than the ailment. It is easy to understand the real causes, after which the patient must help to effect his own cure.\nGross expansion of currency and credit have depreciated the dollar just as expansion and inflation have discredited the coins of the world. We inflated in haste, we must deflate in deliberation. We debased the dollar in reckless finance, we must restore in honesty. Deflation on the one hand and restoration of the 100-cent dollar on the other ought to have begun on the day after the armistice, but plans were lacking or courage failed. The unpreparedness for peace was little less costly than unpreparedness for war.\nWe can promise no one remedy which will cure an ill of such wide proportions, but we do pledge that earnest and consistent attack which the party platform covenants. We will attempt intelligent and courageous deflation, and strike at government borrowing which enlarges the evil, and we will attack high cost of government with every energy and facility which attend Republican capacity. We promise that relief which will attend the halting of waste and extravagance, and the renewal of the practice of public economy, not alone because it will relieve tax burdens, but because it will be an example to stimulate thrift and economy in private life.\nI have already alluded to the necessity for the fullness of production, and we need the fullness of service which attends the exchange of products. Let us speak the irrefutable truth—high wages and reduced cost of living are in utter contradiction unless we have the height of efficiency for wages received.\nIn all sincerity we promise the prevention of unreasonable profits, we challenge profiteering with all the moral force and the legal powers of government and people, but it is fair, aye, it is timely, to give reminder that law is not the sole corrective of our economic ills.\nLet us call to all the people for thrift and economy, for denial and sacrifice, if need be, for a nation-wide drive against extravagance and luxury, to a recommittal to simplicity of living, to that prudent and normal plan of life which is the health of the Republic. There hasn't been a recovery from the waste and abnormalities of war since the story of mankind was first written, except through work and saving, through industry and denial, while needless spending and heedless extravagance have marked every decay in the history of nations. Give the assurance of that rugged simplicity of American life which marked the first century of amazing development, and this generation may underwrite a second century of surpassing accomplishment.\nThe Republican Party was founded by farmers, with the sensitive conscience born of their freedom and their simple lives. These founders sprang from the farms of the then Middle West. Our party has never failed in its realization that agriculture is essentially the foundation of our very existence, and it has ever been our policy purpose and performance, to protect and promote that essential industry.\nNew conditions, which attend amazing growth and extraordinary industrial development, call for a new and forward-looking program. The American farmer had a hundred and twenty millions to feed in the home market, and heard the cry of the world for food and answered it, though he faced an appalling task, amid handicaps never encountered before.\nIn the rise of price levels there have come increased appraisal, to his acres without adding to their value in fact, but which do add to his taxes and expenses without enhancing his returns. His helpers have yielded to the lure of shop and city, until, almost alone, he has met and borne the burden of the only insistent attempts to force down prices. It challenges both the wisdom and the justice of artificial drives on prices to recall that they were effective almost solely against his products in the hands of the producer, and never effective against the same products in passing to the consumer. Contemplating the defenselessness of the individual farmer to meet the organized buyers of his products, and the distributors of the things the farmer buys I hold that farmers should not only be permitted but encouraged to join in co-operative association to reap the just measure of reward merited by their arduous toil. Let us facilitate cooperation to insure against the risks attending agriculture, which the urban world so little understands, and a like co-operation to market their products as directly as possible with the consumer, in the interests of all. Upon such association and co-operation should be laid only such restrictions as will prevent arbitrary control of our food supply and the fixing of extortionate price upon it.\nOur platform is an earnest pledge of renewed concern for this most essential and elemental industry, and in both appreciation and interest we pledge effective expression in law and practice. We will hail that co-operation which again will make profitable and desirable the ownership and operation of comparatively small farms intensively cultivated, and which will facilitate the caring for the products of farm and orchard without the lamentable waste under present conditions.\nAmerica would look with anxiety on the discouragement of farming activity, either through the Government's neglect or its paralysis by socialistic practices. A Republican administration will be committed to renewed regard for agriculture, and seek the participation of farmers in curing the ills justly complained of, and aim to place the American farm where it ought to be—highly ranked in American activities and fully sharing the highest good fortunes of American life.\nBecomingly associated with this subject are the policies of irrigation and reclamation, so essential to agricultural expansion, and the continued development of the great and wonderful West. It is our purpose to continue and enlarge Federal aid, not in sectional partiality, but for the good of all America. We hold to that harmony of relationship between conservation and development which fittingly appraises our natural resources and makes them available to developing America of today, and still holds to the conserving thought for the America of tomorrow.\nThe Federal Government's relation to reclamation and development is too important to admit of ample discussion today. Alaska, alone, is rich in resources beyond all imagination, and needs only closer linking, through the lines of transportation, and a government policy that both safeguards and encourages development, to speed it to a foremost position as a commonwealth, rugged in citizenship and rich in materialized resources.\nThese things I can only mention. Within becoming limits one cannot say more. Indeed, for the present, many questions of vast importance must be hastily passed, reserving a fuller discussion to suitable occasion as the campaign advances.\nI believe the budget system will effect a necessary, helpful reformation, and reveal business methods to government business.\nI believe Federal department should be made more business-like and send back to productive effort thousands of Federal employees, who are either duplicating work or not essential at all.\nI believe in the protective tariff policy and know we will be calling for its saving Americanism again.\nI believe in a great merchant marine—I would have this Republic the leading maritime nation of the world.\nI believe in a navy ample to protect it, and able to assure us dependable defense.\nI believe in a small army, but best in the world, with a mindfulness for preparedness which will avoid the unutterable cost of our previous neglect.\nI believe in our eminence in trade abroad, which the Government should aid in expanding, both in revealing markets and speeding cargoes.\nI believe in established standards for immigration, which are concerned with the future citizenship of the republic, not with mere manpower in industry.\nI believe that every man who dons the garb of American citizenship and walks in the light of American opportunity, must become American in heart and soul.\nI believe in holding fast to every forward step in unshackling child-labor and elevating conditions of woman's employment.\nI believe the Federal Government should stamp out lynching and remove that stain from the fair name of America.\nI believe the Federal Government should give its effective aid in solving the problem of ample and becoming housing of its citizenship.\nI believe this Government should make its Liberty and Victory bonds worth all that its patriotic citizens paid in purchasing them.\nI believe the tax burdens imposed for the war emergency must be revised to the needs of peace, and in the interest of equity in distribution of the burden.\nI believe the Negro citizens of America should be guaranteed the enjoyment of all their rights, that they have earned the full measure of citizenship bestowed, that their sacrifices in blood on the battlefields of the Republic have entitled them to all of freedom and opportunity, all of sympathy and aid that the American spirit of fairness and justice demands.\nI believe there is an easy and open path to righteous relationship with Mexico. It has seemed to me that our undeveloped, uncertain and infirm policy has made us a culpable party to the governmental misfortunes in that land. Our relations ought to be both friendly and sympathetic; we would like to acclaim a stable government there, and offer a neighborly hand in pointing the way to greater progress. It will be simple to have a plain and neighborly understanding, merely an understanding about respecting our borders, about protecting the lives and possessions of Americans citizens lawfully within the Mexican dominions. There must be that understanding, else there can be no recognition, and then the understanding must be faithfully kept.\nMany of these declarations deserve a fuller expression, with some suggestions of plans to emphasize the faith. Such expression will follow in due time, I promise you.\nI believe in law-enforcement. If elected I mean to be a constitutional President, and it is impossible to ignore the Constitution, unthinkable to evade the law, when our every committal is to orderly government. People ever will differ about the wisdom of the enactment of a law—there is divided opinion respecting the Eighteenth Amendment and the laws enacted to make it operative—but there can be no difference of opinion about honest law-enforcement.\nNeither government nor party can afford to cheat the American people. The laws of Congress must harmonize with the Constitution, else they soon are adjudged to be void; Congress enacts the laws, and the executive branch of the Government is charged with enforcement. We cannot nullify because of divided opinion, we cannot jeopardize orderly government with contempt for law-enforcement. Modification or repeal is the right of a free people whenever the deliberate and intelligent public sentiment commands, but perversion and evasion mark the paths to the failure of government itself.\nThough not in any partisan sense, I must speak of the services of the men and women who rallied to the colors of the Republic in the World War. America realizes and appreciates the services rendered, the sacrifices made and the sufferings endured. There shall be no distinction between those who knew the perils and glories of the battle-front or the dangers of the sea, and those who were compelled to serve behind the lines, or those who constituted the great reserve of a grand army which awaited the call in camps at home.\nAll were brave, all were sacrificing, all were sharers of those ideals which sent our boys thrice-armed to war. Worthy sons and daughters, these, fit successors to those who christened our banners in the immortal beginning, worthy sons of those who saved the Union and nationality when Civil War wiped the ambiguity from the Constitution, ready sons of those who drew the sword for humanity's sake the first time in the world, in 1898.\nThe four million defenders on land and sea were worthy of the best traditions of a people never warlike in peace and never pacifist in war. They commanded our pride, they have our gratitude, which must have genuine expression. It is not only a duty, it is a privilege, to see that the sacrifices made shall be requited, and that those still suffering from casualties and disabilities shall be abundantly aided, and restored to the highest capabilities of citizenship and its enjoyment.\nThe womanhood of America, always its glory, its inspiration, and the potent uplifting force in its social and spiritual development, is about to be enfranchised. Insofar as Congress can go, the fact is already accomplished. By party edict, by my recorded vote, by personal conviction, I am committed to this measure of justice. It is my earnest hope, my sincere desire that the one needed State vote be quickly recorded in the affirmation of the right of equal suffrage and that the vote of every citizen shall be cast and counted in the approaching election.\nLet us not share the apprehensions of many men and women as to the danger of this momentous extension of the franchise. Women have never been without influence in our political life. Enfranchisement will bring to the polls the votes of citizens who have been born upon our soil, or who have sought in faith and assurance the freedom and opportunities of our land. It will bring the women educated in our schools, trained in our customs and habits of thought, and sharers of our problems. It will bring the alert mind, the awakened conscience, the sure intuition, the abhorrence of tyranny or oppression, the wide and tender sympathy that distinguish the women of America. Surely there can be no danger there.\nAnd to the great number of noble women who have opposed in conviction this tremendous change in the ancient relation of the sexes as applied to government, I venture to plead that they will accept the full responsibility of enlarged citizenship, and give to the best in the Republic their suffrage and support.\nMuch has been said of late about world ideals, but I prefer to think of the ideal for America. I like to think there is something more than the patriotism and practical wisdom of the founding fathers. It is good to believe that maybe destiny held this New World Republic to be the supreme example of representative democracy and orderly liberty by which humanity is inspired to higher achievement. It is idle to think we have attained perfection, but there is the satisfying knowledge that we hold orderly processes for making our government reflect the heart and mind of the Republic. Ours is not only a fortunate people but a very common-sensical people, with vision high, but their feet on the earth, with belief in themselves and faith in God. Whether enemies threaten from without or menaces arise from within, there is some indefinable voice saying, \"Have confidence in the Republic! America will go on!\"\nHere is a temple of liberty no storms may shake, here are the altars of freedom no passions shall destroy. It was American in conception, American in its building, it shall be American in the fulfillment. Sectional once, we are all American now, and we mean to be all Americans to all the world.\nMr. Chairman, members of the committee, my countrymen all: I would not be my natural self if I did not utter my consciousness of my limited ability to meet your full expectations, or to realize the aspirations within my own breast, but I will gladly give all that is in me, all of heart, soul and mind and abiding love of country, to service in our common cause. I can only pray to the Omnipotent God that I may be as worthy in service as I know myself to be faithful in thought and purpose. One can not give more.\nMindful of the vast responsibilities, I must be frankly humble, but I have that confidence in the consideration and support of all true Americans which makes me wholly unafraid. With an unalterable faith and in a hopeful spirit, with a hymn of service in my heart, I pledge fidelity to our country and to God, and accept the nominations of the Republican Party for the Presidency of the United States.", "Words" -> 6805, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 534, "of" -> 348, "and" -> 280, "to" -> 257, "in" -> 140, "is" -> 96, "a" -> 91, "that" -> 73, "our" -> 73, "for" -> 66, "be" -> 64, "which" -> 63, "we" -> 63, "I" -> 62, "not" -> 43, "world" -> 42, "all" -> 42, "will" -> 41, "American" -> 40, "with" -> 36, "but" -> 36, "as" -> 36, "its" -> 35, "have" -> 35, "are" -> 35, "It" -> 33, "must" -> 32, "it" -> 32, "government" -> 32, "America" -> 32, "We" -> 30, "on" -> 29, "The" -> 28, "Republic" -> 27, "this" -> 26, "no" -> 26, "believe" -> 26, "or" -> 23, "has" -> 23, "people" -> 22, "from" -> 21, "can" -> 20, "an" -> 20, "who" -> 19, "war" -> 17, "was" -> 16, "there" -> 16, "party" -> 16, "one" -> 16, "freedom" -> 16, "every" -> 16, "us" -> 15, "There" -> 15, "than" -> 15, 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"Republican", "Location" -> Missing["NotAvailable"], "Text" -> "I HAVE your telegram advising me that the Republican Convention has renominated me as the party's candidate for President of the United States. I am deeply grateful for the highest honor that the party can confer. It marks your approval and your confidence. I shall labor as I have labored to meet the effects of the worldwide storm which has devastated us with trials and suffering unequalled in but few periods of our history. That storm still surrounds us. The measures which we have adopted and the policies which you have outlined will, with patience and courage, restore confidence and with it employment, agriculture and business. These policies and measures will hold our hard-won American system of ordered liberty and government. Our youth will continue to find that the doors of equal opportunity are open.\nBut beyond platforms and measures there lies that sacred realm of ideals of hopes and aspirations, those things of the spirit, which make the greatness and the soul of the Nation.\nThese are our objectives and with unceasing effort, with courage and faith in Almighty God, they will be attained.\nIf the American people shall again commit to me the high trust of this great office I pledge to them the full measure of my devotion to their service.\nHERBERT HOOVER\n[Honorable Bertrand H. Snell, Permanent Chairman, Republican National Convention, Chicago, Illinois]", "Words" -> 227, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 16, "and" -> 13, "of" -> 11, "with" -> 5, "to" -> 5, "I" -> 5, "will" -> 4, "which" -> 4, "that" -> 4, "your" -> 3, "our" -> 3, "measures" -> 3, "me" -> 3, "have" -> 3, "us" -> 2, "These" -> 2, "storm" -> 2, "shall" -> 2, "Republican" -> 2, "policies" -> 2, "in" -> 2, "has" -> 2, "for" -> 2, "courage" -> 2, "Convention" -> 2, "confidence" -> 2, "as" -> 2, "are" -> 2, "American" -> 2, "youth" -> 1, "you" -> 1, "worldwide" -> 1, "we" -> 1, "United" -> 1, "unequalled" -> 1, "unceasing" -> 1, "trust" -> 1, "trials" -> 1, "those" -> 1, "this" -> 1, "things" -> 1, "they" -> 1, "there" -> 1, "them" -> 1, "their" -> 1, "The" -> 1, "That" -> 1, "telegram" -> 1, "system" -> 1, "surrounds" -> 1, "suffering" -> 1, "still" -> 1, "States" -> 1, "spirit" -> 1, "soul" -> 1, "Snell" -> 1, "service" -> 1, "sacred" -> 1, "restore" -> 1, "renominated" -> 1, "realm" -> 1, "President" -> 1, "pledge" -> 1, "platforms" -> 1, "Permanent" -> 1, "periods" -> 1, "people" -> 1, "patience" -> 1, "party's" -> 1, "party" -> 1, "outlined" -> 1, "Our" -> 1, "ordered" -> 1, "opportunity" -> 1, "open" -> 1, "office" -> 1, "objectives" -> 1, "National" -> 1, "Nation" -> 1, "my" -> 1, "meet" -> 1, "measure" -> 1, "marks" -> 1, "make" -> 1, "lies" -> 1, "liberty" -> 1, "labored" -> 1, "labor" -> 1, "It" -> 1, "it" -> 1, "Illinois" -> 1, "If" -> 1, "ideals" -> 1, "hopes" -> 1, "HOOVER" -> 1, "Honorable" -> 1, "honor" -> 1, "hold" -> 1, "history" -> 1, "highest" -> 1, "high" -> 1, "HERBERT" -> 1, "HAVE" -> 1, "hard-won" -> 1, "H" -> 1, "greatness" -> 1, "great" -> 1, "grateful" -> 1, "government" -> 1, "God" -> 1, "full" -> 1, "find" -> 1, "few" -> 1, "faith" -> 1, "equal" -> 1, "employment" -> 1, "effort" -> 1, "effects" -> 1, "doors" -> 1, "devotion" -> 1, "devastated" -> 1, "deeply" -> 1, "continue" -> 1, "confer" -> 1, "commit" -> 1, "Chicago" -> 1, "Chairman" -> 1, "candidate" -> 1, "can" -> 1, "But" -> 1, "but" -> 1, "business" -> 1, "beyond" -> 1, "Bertrand" -> 1, "be" -> 1, "attained" -> 1, "aspirations" -> 1, "approval" -> 1, "am" -> 1, "Almighty" -> 1, "agriculture" -> 1, "again" -> 1, "advising" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=23198", "Date" -> DateObject[{1932, 8, 11}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "HerbertHoover::2h892"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Washington", "DistrictOfColumbia", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. Chairman and my fellow citizens:\nIn accepting the great honor that you have brought to me, I desire to speak so simply and so plainly that every man and woman in the United States who may hear or read my words cannot misunderstand.\nThe last 3 years have been a time of unparalleled economic calamity. They have been years of greater suffering and hardship than any which have come to the American people since the aftermath of the Civil War. As we look back over these troubled years we realize that we have passed through two different stages of dislocation and distress.\nBefore the storm broke we were steadily gaining in prosperity. Our wounds from the war were rapidly healing. Advances in science and invention had opened vast vistas of new progress. Being prosperous, we became optimistic--all of us. From optimism some of us went to overexpansion in anticipation of the future, and from overexpansion to reckless speculation. In the soil poisoned by speculation grew those ugly weeds of waste, exploitation, and abuse of financial power. In this overproduction and speculative mania we marched with the rest of the whole world. Then 3 years ago came retribution by the inevitable worldwide slump in the consumption of goods, in prices, and employment. At that juncture it was the normal penalty for a reckless boom such as we have witnessed a score of times in our national history. Through such depressions we have always passed safely after a relatively short period of losses, of hardship, and of adjustment. We have adopted policies in the Government which were fitting to the situation. Gradually the country began to right itself. Eighteen months ago there was a solid basis for hope that recovery was in sight.\nThen, there came to us a new calamity, a blow from abroad of such dangerous character as to strike at the very safety of the Republic. The countries of Europe proved unable to withstand the stress of the depression. The memories of the world had ignored the fact that the insidious diseases left by the Great War had not been cured. The skill and intelligence of millions in Europe had been blotted out by battle, by disease, and by starvation. Stupendous burdens of national debt had been built up. Poisoned springs of political instability lay in the treaties which closed the war. Fear and hates held armament to double those before the great conflict. Governments were fallaciously seeking to build back by enlarged borrowing, by subsidizing industry and employment from taxes that slowly sapped the savings upon which industry and rejuvenated commerce must be built. Under these strains the financial systems of foreign countries crashed one by one.\nNew blows with decreasing world consumption of goods and from failing financial systems rained upon our people. We are a part of the world the disturbance of whose remotest populations affects our financial system, our employment, our markets, and the prices of our farm products. Thus beginning 18 months ago, the worldwide storm grew rapidly to hurricane force and the greatest economic emergency in all the history of the world. Unexpected, unforeseen, violent shocks with every month brought new dangers and new emergencies to our country. Fear and apprehension gripped the heart of our people in every village and city.\nIf we look back over the disasters of these 3 years, we find that three-quarter of the population of the globe has suffered from the flames of revolution. Many nations have been subject to constant change and vacillation of government. Others have resorted to dictatorship or tyranny in desperate attempts to preserve some kind of social order.\nI may pause for one short illustration of the character of one single destructive force arising from these causes which we have been compelled to meet. That was its effect upon our financial structure. Foreign countries, in the face of their own failures, the failures of their neighbors, not believing that we had either the courage or the ability or the strength to meet this crisis, withdrew from the United States over $2,400 million, including a billion of gold. Our own alarmed citizens withdrew over $1,600 million of currency from our banks into hoarding. These actions, combined with the fears that they generated, caused a shrinkage of credit available for the conduct of industry and commerce by several times even these vast sums. Its visible expression was the failures of banks and business, the demoralization of security and real property values, of the commodity prices, and of employment. And that was but one of the invading forces of destruction that we have been compelled to meet in the last 18 months.\nTwo courses were open to us. We might have done nothing. That would have been utter ruin. Instead, we met the situation with proposals to private business and to the Congress of the most gigantic program of economic defense and counterattack ever evolved in the history of the Republic. We put that program in action.\nOur measures have repelled these attacks of fear and panic. We have maintained the financial integrity of the Government. We have cooperated to restore and stabilize the situation abroad. As a nation we have paid every dollar demanded of us. We have used the credit of the Government to aid and protect our institutions, both public and private. We have provided methods and assurances that none suffer from hunger or cold amongst our people. We have instituted measures to assist our farmers and our homeowners. We have created vast agencies for employment. Above all, we have maintained the sanctity of the principles upon which this Republic has grown great.\nIn a large sense the test of the success of our program is simple. Our people, while suffering great hardships, have been and will be cared for. In the long view our institutions have been sustained intact and are now functioning with increasing confidence for the future. As a nation we are undefeated and unafraid. And again above all, government by the people has not been defiled.\nWith the humility of one who by necessity has stood in the midst of this storm I can say with pride that the distinction for these accomplishments belongs not to the Government or to any individual. It is due to the intrepid soul of our people. It is to their character, their fortitude, their initiative, and their courage that we owe these results. We of this generation did not build this great Ship of State. But the policies that we have inaugurated have protected and aided its navigation in this terrible storm. These policies and programs have not been partisan. I gladly give tribute to those members of the Democratic Party in the Congress whose patriotic cooperation against factional and demagogic opposition has assisted in a score of great undertakings. I likewise give credit to Democratic as well as Republican leaders among our citizens for their cooperation and their help.\nA record of these dangers and these policies of the last 3 years will be set down in the books. Much of it is of interest only to history. Our interest now is in the future. I dwell upon these policies and these programs and problems only where they illustrate the questions of the day and our course for the future. As a government and as a people we still have much to do. We must continue the building of our measures of restoration. We must profit by the lessons of this experience.\nBefore I enter upon a discussion of these policies I wish to say something of my conception of the relations of our Government to the people and the responsibilities of both, particularly as applied to these times. The spirit and the devising of this Government by the people was to sustain a dual purpose--on the one hand to protect our people amongst nations and in domestic emergencies by great national power, and on the other to preserve individual liberty and freedom through local self-government.\nThe function of the Federal Government in these times is to use its reserve powers and its strength for the protection of citizens and local governments by the support to our institutions against forces beyond their control. It is not the function of the Government to relieve individuals of their responsibilities to their neighbors, or to relieve private institutions of their responsibilities to the public, or the local government to the States, or the responsibilities of State governments to the Federal Government. In giving that protection and that aid the Federal Government must insist that all of them exert their responsibilities in full. It is vital that the programs of the Government shall not compete with or replace any of them but shall add to their initiative and to their strength. It is vital that by the use of public revenues and public credit in emergencies that the Nation shall be strengthened and not weakened.\nAnd in all these emergencies and crises, and in all our future policies, we must also preserve the fundamental principles of our social and our economic system. That system was rounded upon a conception of ordered freedom. The test of that freedom is that there should be maintained an equality of opportunity to every individual so that he may achieve for himself the best to which his character, ability, and ambition entitle him. It is only by the release of initiative, this insistence upon individual responsibility, that we accrue the great sums of individual accomplishment which carry this Nation forward. This is not an individualism which permits men to run riot in selfishness or to override equality of opportunity for others. It permits no violation of ordered liberty. In the race after false gods of materialism men and groups have forgotten their country. Equality of opportunity contains no conception of exploitation by any selfish, ruthless, class-minded men or groups. They have no place in the American system. As against these stand the guiding ideals and the concepts of our Nation. I propose to maintain them.\nThe solution of our many problems which arise from the shifting scene of national life is not to be found in haphazard experimentation or by revolution. It must be through organic development of our national life under these ideals. It must secure that cooperative action which brings initiative and strength outside of the Government. It does not follow, because our difficulties are stupendous, because there are some souls timorous enough to doubt the validity and effectiveness of our ideals and our system, that we must turn to a State-controlled or State-directed social or economic system in order to cure our troubles. That is not liberalism; that is tyranny. It is the regimentation of men under autocratic bureaucracy with all its extinction of liberty, of hope, and of opportunity. Of course, no man of understanding says that our system works perfectly. It does not for the human race is not yet perfect. Nevertheless, the movement of true civilization is towards freedom rather than regimentation. And that is our ideal.\nOfttimes the tendency of democracy in the presence of national danger is to strike blindly, to listen to demagogues and to slogans, all of which destroy and do not save. We have refused to be stampeded into such courses. Ofttimes democracy elsewhere in the world has been unable to move fast enough to save itself in emergency. There have been disheartening delays and failures in legislation and private action which -have added to the losses of our people, yet this democracy of ours has proved its ability to act.\nOur emergency measures of the last 3 years form a definite strategy dominated in the background by these American principles and ideals, forming a continuous campaign waged against the forces of destruction on an ever-widening and a constantly shifting front.\nThus we have held that the Federal Government should in the presence of great national danger use its powers to give leadership to the initiative, the courage, and the fortitude of the people themselves, but that it must insist upon individual, community, and State responsibility. That it should furnish leadership to assure the coordination and unity of great existing agencies, governmental and private, for economic and humanitarian action. That where it becomes necessary to meet emergencies beyond the power of these agencies by the creation of new governmental instrumentalities, that they should be of such character as not to supplant or weaken, but rather to supplement and strengthen, the initiative and enterprise of our people. That they must, directly or indirectly, serve all of the people. And above all, that they should be set up in such form that once the emergency is past they can and must be demobilized and withdrawn, leaving our governmental, economic, and social structure strong and whole.\nWe have not feared boldly to adopt unprecedented measures to meet unprecedented violences of the storm. But, because we have kept ever before us these eternal principles of our Nation, the American Government in its ideals is the same as it was when the people gave the Presidency to my trust. We shall keep it so. We have resolutely rejected the temptation, under pressure of immediate events, to resort to those panaceas and short cuts which, even if temporarily successful, would ultimately undermine and weaken what has slowly been built and molded by experience and effort throughout these 150 years.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that at the first stage of the depression I called upon the leaders of business and of labor and of agriculture to meet with me and induced them, by their own initiative, to organize against the panic with all its devastating destruction; to uphold wages until the cost of living was adjusted; to spread existing employment through shortened hours; and to advance construction work against future need.\nIt was in pursuance of that same policy that I have each winter thereafter assumed the leadership in mobilizing all of the voluntary and official organizations throughout the country to prevent suffering from hunger and cold, and to protect millions of families stricken by drought. And when it became advisable to strengthen the States who could no longer carry the full burden of relief to distress, it was in accordance with these principles that we held that the Federal Government should do so through loans to the States and thus maintain the fundamental responsibility of the States themselves. We stopped the attempt to turn this effort to the politics of selfish sectional demands, and we kept it based upon human need.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that, in aid to unemployment, we expend some $600 millions in Federal construction of such public works as can be justified as bringing early and definite returns. We have opposed the distortion of these needed works into pork-barrel nonproductive works which impoverish the Nation.\nIt is in accord with these principles and these purposes that we have made provision for $1,500 millions of loans to self-supporting works so that we may increase employment in productive labor. We rejected projects of wasteful nonproductive work allocated for purposes of attracting votes instead of affording relief. Thereby, instead of wasteful drain upon the taxpayer, we secured the return of their cost to Government agencies and at the same time we increased the wealth of the Nation.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that we have strengthened the capital of the Federal land banks--that, on the one hand, confidence in their securities should not be impaired, and that on the other, the farmers indebted to them should not be unduly deprived of their homes. It was in accordance with these purposes that the Farm Board by emergency loan to farmers' cooperatives served to stem panics in agricultural prices and saved hundreds of thousands of farmers and their creditors from bankruptcy. It was in accord with these ideas that we have created agencies to prevent bankruptcy and failure in their cooperative organizations; that we are erecting new instrumentalities to give credit facilities for their livestock growers and their orderly marketing of their farm products.\nIt is in accordance with these principles that in the face of the looming European crises we sought to change the trend of European economic degeneration by our proposals of the German moratorium and the standstill agreements on German private debts. We stemmed the tide of collapse in Germany and the consequent ruin of its people. In furtherance of world stability we have made proposals to reduce the cost of world armaments by $1 billion a year.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that I first secured the creation by private initiative of the National Credit Association, whose efforts prevented the failure of hundreds of banks, and the loss to countless thousands of depositors who had loaned all of their savings to them.\nIt was in accord with these ideas that as the storm grew in intensity we created the Reconstruction Finance Corporation with a capital of 2 billions more to uphold the credit structure of the Nation, and by thus raising the shield of Government credit we prevented the wholesale failure of banks, of insurance companies, of building and loan associations, of farm mortgage associations, and of railroads in all of which the public interest is paramount. This disaster has been averted through the saving of more than 5,000 institutions and the knowledge that adequate assistance was available to tide others over the stress. This has been done not to save a few stockholders, but to save 25 millions of American families, every one of whose very savings and employment might have been wiped out and whose whole future would have been blighted had these institutions gone down.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that we expanded the functions and the powers of the Federal Reserve banks that they might counteract the stupendous shrinkage of credit due to fear and to hoarding and the foreign withdrawal of our resources.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that we are now in process of establishing a new system of home loan banks so that through added strength and through cooperation between the building and loan associations, the savings banks and other institutes we may relax the pressures on forfeiture of homes and procure the release of new resources for the construction of more homes and the employment of more men.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that we have insisted upon a reduction of governmental expenses, for no country can squander itself to prosperity on the ruins of its taxpayers. And it was in accordance with these purposes that we have sought new revenues to equalize the diminishing income of the Government in order that the power of the Federal Government to meet the emergency should be impregnable.\nIt was in accordance with these principles that we have joined in the development of a world economic conference to bulwark the whole international fabric of finance, of monetary values, and the expansion of world commerce.\nIt was in accordance with these principles and these policies that I am today organizing the private industrial and financial resources of the country to cooperate effectively with the vast governmental instrumentalities which we have in motion, so that through their united and coordinated efforts we may move from defense to a powerful attack upon the depression along the whole national front.\nThese programs, unparalleled in the history of depressions of any country and in any time, to care for distress, to provide employment, to aid agriculture, to maintain the financial stability of the country, to safeguard the savings of the people, to protect their homes, are not in the past tense--they are in action. I shall propose such other measures, public and private, as may be necessary from time to time to meet the changing situations that may occur and to further speed our economic recovery. That recovery may be slow, but we shall succeed.\nAnd come what may, I shall maintain through all these measures the sanctity of the great principles under which the Republic over a period of 150 years has grown to be the greatest Nation of the Earth.\nI should like to digress a second for an observation on the last 3 years which should exhilarate the faith of every American--and that is the profound growth of the sense of social responsibility in our Nation which this depression has demonstrated.\nNo Government in Washington has hitherto considered that it held so broad a responsibility for leadership in such times. Despite hardships, the devotion of our men and women to those in distress is demonstrated by the national averages of infant mortality, general mortality, and sickness, which are less today than in times even of prosperity. For the first time in the history of depressions, dividends and profits and the cost of living have been reduced before wages have been sacrificed. We have been more free from industrial conflict through strikes and lockouts and all forms of social disorder than even in normal times. The Nation is building the initiative of men and of women toward new fields of social cooperation and new fields of endeavor.\nSo much for the great national emergency and the principles of government for which we stand and their application to the measures we have taken.\nThere are national policies wider than the emergency, wider than the economic horizon. They are set forth in our platform. Having had the responsibility of this office, my views upon most of them are clearly and often set forth in public record. I may, however, summarize some of them.\nFirst: I am squarely for a protective tariff. I am against the proposal of \"a competitive tariff for revenue\" as advocated by our opponents. That would place our farmers and our workers in competition with peasant and sweated-labor products from abroad.\nSecond: I am against their proposals to destroy the usefulness of the bipartisan Tariff Commission, the establishment of whose effective powers we secured during this administration just 25 years after it was first advocated by President Theodore Roosevelt. That instrumentality enables us to correct any injustice and to readjust the rates of duty to shifting economic change, without constant tinkering and orgies of logrolling by Congress. If our opponents will descend from the vague generalization to any particular schedule, if it be higher than necessary to protect our people or insufficient for their protection, it can be remedied by this bipartisan Commission without a national election.\nThird: My views in opposition to the cancellation of the war debt are a matter of detailed record in many public statements and in a recent message to the Congress. They mark a continuity of that policy maintained by my predecessors. I am hopeful of such drastic reduction of world armament as will save the taxpayers in debtor countries a large part of the cost of their payments to us. If for any particular annual payment we were offered some other tangible form of compensation, such as the expansion of markets for American agriculture and labor, and the restoration and maintenance of our prosperity, then I am sure our citizens would consider such a proposal. But it is a certainty that these debts must not be canceled or these burdens transferred to the backs of the American people.\nFourth: I insist upon an army and navy of a strength which guarantees that no foreign soldier will land upon the American soil. That strength is relative to other nations. I favor every arms reduction which preserves that relationship.\nI favor rigidly restricted immigration. I have by executive direction in order to relieve us of added unemployment, already reduced the inward movement to less than the outward movement. I shall adhere to that policy.\nSixth: I have repeatedly recommended to the Congress a revision of railway transportation laws, in order that we may create greater stability and greater assurance of that vital service in our transportation. I shall Persist in it.\nI have repeatedly recommended the Federal regulation of interstate power. I shall persist in that. I have opposed the Federal Government undertaking the operation of the power business. I shall continue in that opposition.\nI have for years supported the conservation of national resources. I have made frequent recommendations to the Congress in respect thereto, including legislation to correct the waste and destruction of these resources through the present interpretations of the antitrust laws. I shall continue to urge such action.\nThis depression has exposed many weaknesses in our economic system. There has been exploitation and abuse of financial power. We will fearlessly and unremittingly reform these abuses. I have recommended to the Congress the reform of our banking laws. Unfortunately this legislation has not yet been enacted. The American people must have protection from insecure banking through a stronger banking system. They must be relieved from conditions which permit the credit machinery of the country to be made available without check for wholesale speculation in securities with ruinous consequence to millions of our citizens and to our national economy. I have recommended to Congress methods of emergency relief to the depositors of closed banks. For 7 years I have repeatedly warned against private loans abroad for nonproductive purposes. I shall persist in all those matters.\nI have insisted upon a balanced budget as the foundation of all public and private financial stability and of all public confidence. I shall insist on the maintenance of that policy. Recent increases in revenues, while temporary, should be again examined, and if they tend to sap the vitality of industry, and thus retard employment, they should be revised.\nThe first necessity of the Nation, the wealth and income of whose citizens has been reduced, is to reduce the expenditures on government-national, State, and local. It is in the relief of taxes from the backs of men through which we liberate their powers. It is through lower expenditures that we get lower taxes. This must be done. A considerable reduction in Federal expenditures has been attained. If we except those extraordinary expenditures imposed upon us by the depression, it will be found that the Federal Government is operating some $200 million less annually today than 4 years ago. The Congress rejected recommendations from the administration which would have saved an additional $150 million this fiscal year. The opposition leadership insisted, as the price of vital reconstruction legislation and over the protest of our leaders, upon adding $300 million of costs to the taxpayer through public works inadvisable at this time. I shall repeat these proposals for economy. The opposition leadership in the House of Representatives in the last 4 months secured the passage by that House of $3 billion in raids upon the Public Treasury. They have been stopped, and I shall continue to oppose such raids.\nI have repeatedly for 7 years urged the Congress either themselves to abolish obsolete bureaus and commissions and to reorganize the whole Government structure in the interest of economy, or to give someone the authority to do it. I have succeeded partially in securing that authority, but I regret that no great act under it can be effective until after the approval of the next Congress.\nWith the collapse of world prices and the depreciated currencies the farmer was never so dependent upon his tariff protection for recovery as he is at the present time. We shall hold to that as a national policy. We have enacted many measures of emergency relief to agriculture. They are having their effect. I shall keep them functioning until the strain is past. The original purpose of the Farm Board was to strengthen the efforts of the farmer to establish his own farmer-owned, farmer controlled marketing agencies. It has greatly succeeded in this purpose, even in these times of adversity. The departure of the Farm Board from its original purpose by making loans to farmers' cooperatives to preserve prices from panic served an emergency, but such an action in normal times is absolutely destructive of the farmers' own interest.\nThe most practicable relief to the farmer today aside from general economic recovery is a definite program of readjustment and coordination of national, State, and local taxation which will relieve real property, especially the farms, from the unfair burdens of taxation which the current readjustment in values have brought about. To that purpose I propose to devote myself.\nI have always favored the development of rivers and harbors and highways. These improvements have been greatly expedited in the last 30 years. We shall continue that work to completion. After 20 years of discussion between the United States and our great neighbor to the north, I have signed a treaty for the construction of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence seaway. That treaty does not injure the Chicago to the Gulf waterway, the work upon which, together with the whole Mississippi system, I have expedited, and in which I am equally interested. We shall undertake this great seaway, the greatest public improvement ever undertaken upon our continent, with its consequent employment of men as quickly as that treaty can be ratified.\nOur views upon sound currency require no elucidation. They are indelibly a part of Republican history and policies. We have affirmed them by preventing the Democratic majority in the House from effecting wild schemes of uncontrolled inflation in the last 4 months.\nThere are many other important subjects set forth in the platform and in my public statements in the past for which I will not take your time. There are one or two others that do merit some emphasis.\nThe leadership of the Federal Government is not to be confined to economic and international questions. There are problems of the home and the education of children and of citizenship. They are the most vital of all to the future of the Nation. Except in the case of aids to States which I have recommended for stimulation of the protection and health of children, they are not matters of legislation. We have given leadership to the initiative of our people for social advancement through this organization against illiteracy, through the White House conferences on the protection and health of children, through the national conferences on homeownership, through the stimulation of social and recreational agencies. These are the visible evidences of spiritual leadership in the Government. They will be continued, and they will be constantly invigorated.\nMy foreign policies have been devoted to strengthening the foundations of world peace. We inaugurated the London Naval Treaty which reduced arms and limited the ratios between the fleets of the three powers. We have made concrete proposals at Geneva to reduce the armaments of the world by one-third. It would save the taxpayers of the world a billion a year. We could save ourselves 200 millions a year. It would reduce fear and danger of war. We have expanded the arbitration of disputes. I have recommended joining the World Court under proper reservations preserving our freedom of action. Above all, we have given leadership in the transforming of the Kellogg-Briand Pact from an inspiring outlawry of war to an organized instrument for peaceful settlements backed by definite mobilized world public opinion against aggression. We shall, under the spirit of that pact, consult with other nations in time of emergency to promote world peace. We shall enter into no agreements committing us to any future course of action or which call for use of force in order to preserve peace.\nI have projected a new doctrine into international affairs--the doctrine that we do not and never will recognize title to the possession of territory gained in violation of the peace pacts which were signed with us. That doctrine has been accepted by all the nations of the world on a recent critical occasion, and within the last few days has been again accepted by all the nations of the Western Hemisphere. That is public opinion made tangible and effective.\nAcross the path of the Nation's consideration of these vast problems of economic and social order there has arisen a bitter controversy over the control of the liquor traffic. I have always sympathized with the high purpose of the 18th amendment, and I have used every power at my command to make it effective over this entire country. I have hoped that it was the final solution of the evils of the liquor traffic against which our people have striven for generations. It has succeeded in great measure in those many communities where the majority sentiment is favorable to it. But in other and increasing numbers of communities there is a majority sentiment unfavorable to it. Laws which are opposed by the majority sentiment create resentments which undermine enforcement and in the end produce degeneration and crime.\nOur opponents pledge the members of their party to destroy every vestige of constitutional and effective Federal control of the traffic. That means that over large areas the return of the saloon system with its corruption, its moral and social abuse which debauched the home, its deliberate interference with the States endeavoring to find honest solution, its permeation of political parties, its perversion of legislatures, which reached even to the Capital of the Nation. The 18th amendment smashed that regime as by a stroke of lightning. I cannot consent to the return of that system again.\nWe must recognize the difficulties which have developed in making the 18th amendment effective and that grave abuses have grown up. In order to secure the enforcement of the amendment under our dual form of government, the constitutional provision called for concurrent action on one hand by the State and local authorities and on the other by the Federal Government. Its enforcement requires, therefore, independent but coincident action of both agencies. An increasing number of States and municipalities are proving themselves unwilling to engage in that enforcement. Due to these forces there is in large sections increasing illegal traffic in liquor. But worse than this there has been in those areas a spread of disrespect not only for this law but for all laws, grave dangers of practical nullification of the Constitution, an increase in subsidized crime and violence. I cannot consent to a continuation of that regime.\nI refuse to accept either of these destinies, on the one hand to return to the old saloon with its political and social corruption, or on the other to endure the bootlegger and the speakeasy with their abuses and crime. Either of them are intolerable, and they are not the only ways out.\nNow, our objective must be a sane solution, not a blind leap back to old evils. Moreover, a step backwards would result in a chaos of new evils not yet experienced, because the local systems of prohibition and controls which were developed over generations have been in a large degree abandoned under this amendment.\nThe Republican platform recommends submission of the question to the States and that the people themselves may determine whether they desire a change, but insists that this submission shall propose a constructive and not a destructive change. It does not dictate to the conscience of any member of the party.\nThe first duty of the President of the United States is to enforce the laws as they exist. That I shall continue to do to the best of my ability. Any other course would be the abrogation of the very guarantees of liberty itself.\nNow, the Constitution gives the President no power or authority with respect to changes in the Constitution itself; nevertheless, my countrymen have a right to know my conclusions upon this question. They are based upon the broad facts that I have stated, upon my experience in this high office, and upon my deep conviction that our purpose must be the elimination of the evils of this traffic from this civilization by practical measures.\nIt is my belief that in order to remedy present evils a change is necessary by which we resummon a proper share of initiative and responsibility which the very essence of our Government demands shall rest upon the States and the local authorities. That change must avoid the return of the saloon.\nIt is my conviction that the nature of this change, and one upon which all reasonable people can find common ground, is that each State shall be given the right to deal with the problem as it may determine, but subject to the absolute guarantees in the Constitution of the United States to protect each State from interference and invasion by its neighbors, and that in no part of the United States shall there be a return of the saloon system with its inevitable political and social corruption and its organized interference with other States and other communities.\nAmerican statesmanship is capable of working out such a solution and making it effective.\nMy fellow citizens, the discussion of great problems of economic life and of government seem abstract and cold. But within their right solution lies the happiness and the hope of a great people. Without such solution all else is mere verbal sympathy.\nToday millions of our fellow countrymen are out of work. Prices of farmers' products are below a living standard. Many millions more who are in business or hold employment are haunted by fears for the future. No man with a spark of humanity can sit in my place without suffering from the picture of their anxieties and hardships before him day and night. They would be more than human if they were not led to blame their condition upon the government in power. I have understood their sufferings and have worked to the limits of my strength to produce action that would be of help to them.\nMuch remains to be done to attain recovery. We have had a great and unparalleled shock. The emergency measures now in action represent an unparalleled use of national power to relieve distress, to provide employment, to serve agriculture, to preserve the stability of the Government, and to maintain the integrity of our institutions. Our policies prevent unemployment caused by floods of imported goods and of laborers. Our policies preserve peace in the world. They embrace cooperation with other nations in those fields in which we can serve. With patience and perseverance these measures will succeed.\nDespite the dislocation of economic life our great tools of production and distribution are more efficient than ever before; our fabulous national resources, our farms and homes and our skill are unimpaired. From the hard-won experience of this depression we shall build stronger methods of prevention and stronger methods of protection to our people from abuses that have become evident. We shall march to a far greater accomplishment.\nWith the united effort we can and will turn the tide towards the restoration of business, of employment, and of agriculture. It does call for the utmost devotion and the utmost wisdom. Every reserve of American courage and vision must be called upon to sustain us and to plan wisely for the future.\nThrough it all our first duty is to preserve unfettered that dominant American spirit which has produced our enterprise and our individual character. That is the bedrock of the past, and it is the sole guarantee of the future. Not regimented mechanisms but free men are our goal. Herein is the fundamental issue. A representative democracy, progressive and unafraid to meet its problems, but meeting them upon the foundations of experience and not upon the wave of emotion or the insensate demands of a radicalism which grasps at every opportunity to exploit the sufferings of a people.\nWith these courses we shall emerge from this great national strain with our American system of life and government strengthened. Our people will be free to reassert their energy and their enterprise in a society eager to reward in full measure those whose industry serves its well-being. Our youth will find the doors of equal opportunity still open.\nThe problems of the next few years are not only economic. They are also moral and spiritual. The present check to our material success must deeply stir our national conscience upon the purposes of life itself. It must cause us to revalue and reshape our drift from materialism to a higher note of individual and national ideals.\nUnderlying every purpose is the spiritual application of moral ideals which are the fundamental basis of the happiness of a people. This is a land of homes and of churches and schoolhouses dedicated to the sober and enduring satisfactions of family life and the rearing of children in an atmosphere of ideals and of religious faith. Only with those ideals and those high standards can we hold society together, and only from them can government survive and business prosper. They are the sole insurance to the safety of our children and to the continuity of the Nation.\nIf it shall appear that while I have had the honor of the Presidency that I have contributed to the part required from this high office to bringing the Republic through this dark night, and if in my administration we shall see the break of dawn of the better day, I shall have done my part in the world. No man can have a greater honor than that.\nI have but one desire: that is, to see my country again on the road to prosperity which shall be more sane and lasting through the lessons of this experience, to see the principles and ideals of the American people perpetuated.\nI rest the case of the Republican Party upon the intelligence and the just discernment of the American people. Should my countrymen again place upon me the responsibilities of this high office, I shall carry forward the work of reconstruction. I shall hope long before another 4 years have passed to see the world prosperous and at peace and every American home again in the sunshine of genuine progress and of genuine prosperity. I shall seek to maintain untarnished and unweakened those fundamental traditions and principles upon which our Nation was rounded, upon which it has grown. I shall invite and welcome the help of every man and woman in the preservation of the United States for the happiness of its people. 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-> 1, "arising" -> 1, "arisen" -> 1, "arise" -> 1, "arbitration" -> 1, "approval" -> 1, "apprehension" -> 1, "applied" -> 1, "appear" -> 1, "Any" -> 1, "anxieties" -> 1, "antitrust" -> 1, "anticipation" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "annually" -> 1, "annual" -> 1, "An" -> 1, "among" -> 1, "ambition" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "along" -> 1, "Almighty" -> 1, "allocated" -> 1, "alarmed" -> 1, "aids" -> 1, "aided" -> 1, "agricultural" -> 1, "aggression" -> 1, "aftermath" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "affording" -> 1, "affirmed" -> 1, "affects" -> 1, "affairs" -> 1, "advisable" -> 1, "adversity" -> 1, "Advances" -> 1, "advancement" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "adopt" -> 1, "adjustment" -> 1, "adjusted" -> 1, "adhere" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "additional" -> 1, "adding" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "actions" -> 1, "Across" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accrue" -> 1, "accomplishments" -> 1, "accepting" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abstract" -> 1, "absolutely" -> 1, "absolute" -> 1, "abrogation" -> 1, "about" -> 1, "abolish" -> 1, "abandoned" -> 1, "5,000" -> 1, "30" -> 1, "200" -> 1, "20" -> 1, "2" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75629", "Date" -> DateObject[{1940, 8, 17}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "WendellWillkie::973px"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Elwood", "Indiana", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "The ceremony of an acceptance speech is a tradition of our pioneer past—before the days of rapid communication. You all know that I accepted at Philadelphia the nomination of the Republican party for President of the United States. But I take pride in the traditions and not in change for the mere sake of overthrowing precedents.\nAn acceptance speech is a candidate's keynote, a declaration of his broad principles. It cannot possibly review the issues in detail. I shall, however, cover each of them frankly during this campaign. Here I give you an outline of the political philosophy that is in my heart. We are here today to represent a sacred cause—the preservation of American democracy.\nObviously, I cannot lead this cause alone. I need the help of every American—Republican, Democrat or Independent—Jew, Catholic, or Protestant—people of every color, creed and race. Party lines are down. Nothing could make that clearer than the nomination by the Republicans of a liberal Democrat who changed his party affiliation because he found democracy in the Republican party and not in the New Deal party.\nAnd as the leader of the Republican party let me say this. We go into our campaign as into a crusade. Revitalized and reunited, and joined by millions who share in our cause, we dedicate ourselves to the principles of American liberty, and we shall fight this campaign on the basis of those principles, not on the basis of hate, jealousy, or personalities. The leaders of the Republican party, in Congress and in the party organization, have made me that pledge. I have given that pledge to them. And I extend it to all who will join in this cause. What we need in this country is a new leadership that believes in the destiny of America. I represent here today the forces that will bring that leadership to you.\nThere is a special reason why I have come back to Elwood, Indiana, to make this acceptance speech. I have an engagement to keep in this town. It was made a long time ago with a young man I knew well.\nThis young man was born and raised in Elwood. He attended the Elwood public schools. He worked in your factories and stores. He started the practice of law in your courts. As I look back upon him, I realize that he had plenty of faults. But he had also three steadfast convictions. He was devoted to the ideal of individual liberty. He hated all special privileges and forms of oppression. And he knew without any doubt that the greatest country on earth was the United States of America.\nThat boy was myself thirty or thirty-five years ago. I still adhere to those convictions. To him, to his generation, to his elders, and to the youth of today I pledge my word that I shall never let them down.\nIn former days America was described as a country in which any young man might become President. It is still that kind of country. The thousands of my fellow townsmen standing hereabout know how distant seemed that opportunity to me thirty years ago. We must fight to pre-serve America as a country in which every girl and boy has every opportunity for any achievement.\nTo the millions of our young men and women who have been deliberately disillusioned by the political influences I now oppose; to the millions who no longer believe in the future of their land—to them I want to say in all humility—this boy I knew started like you, without money or position; but America gave him the opportunity for a career. I want to assure a similar opportunity to every boy and girl of today who is willing to stand on his own feet, and work and fight.\nI have more reason than most of you to feel strongly about this because the United States gave to my family their first chance for a free life. The ancestors of both my father and my mother, like the ancestors of millions of Americans, lived in Central Europe. They were humble people—not members of the ruling or wealthy classes. Their opportunities were restricted by discriminatory laws and class distinctions. One was exiled because of his religion; another was persecuted because he believed in the principles of the French Revolution; and still another was jailed for insisting on the right of free speech.\nAs their descendant, I have fought from boyhood against all those restrictions, discriminations and tyrannies. And I am still fighting.\nMy grandparents lived in Germany. They were supporters of the democratic revolutions in that country, and when the revolutions failed they fled to the United States. How familiar that sounds! Today, also, people are being oppressed in Europe. The story of the barbarous and worse than medieval persecution of the Jews—a race that has done so much to improve the culture of these countries and our own—is the most tragic in human history. Today there are millions of refugees who desire sanctuary and opportunity in America, just as in my grandparents' time. The protection of our own labor and agriculture prevents us from admitting more than a few of them. But their misery and suffering make us resolve to preserve our country as a land free of hate and bitterness, of racial and class distinction. I pledge you that kind of America.\nMy mother was born in this country. My father was three or four years old when his parents settled in northern Indiana. It was then a track-less forest. As a young man he helped to clear that forest. He worked his way through the Fort Wayne Methodist College, taught school, and became Superintendent of Schools here in Elwood. My mother was also a school teacher. Whenever they had time, they both studied law and eventually both took up the practice of law. I doubt if any two people ever appreciated or loved this country more than they.\nAs you who lived here with them well know, they were fiercely democratic. They hated oppression, autocracy, or arbitrary control of any kind. They believed in the qualities that have made America great—an independent spirit, an inquiring mind, a courageous heart. At school they taught those virtues to many of you who are here today. At home they taught them to their children. It is a tribute to their teaching that when the United States entered the World War in 1917, three of their four boys were volunteers, in the uniform of the American forces, within one month after war was declared. They withheld no sacrifices for the preservation of the America of 1917. In an even more dangerous world, we must not withhold any sacrifice necessary for the preservation of the America of 1940.\nToday we meet in a typical American town. The quiet streets, the pleasant fields that lie outside, the people going casually about their business, seem far removed from the shattered cities, the gutted buildings, and the stricken people of Europe. It is hard for us to realize that the war in Europe can affect our daily lives. Instinctively we turn aside from the recurring conflicts over there, the diplomatic intrigue, the shifts of power that the last war failed to end.\nYet instinctively also—we know that we are not isolated from those suffering people. We live in the same world as they, and we are created in the same image. In all the democracies that have recently fallen, the people were living the same peaceful lives that we live. They had similar ideals of human freedom. Their methods of trade and exchange were similar to ours. Try as we will, we cannot brush the pitiless picture of their destruction from our vision, or escape the profound effects of it upon the world in which we live.\nNo man is so wise as to foresee what the future holds or to lay out a plan for it. No man can guarantee to maintain peace. Peace is not some-thing that a nation can achieve by itself. It also depends on what some other country does. It is neither practical, nor desirable, to adopt a foreign program committing the United States to future action under unknown circumstances.\nThe best that we can do is to decide what principle shall guide us. For me, that principle can be simply defined:\nIn the foreign policy of the United States, as in its domestic policy, I would do everything to defend American democracy and I would refrain from doing anything that would injure it.\nWe must not permit our emotions—our sympathies or hatreds—to move us from that fixed principle.\nFor instance, we must not shirk the necessity of preparing our sons to take care of themselves in case the defense of America leads to war. I shall not undertake to analyze the legislation on this subject that is now before Congress, or to examine the intentions of the Administration with regard to it. I concur with many members of my party, that these intentions must be closely watched. Nevertheless, in spite of these considerations, I cannot ask the American people to put their faith in me, without recording my conviction that some form of selective service is the only democratic way in which to secure the trained and competent manpower we need for national defense.\nAlso, in the light of my principle, we must honestly face our relation-ship with Great Britain. We must admit that the loss of the British Fleet would greatly weaken our defense. This is because the British Fleet has for years controlled the Atlantic, leaving us free to concentrate in the Pacific. If the British Fleet were lost or captured, the Atlantic might be dominated by Germany, a power hostile to our way of life, controlling in that event most of the ships and shipbuilding facilities of Europe.\nThis would be a calamity for us. We might be exposed to attack on the Atlantic. Our defense would be weakened until we could build a navy and air force strong enough to defend both coasts. Also, our foreign trade would be profoundly affected. That trade is vital to our prosperity. But if we had to trade with a Europe dominated by the present German trade policies, we might have to change our methods to some totalitarian form. This is a prospect that any lover of democracy must view with consternation.\nThe objective of America is in the opposite direction. We must, in the long run, rebuild a world in which we can live and move and do business in the democratic way.\nThe President of the United States recently said: \"We will extend to the opponents of force the material resources of this nation, and at the same time we will harness the use of those resources in order that we our-selves, in the Americas, may have equipment and training equal to the task of any emergency and every defense.\"\nI should like to state that I am in agreement with these two principles, as I understand them—and I don't understand them as implying military involvement in the present hostilities. As an American citizen I am glad to pledge my wholehearted support to the President in whatever action he may take in accordance with these principles.\nBut I cannot follow the President in his conduct of foreign affairs in this critical time. There have been occasions when many of us have wondered if he is deliberately inciting us to war. I trust that I have made it plain that in the defense of America, and of our liberties, I should not hesitate to stand for war. But like a great many other Americans I saw what war was like at first hand in 1917. I know what war can do to demoralize civil liberties at home. And I believe it to be the first duty of a President to try to maintain peace.\nBut Mr. Roosevelt has not done this. He has dabbled in inflammatory statements and manufactured panics. Of course, we in America like to speak our minds freely, but this does not mean that at a critical period in history our President should cause bitterness and confusion for the sake of a little political oratory. The President's attacks on foreign powers have been useless and dangerous. He has courted a war for which the country is hopelessly unprepared—and which it emphatically does not want. He has secretly meddled in the affairs of Europe, and he has even unscrupulously encouraged other countries to hope for more help than we are able to give.\n\"Walk softly and carry a big stick\" was the motto of Theodore Roosevelt. It is still good American doctrine for 1940. Under the present administration the country has been placed in the false position of shouting insults and not even beginning to prepare to take the consequences.\nBut while he has thus been quick to tell other nations what they ought to do, Mr. Roosevelt has been slow to take the American people into his confidence. He has hesitated to report facts, to explain situations, or to define realistic objectives. The confusion in the nation's mind has been largely due to this lack of information from the White House.\nIf I am elected President, I plan to reverse both of these policies. I should threaten foreign governments only when our country was threatened by them and when I was ready to act; and I should consider our diplomacy as part of the people's business concerning which they were entitled to prompt and frank reports to the limit of practicability.\nCandor in these times is the hope of democracy. We must not kid ourselves any longer. We must begin to tell ourselves the truth—right here —and right now.\nWe have been sitting as spectators of a great tragedy. The action on the stage of history has been relentless.\nFor instance, the French people were just as brave and intelligent as the Germans. Their armies were considered the best in the world. France and her allies won the last war. They possessed all the material resources they needed. They had wealth and reserves of credit all over the earth. Yet the Germans crushed France like an eggshell.\nThe reason is now clear: The fault lay with France herself.\nFrance believed in the forms of democracy and in the idea of free-dom. But she failed to put them to use. She forgot that freedom must be dynamic, that it is forever in the process of creating a new world. This was the lesson that we of America had taught to all countries.\nWhen the European democracies lost that vision, they opened the way to Hitler. While Germany was building a great new productive plant, France became absorbed in unfruitful political adventures and flimsy economy theories. Her government was trying desperately to cover the people's nakedness with a garment that was not big enough.\nThe free men of France should have been weaving themselves a bigger garment. For in trying to pull the small one around themselves they tore it to pieces.\nAnd in this tragedy let us find our lesson. The foreign policy of the United States begins right here in our own land. The first task of our country in its international affairs is to become strong at home. We must regain prosperity, restore the independence of our people, and protect our defensive forces. If that is not done promptly we are in constant danger. If that is done no enemy on earth dare attack us. I propose to do it.\nWe must face a brutal, perhaps, a terrible fact. Our way of life is in competition with Hitler's way of life.\nThis competition is not merely one of armaments. It is a competition of energy against energy, production against production, brains against brains, salesmanship against salesmanship.\nIn facing it we should have no fear. History shows that our way of life is the stronger way. From it has come more wealth, more industry, more happiness, more human enlightment than from any other way. Free men are the strongest men.\nBut we cannot just take this historical fact for granted. We must make it live. If we are to outdistance the totalitarian powers, we must arise to a new life of adventure and discovery. We must make a wider horizon for the human race. It is to that new life that I pledge myself.\nI promise, by returning to those same American principles that over-came German autocracy once before, both in business and in war, to out-distance Hitler in any contests he choses in 1940 or after. And I promise that when we beat him, we shall beat him on our own terms, in our own American way.\nThe promises of the present administration cannot lead you to victory against Hitler, or against anyone else. This administration stands for principles exactly opposite to mine. It does not preach the doctrine of growth. It preaches the doctrine of division. We are not asked to make more for ourselves. We are asked to divide among ourselves that which we already have. The New Deal doctrine does not seek risk, it seeks safety. Let us call it the \"I pass\" doctrine. The New Deal dealt it, and refused to make any more bets on the American future.\nWhy, that is exactly the course France followed to her destruction! Like the Blum government in France, so has our government become entangled in unfruitful adventures. As in France, so here, we have heard talk of class distinctions and of economic groups preying upon other groups. We are told that capital hates labor and labor capital. We are told that the different kinds of men, whose task it is to build America, are enemies of one another. And I am ashamed to say that some Americans have made political capital of that supposed enmity.\nAs for me, I want to say here and now that there is no hate in my heart, and that there will be none in my campaign. It is my belief that there is no hate in the hearts of any group of Americans for any other American group—except as the New Dealers seek to put it there for political purposes. I stand for a new companionship in an industrial society.\nOf course, if you start like the New Deal with the idea that we shall never have many more automobiles or radios, that we cannot develop many new inventions of importance, that our standard of living must remain what it is, the rest of the argument is easy. Since a few people have more than they need and millions have less than they need, it is necessary to redivide the wealth and turn it back from the few to the many.\nBut this can only make the poor poorer and the rich less rich. It does not really distribute wealth. It distributes poverty.\nBecause I am a businessman, formerly connected with a large company, the doctrinaires of the opposition have attacked me as an opponent of liberalism. But I was a liberal before many of these men had heard the word, and I fought for many of the reforms of the elder LaFollette, Theodore Roosevelt, and Woodrow Wilson before another Roosevelt adopted—and distorted—liberalism.\nI learned my liberalism right here at home. From the factories that came into this town many years ago, large fortunes were made by a few individuals, who thereby acquired too much power over our community. Those same forces were at work throughout the rest of the nation. By 1929 the concentration of private power had gone further than it should ever go in a democracy.\nWe all know that such concentration of power must be checked. Thomas Jefferson disliked regulation, yet he said that the prime purpose of government in a democracy is to keep men from injuring each other. We know from our own experience that the less fortunate or less skillful among us must be protected from encroachment. That is why we support what is known as the liberal point of view. That is why we believe in reform.\nI believe that the forces of free enterprise must be regulated. I am opposed to business monopolies. I believe in collective bargaining, by representatives of labor's own free choice, without any interference and in full protection of those obvious rights. I believe in the maintenance of minimum standards for wages and of maximum standards for hours. I believe that such standards should constantly improve. I believe in the federal regulation of interstate utilities, of securities markets, and of banking. I believe in federal pensions, in adequate old age benefits, and in unemployment allowances.\nI believe that the Federal government has a responsibility to equalize the lot of the farmer, with that of the manufacturer. If this cannot be done by parity of prices, other means must be found—with the least possible regimentation of the farmer's affairs. I believe in the encouragement of cooperative buying and selling, and in the full extension of rural electrification.\nThe purpose of all such measures is indeed to obtain a better distribution of the wealth and earning power of this country. But I do not base my claim to liberalism solely on my faith in such reforms. American liberalism does not consist merely in reforming things. It consists also in making things.\nThe ability to grow, the ability to make things, is the measure of man's welfare on this earth. To be free, man must be creative.\nI am a liberal because I believe that in our industrial age there is no limit to the productive capacity of any man. And so I believe that there is no limit to the horizon of the United States.\nI say that we must substitute for the philosophy of distributed scarcity the philosophy of unlimited productivity. I stand for the restoration of full production and reemployment by private enterprise in America.\nAnd I say that we must henceforth ask certain questions of every reform, and of every law to regulate business or industry. We must ask: Has it encouraged our industries to produce? Has it created new opportunities for our youth? Will it increase our standard of living? Will it encourage us to open up a new and bigger world?\nA reform that cannot meet these tests is not a truly liberal reform.\nIt is an \"I pass\" reform. It does not tend to strengthen our system, but to weaken it. It exposes us to aggressors, whether economic or military. It encourages class distinctions and hatreds. And it will lead us inevitably, as I believe we are now headed, toward a form of government alien to ours, and a way of life contrary to the way that our parents taught us here in Elwood.\nIt is from weakness that people reach for dictators and concentrated government power. Only the strong can be free.\nAnd only the productive can be strong.\nWhen the present administration came to power in 1933, we heard a lot about the forgotten man. The Government, we were told, must care for those who had no other means of support. With this proposition all of us agreed. And we still hold firmly to the principle that those whom private industry cannot support must be supported by government agency, whether federal or state.\nBut I want to ask anyone in this audience who is, or has been, on relief whether the support that the Government gives him is enough. Is it enough for the free and able-bodied American to be given a few scraps of cash or credit with which to keep himself and his children just this side of starvation and nakedness? Is that what the forgotten man wanted us to remember?\nWhat that man wanted us to remember was his chance his right—to take part in our great American adventure.\nBut this administration never remembered that. It launched a vitriolic and well-planned attack against those very industries in which the for-gotten man wanted a chance.\nIt carried on a propaganda campaign to convince the people that businessmen are iniquitous.\nIt seized upon its taxing power for political purposes. It has levied taxes to punish one man, to force another to do what he did not want to do, to take a crack at a third whom some government agency disliked, or to promote the experiments of a brain-trust. The direct effect of the New Deal taxes has been to inhibit opportunity. It has diverted the money of the rich from productive enterprises to government bonds, so that the United States treasury—and no one else—may have plenty to spend. Thus, much of the money of the rich is invested in tax-exempt securities.\nIn this connection let me say that, in its plan for tax revision, the Republican party will follow two simple principles. Taxes shall be levied in accordance with each one's ability to pay. And the primary purpose of levying them will be to raise money. We must—and can—raise more money at less relative cost to the people. We must do it without inflicting on the poor the present disproportionate load of hidden taxes.\nThe New Deal's attack on business has had inevitable results. The investor has been afraid to invest his capital, and therefore billions of dollars now lie idle in the banks. The businessman has been afraid to expand his operations, and therefore millions of men have been turned away from the employment offices. Low incomes in the cities, and irresponsible experiments in the country, have deprived the farmer of his markets.\nFor the first time in our history, American industry has remained stationary for a decade. It offers no more jobs today than it did ten years ago—and there are 6,000,000 more persons seeking jobs. As a nation of producers we have become stagnant. Much of our industrial machinery is obsolete. And the national standard of living has declined.\nIt is a statement of fact, and no longer a political accusation, that the New Deal has failed in its program of economic rehabilitation. And the victims of its failures are the very persons whose cause it professes to champion.\nThe little business men are victims because their chances are more restricted than ever before.\nThe farmers are victims because many of them are forced to subsist on what is virtually a dole, under centralized direction from Washington.\nThe nine or ten million unemployed are victims because their chances for jobs are fewer.\nApproximately 6,000,000 families are victims because they are on relief.\nAnd unless we do something about it soon, 130,000,000 people—an entire nation—will become victims, because they stand in need of a defense system which this administration has so far proved itself powerless to create anywhere except on paper.\nTo accomplish these results, the present administration has spent sixty billion dollars.\nAnd I say there must be something wrong with a theory of government or a theory of economics, by which, after the expenditure of such a fantastic sum, we have less opportunity than we had before.\nThe New Deal believes, as frequently declared, that the spending of vast sums by the government is a virtue in itself. They tell us that government spending insures recovery. Where is the recovery?\nThe New Deal stands for doing what has to be done by spending as much money as possible. I propose to do it by spending as little money as possible. This is one great issue in domestic policy and I propose in this campaign to make it clear.\nAnd I make this grave charge against this administration:\nI charge that the course this administration is following will lead us, like France, to the end of the road. I say that this course will lead us to economic disintegration and dictatorship.\nI say that we must substitute for the philosophy of spending, the philosophy of production. You cannot buy freedom. You must make freedom.\nThis is a serious charge. It is not made lightly. And it cannot be lightly avoided by the opposition.\nI, therefore, have a proposal to make.\nThe President stated in his acceptance speech that he does not have either \"the time or the inclination to engage in purely political debate.\" I do not want to engage in purely political debate, either. But I believe that the tradition of face to face debate is justly honored among our American political traditions. I believe that we should set an example, at this time, of the workings of American democracy. And I do not think that the issues of stake are \"purely political.\" In my opinion they concern the life and death of democracy.\nI propose that during the next two and a half months, the President and I appear together on public platforms in various parts of the country, to debate the fundamental issues of this campaign. These are the problems of our great domestic economy, as well as of our national defense: The problems of agriculture, of labor, of industry, of finance, of the government's relationship to the people, and of our preparations to guard against assault. And also I should like to debate the question of the assumption by this President, in seeking a third term, of a greater public confidence than was accorded to our presidential giants, Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, Cleveland, Theodore Roosevelt, and Wood-row Wilson.\nI make this proposal respectfully to a man upon whose shoulders rest the cares of the state. But I make it in dead earnest.\nI accept the nomination of the Republican party for President of the United States.\nI accept it in the spirit in which I know it was given at our convention in Philadelphia—the spirit of dedication. I herewith dedicate myself with all my heart, with all my mind, and with all my soul to making this nation strong.\nBut I say this, too. In the pursuit of that goal I shall not lead you down the easy road. If I am chosen the leader of this democracy as I am now of the Republican party, I shall lead you down the road of sacrifice and of service to your country.\nWhat I am saying is a far harsher thing than I should like to say in this speech of acceptance—a far harsher thing than I would have said had the old world not been swept by war during the past year. I am saying to you that we cannot rebuild our American democracy without hardship, without sacrifice, even—without suffering. I am proposing that course to you as a candidate for election by you.\nWhen Winston Churchill became Prime Minister of England a few months ago, he made no sugar-coated promises. \"I have nothing to offer you,\" he said, \"but blood, tears, toil, and sweat.\" Those are harsh words, brave words; yet if England lives, it will be because her people were told the truth and accepted it. Fortunately, in America, we are not reduced to \"blood and tears.\" But we shall not be able to avoid the \"toil and sweat.\"\nIn these months ahead of us, every man who works in this country—whether he works with his hands or with his mind—will have to work a little harder. Every man and woman will feel the burden of taxes. Every housewife will have to plan a little more carefully. I speak plainly because you must not be deceived about the difficulties of the future. You will have to be hard of muscle, clear of head, brave of heart.\nToday great institutions of freedom, for which humanity has spilled so much blood, lie in ruins. In Europe those rights of person and property —the civil liberties—which your ancestors fought for, and which you still enjoy, are virtually extinct. And it is my profound conviction that even here in this country, the Democratic party, under its present leadership, will prove incapable of protecting those liberties of yours.\nThe Democratic party today stands for division among our people; for the struggle of class against class and faction against faction; for the power of political machines and the exploitation of pressure groups. Liberty does not thrive in such soil.\nThe only soil in which liberty can grow is that of a united people. We must have faith that the welfare of one is the welfare of all. We must know that the truth can only be reached by the expression of our free opinions, without fear and without rancor. We must acknowledge that all are equal before God and before the law. And we must learn to abhor those disruptive pressures, whether religious, political, or economic, that the enemies of liberty employ.\nThe Republican party and those associated with it, constitute a great political body that stands preeminently for liberty—without commitments, without fear, and without contradictions. This party believes that your happiness must be achieved through liberty rather than in spite of liberty. We ask you to turn your eyes upon the future, where your hope lies. We see written there the same promise that has always been written there: the promise that strong men will perform strong deeds.\nWith the help of Almighty Providence, with unyielding determination and ceaseless effort, we must and we shall make that American promise come true.", "Words" -> 5552, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 295, "of" -> 243, "to" -> 178, "in" -> 142, "and" -> 116, "that" -> 114, "I" -> 112, "a" -> 94, "is" -> 69, "we" -> 56, "our" -> 52, "for" -> 49, "this" -> 45, "it" -> 44, "must" -> 39, "The" -> 38, "have" -> 38, "not" -> 37, "are" -> 34, "has" -> 32, "be" -> 32, "We" -> 30, "or" -> 30, "It" -> 30, "as" -> 29, "was" -> 26, "with" -> 25, "us" -> 24, "And" -> 24, "on" -> 23, "by" -> 23, "my" -> 22, "American" -> 21, "his" -> 19, "country" -> 19, "But" -> 19, "you" -> 18, "they" -> 18, "people" -> 18, "more" -> 18, "from" -> 18, "America" -> 18, "will" -> 17, "which" -> 17, "than" -> 17, "he" -> 17, "been" -> 17, "all" -> 17, "man" -> 16, "make" -> 16, "believe" -> 16, 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"deprived" -> 1, "depends" -> 1, "demoralize" -> 1, "defined" -> 1, "define" -> 1, "defensive" -> 1, "deeds" -> 1, "dedication" -> 1, "declined" -> 1, "declaration" -> 1, "decide" -> 1, "deceived" -> 1, "decade" -> 1, "death" -> 1, "dealt" -> 1, "Deal's" -> 1, "Dealers" -> 1, "dead" -> 1, "dare" -> 1, "danger" -> 1, "daily" -> 1, "dabbled" -> 1, "culture" -> 1, "crushed" -> 1, "crusade" -> 1, "creed" -> 1, "creative" -> 1, "creating" -> 1, "create" -> 1, "crack" -> 1, "courts" -> 1, "courted" -> 1, "courageous" -> 1, "country—whether" -> 1, "cost" -> 1, "cooperative" -> 1, "convince" -> 1, "convention" -> 1, "controlling" -> 1, "controlled" -> 1, "control" -> 1, "contrary" -> 1, "contradictions" -> 1, "contests" -> 1, "constitute" -> 1, "consternation" -> 1, "constantly" -> 1, "constant" -> 1, "consists" -> 1, "consist" -> 1, "considered" -> 1, "considerations" -> 1, "consider" -> 1, "consequences" -> 1, "connection" -> 1, "connected" -> 1, "conflicts" -> 1, "conduct" -> 1, "concur" -> 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"brutal" -> 1, "brush" -> 1, "broad" -> 1, "Britain" -> 1, "bring" -> 1, "brain-trust" -> 1, "boys" -> 1, "boyhood" -> 1, "bonds" -> 1, "body" -> 1, "Blum" -> 1, "billions" -> 1, "billion" -> 1, "better" -> 1, "bets" -> 1, "benefits" -> 1, "belief" -> 1, "being" -> 1, "begins" -> 1, "beginning" -> 1, "begin" -> 1, "Because" -> 1, "base" -> 1, "bargaining" -> 1, "barbarous" -> 1, "banks" -> 1, "banking" -> 1, "away" -> 1, "avoided" -> 1, "avoid" -> 1, "automobiles" -> 1, "audience" -> 1, "attended" -> 1, "attacks" -> 1, "attacked" -> 1, "assure" -> 1, "assumption" -> 1, "associated" -> 1, "assault" -> 1, "aside" -> 1, "ashamed" -> 1, "around" -> 1, "armies" -> 1, "armaments" -> 1, "arise" -> 1, "argument" -> 1, "arbitrary" -> 1, "Approximately" -> 1, "appreciated" -> 1, "appear" -> 1, "anywhere" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "analyze" -> 1, "An" -> 1, "Americas" -> 1, "American—Republican" -> 1, "always" -> 1, "also—we" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "Almighty" -> 1, "allowances" -> 1, "allies" -> 1, "alien" -> 1, "air" -> 1, "ahead" -> 1, "agreement" -> 1, "agreed" -> 1, "ago—and" -> 1, "aggressors" -> 1, "affiliation" -> 1, "affected" -> 1, "affect" -> 1, "adopted—and" -> 1, "adopt" -> 1, "admitting" -> 1, "admit" -> 1, "Administration" -> 1, "adhere" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "act" -> 1, "acquired" -> 1, "acknowledge" -> 1, "achievement" -> 1, "achieved" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accusation" -> 1, "accorded" -> 1, "accomplish" -> 1, "acceptance—a" -> 1, "absorbed" -> 1, "able-bodied" -> 1, "abhor" -> 1, "A" -> 1, "1933" -> 1, "1929" -> 1, "130,000,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75627", "Date" -> DateObject[{1944, 6, 28}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "ThomasEDewey::h3vnr"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I am profoundly moved by the trust you have placed in me. I deeply feel the responsibility which goes with your nomination for President of the United States at this grave hour of our nation's history.\nThat I have not sought this responsibility, all of you know. I told the people of my State, two years ago, that it was my intention to devote my full term as governor exclusively to their service. You have decided other-wise. In accordance with the principles of our republican form of government you have laid upon me the highest duty to which an American can be called. No one has a right to refuse such a call. With the help of God, I will try to be worthy of the trust. I accept the nomination.\nI am happy and proud to be associated with my good friend from the State of Ohio, John W. Bricker. For many months, John Bricker has gone from state to state telling the people of the issues, of the great need for better government, for the sound principles of government, and the leader-ship which will come to it with a Republican victory this year. Never before have I seen such good sportsmenship as that displayed by John Bricker here this morning and I am proud to be associated with him.\nI come to this great task a free man. I have made no pledges, promises or commitments, expressed or implied, to any man or woman. I shall make none, except to the American people.\nThese pledges I do make:\nTo men and women of the Republican Party everywhere I pledge my utmost efforts in the months ahead. In return, I ask for your support. Without it, I cannot discharge the heavy obligation you lay upon me.\nTo Americans of every party I pledge that on Jan. 20 next year our government will again have a cabinet of the ablest men and women to be found in America. The members of that Cabinet will expect and will receive full delegation of the powers of their office. They will be capable of administering those powers. They will each be experienced in the task to be done and young enough to do it. This election will bring an end to one-man government in America.\nTo Americans of every party I pledge a campaign dedicated to one and above all others—that this nation under God may continue in the years ahead a free nation of free men.\nAt this moment on battlegrounds around the world Americans are dying for the freedom of our country. Their comrades are pressing on in the face of hardship and suffering. They are pressing on for total victory and for the liberties of all of us.\nEverything we say or do today and in the future must be devoted to the single purpose of that victory. Then, when victory is won, we must devote ourselves with equal unity of purpose to re-winning at home the freedom they have won at such desperate cost abroad.\nTo our allies let us send from this convention one message from our hearts: The American people are united with you to the limit of our resources and manpower, devoted to the single task of victory and the establishment of a firm and lasting peace.\nTo every member of the axis powers, let us send this message from this Convention: By this political campaign, which you are unable to understand, our will to victory will be strengthened, and with every day you further delay surrender the consequences to you will be more severe.\nThat we shall win this war none of us and few of our enemies can now have any doubt. But how we win this war is of major importance for the years ahead. We won the last war but it didn't stay won. This time we must also win the purposes for which we are fighting. Germany must never again nourish the delusion that she could have won. We must carry to Japan a defeat so crushing and complete that every last man among them knows that he has been beaten. We must not merely defeat the armies and the navies of our enemies. We must defeat, once and for all, their will to make war. In their hearts as well as with their lips, let them be taught to say: \"Never again.\"\nThe military conduct of the war is outside this campaign. It is and must remain completely out of politics. General Marshall and Admiral King are doing a superb job. Thank God for both of them. Let me make it crystal clear that a change of administration next January cannot and will not involve any change in the military conduct of the war. If there is not now any civilian interference with the military and naval commands, a change in administration will not alter this status. If there is civilian interference, the new administration will put a stop to it forthwith.\nBut the war is being fought on the home front as well as abroad, while all of us are deeply proud of the military conduct of the war, can we honestly say that the home front could not bear improvement? The present administration in Washington has been in office for more than 11 years. Today, it is at war with Congress, and at war with itself. Squabbles between Cabinet members, feuds between rival bureaucrats and bitterness between the President and his own party members, in and out of Congress, have become the order of the day. In the vital matters of taxation, price control, rationing, labor relations, manpower, we have become familiar with the spectacle of wrangling, bungling and confusion.\nDoes anyone suggest that the present national administration is giving either efficient or competent government? We have not heard that claim made, even by its most fanatical supporters. No, all they tell us is that in its young days it did some good things. That we freely grant. But now it has grown old in office. It has become tired and quarrelsome. It seems that the great men who founded this nation really did know what they were talking about when they said that three terms were too many.\nWhen we have won the war, we shall still have to win the peace. We are agreed, all of us, that America will participate with other sovereign nations in a cooperative effort to prevent future wars. Let us face up boldly to the magnitude of that task. We shall not make secure the peace of the world by mere words. We can't do it simply by drawing up a fine-sounding treaty. It can not be the work of any one man or of a little group of rulers who meet together in private conferences. The structure of peace must be built. It must be the work of many men. We must have as our representatives in this task the ablest men and women America can pro-duce, and the structure they join in building must rest upon the solid rock of a united American public opinion.\nI am not one of those who despair of achieving that end. I am utterly confident we can do it. For years, we have had men in Washington who were notoriously weak in certain branches of arithmetic but they specialized in division. They've been playing up minor differences of opinion among our people until the people of other countries might have thought that America was cleft in two.\nBut all the while there was a larger, growing area of agreement. Recently the overwhelming majesty of that broad area of agreement has become obvious. The Republican Party can take pride in helping to define it and broaden it. There are only a few, a very few, who really believe that America should try to remain aloof from the world. There are only a relatively few who believe it would be practical for America or her allies to renounce all sovereignty and join a Super-state. I certainly would not deny these two extremes the right to their opinions; but I stand firmly with the overwhelming majority of my fellow citizens in that great wide area of agreement. That agreement was clearly expressed by the Republican Mackinac Declaration and was adopted in the foreign policy plank of this Convention.\nNo organization for peace will last if it is slipped through by stealth or trickery or the momentary hypnotism of high-sounding phrases. We shall have to work and pray and be patient and make sacrifices to achieve a really lasting peace. That is not too much to ask in the name of those who have died for the future of our country. This is no task for men who specialize in dividing our people. It is no task to be entrusted to stubborn men, grown old and tired and quarrelsome in office. We learned that in 1919.\nThe building of the peace is more than a matter of international co-operation. God has endowed America with such blessings as to fit her for a great role in the world. We can only play that role if we are strong and healthy and vigorous as nature has equipped us to be. It would be a tragedy if after this war Americans returned from our armed forces and failed to find the freedom and opportunity for which they fought. This must be a land where every man and woman has a fair chance to work and get ahead. Never again must free Americans face the spectre of long-continued, mass unemployment. We Republicans are agreed that full employment shall be a first objective of national policy. And by full employment I mean a real chance for every man and woman to earn a decent living.\nWhat hope does the present administration offer here? In 1940, the year before this country entered the war, there were still 10,000,000 unemployed. After seven years of unequalled power and unparalleled spending, the New Deal had failed utterly to solve that problem. It never solved that problem. It was left to be solved by war. Do we have to have a war to get jobs?\nWhat are we now offered? Only the dreary prospect of a continued war economy after the war, with interference piled on interference and petty tyrannies rivaling the very regimentation against which we are now at war.\nThe present administration has never solved this fundamental problem of jobs and opportunity. It can never solve this problem. It has never even understood what makes a job. It has never been for full production. It has lived in chattering fear of abundance. It has specialized in curtailment and restriction. It has been consistently hostile to and abusive of American business and American industry, although it is in business and industry that most of us make our living.\nIn all the record of the past 11 years is there anything that suggests the present administration can bring about high-level employment after this war? Is there any reason to believe that those who have so signally failed in the past can succeed in the future? The problem of jobs will not be easily solved; but it will never be solved at all unless we get a new, progressive administration in Washington—and that means a Republican administration.\nFor one hundred and fifty years America was the hope of the world. Here on this great broad continent we had brought into being something for which men had longed throughout all history. Here, all men were held to be free and equal. Here, government derived its just powers from the consent of the governed. Here men believed passionately in freedom, independence—the God-given right of the individual to be his own master. Yet, with all of this freedom—I insist—because of this freedom—ours was a land of plenty. In a fashion unequalled anywhere else in the world, America grew and strengthened; our standard of living became the envy of the world. In all lands, men and women looked toward America as the pattern of what they, themselves, desired. And because we were what we were, good will flowed toward us from all corners of the earth. An American was welcomed everywhere and looked upon with admiration and regard.\nAt times, we had our troubles; made our share of mistakes; but we faltered only to go forward with renewed vigor. It remained for the past eleven years, under the present national administration, for continuing unemployment to be accepted with resignation as the inevitable condition of a nation past its prime.\nIt is the New Deal which tells us that America has lost its capacity to grow. We shall never build a better world by listening to those counsels of defeat. Is America old and worn out as the New Dealers tell us? Look to the beaches of Normandy for the answer. Look to the reaches of the wide Pacific—to the corners of the world where American men are fighting. Look to the marvels of production in the war plants in our own cities and towns. I say to you: our country is just fighting its way through to new horizons. The future of America has no limit.\nTrue, we now pass through dark and troubled times, scarcely a home escapes the touch of dread anxiety and grief; yet in this hour the American spirit rises, faith returns—faith in our God, faith in our fellowman, faith in the land our fathers died to win, faith in the future, limitless and bright, of this, our country.\nIn the name of that faith we shall carry our cause in the coming months to the American people.", "Words" -> 2280, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 125, "of" -> 103, "to" -> 64, "and" -> 64, "in" -> 47, "a" -> 41, "that" -> 33, "this" -> 28, "be" -> 28, "our" -> 26, "we" -> 25, "I" -> 24, "for" -> 24, "have" -> 23, "with" -> 21, "will" -> 20, "war" -> 20, "is" -> 19, "it" -> 18, "has" -> 18, "It" -> 17, "are" -> 16, "all" -> 16, "We" -> 14, "must" -> 14, "men" -> 14, "America" -> 14, "us" -> 13, "not" -> 13, "as" -> 12, "can" -> 11, "administration" -> 11, "The" -> 10, "by" -> 10, "American" -> 10, "you" -> 9, "years" -> 9, "world" -> 9, 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"complete" -> 1, "competent" -> 1, "commitments" -> 1, "commands" -> 1, "coming" -> 1, "cleft" -> 1, "clearly" -> 1, "clear" -> 1, "claim" -> 1, "citizens" -> 1, "cities" -> 1, "chattering" -> 1, "certainly" -> 1, "certain" -> 1, "cause" -> 1, "capacity" -> 1, "capable" -> 1, "can't" -> 1, "called" -> 1, "call" -> 1, "cabinet" -> 1, "By" -> 1, "bureaucrats" -> 1, "bungling" -> 1, "built" -> 1, "build" -> 1, "brought" -> 1, "broaden" -> 1, "bright" -> 1, "branches" -> 1, "both" -> 1, "boldly" -> 1, "blessings" -> 1, "bitterness" -> 1, "believed" -> 1, "because" -> 1, "became" -> 1, "beaten" -> 1, "bear" -> 1, "beaches" -> 1, "battlegrounds" -> 1, "axis" -> 1, "around" -> 1, "armies" -> 1, "armed" -> 1, "arithmetic" -> 1, "anywhere" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "anyone" -> 1, "anxiety" -> 1, "answer" -> 1, "An" -> 1, "although" -> 1, "alter" -> 1, "also" -> 1, "aloof" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "against" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "admiration" -> 1, "Admiral" -> 1, "administering" -> 1, "achieving" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accordance" -> 1, "accepted" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abusive" -> 1, "abundance" -> 1, "above" -> 1, "20" -> 1, "1940" -> 1, "1919" -> 1, "10,000,000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75628", "Date" -> DateObject[{1948, 6, 24}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "ThomasEDewey::h3vnr"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Philadelphia", "Pennsylvania", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "You, the elected representatives of our Republican Party, have again given to me the highest honor you can bestow—your nomination for President of the United States.\nI thank you with all my heart for your friendship and your confidence. I am profoundly sensible of the responsibility that goes with this nomination. I pray God that I may deserve this opportunity to serve our country. In all humility, I accept the nomination.\nI am happy to be able to say to you that I come to you unfettered by a single obligation or promise to any living person. I come free to join with you in selecting to serve our nation the finest men and women in the country, free to unite our party and our country in meeting the grave challenge of our time.\nUnited we can match this challenge with depth of understanding and largeness of spirit; with a unity which is above recrimination, above partisanship, and above self-interest. These are articles of faith from which the greatness of America has been fashioned. Our people are eager to know again the upsurging power of that faith. They are turning to us to put such a faith at the heart of our national life. That is what we are called upon to do, and that is what we will do.\nIn this historic Convention, you have had placed before you six other candidates, all high-minded men of character and ability and deeply devoted to their country—Senator Raymond E. Baldwin, General Douglas MacArthur, Governor Harold E. Stassen, Senator Robert A. Taft, Senator Arthur Vandenberg, and Governor Earl Warren. Never has any party produced so many fine, able, distinguished, and patriotic men.\nI am deeply moved and grateful for the generous and gracious statements they have made in this hall tonight. I hope that I may be worthy of the trust. This has been a difficult choice in an honorable contest. It has been a stirring demonstration of the life and vitality and ideals of our Republican Party.\nThere has been honest contention, spirited disagreement, and I believe considerable hot argument. But do not let anybody be misled by that. You have given here in this hall a moving and dramatic proof of how Americans, who honestly differ, close ranks and move forward, for the Nation's well-being, shoulder to shoulder. Let me assure you that beginning next January 20, there will be teamwork in the Government of the United States of America.\nThe responsibility and the opportunity that have come to our party are the greatest in the history of free government. For tonight our future —our peace, our prosperity, the very fate of freedom—hangs in a pre-carious balance.\nMere victory in an election is not our purpose, it is not our task. Our task is to fill our victory with such meaning for mankind everywhere, yearning for freedom, that they will take heart and move forward out of this desperate darkness of today into the light of freedom's promise.\nOur platform proclaims the guideposts that will mark our steadfast and certain endeavor in a fearful world. This magnificent statement of principles is concise and to the point.\nYou unanimously adopted it, and I am very proud to support it. That platform will be the heart of the message I will take to the country. After January 20th, it will be the cornerstone of our Republican Administration.\nFortunately, we are a united party. Our nation stands tragically in need of that same unity.\nOur people are turning away from the meaner things that divide us, and they have a yearning to move to higher ground, to find a common purpose in the finer things which unite us. We, the Republican Party, must be the instrument of achieving that aspiration. We must be the means by which America's full powers are released and this uncertain future filled again with opportunity. That is our pledge. That will be, for the American people, the fruit of our victory.\nIf this unity is to be won and kept, it must have great dimensions. Its boundaries must be far above and beyond politics. Freedom can be saved —it can only be saved—if free men everywhere make this unity their common cause.\nUnity in such a cause must be the chief cornerstone of peace. A peace won at the expense of liberty is a peace too dearly bought. Such a peace would not endure. Above all other purposes, we must labor by every peaceful means to build a world order founded upon justice and righteousness. That kind of world will have peace. That kind of peace will be worth having. That is the crowning responsibility that our people have laid upon us in this solemn hour. That is the crowning task to which we here dedicate ourselves.\nThe unity we seek is more than material. It is more than a matter of things and measures. It is most of all spiritual. Our problem is not outside ourselves. Our problem is within ourselves. We have found the means to blow this world of ours apart, physically. We have not yet found the spiritual means to put together the world's broken pieces, to bind up its wounds, to make a good society, a community of men of good will that fits our dreams. We have devised noble plans for a new world. Without a new spirit, our noblest plans will come to nought. We pray that, in the days ahead, a full measure of that spirit may be ours.\nThe next Presidential term will see the completion of the first half of the twentieth century. So far it has been a century of amazing progress and of terrible tragedy. We have seen the world transformed. We have seen man-kind's age-long struggle against nature crowned by extraordinary success.\nYet our triumphs have been darkened by bitter defeats in the equally ancient struggle of men to live together in peace, security and under-standing. For this age of progress, this twentieth century, has been dominated by two terrible world wars and, between the wars, the worst economic depression in the history of mankind.\nWe must learn to do better. The period that is drawing to a close has been one of scientific achievement. The era that is opening before us must be a period of human and spiritual achievement.\nWe propose, in this Convention, and as a party, and as a government, to continue to carry forward the great technological gains of our age. We shall harness the unimaginable possibilities of atomic energy, to bring men and women a larger, fuller life. But there is something more important than all this. With all the energy, intelligence and determination which mortal heart and mind can summon to the task, we must solve the problem of establishing a just and lasting peace in the world, and of securing to our own and other like-minded people the blessings of freedom and of individual opportunity.\nTo me, to be a Republican in this hour is to dedicate one's life to the freedom of men. As long as the world is half free and half slave, we must peacefully labor to help men everywhere to achieve liberty.\nWe have declared our goal to be a strong and free America in a free world of free men—free to speak their own minds, free to develop new ideas, free to publish whatever they believe, free to move from place to place, free to choose their occupations, free to enjoy and to save and to use the fruits of their labor, and free to worship God, each according to his own concept of His grace and His mercy.\nWhen these rights are secure in this world of ours, the permanent ideals of the Republican Party shall have been realized.\nThe ideals of the American people are the ideals of the Republican Party. We have tonight, and in these days which preceded, here in Philadelphia lighted a beacon, in this cradle of our own independence. 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-> 1, "America's" -> 1, "Americans" -> 1, "amazing" -> 1, "ahead" -> 1, "age-long" -> 1, "against" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "Administration" -> 1, "achieving" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "according" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "Above" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "20th" -> 1, "20" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=75626", "Date" -> DateObject[{1952, 7, 11}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "DwightDEisenhower::dm54g"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "May I first thank you on behalf of Mrs. Eisenhower and myself for the warmth of your welcome. For us both this is our first entry into a political convention and it is a heartwarming one. Thank you very much.\nAnd before I proceed with the thoughts that I should like to address briefly to you, may I have the temerity to congratulate this convention on the selection of their nominee for Vice-President. A man who has shown statesmanlike qualities in many ways, but as a special talent an ability to ferret out any kind of subversive influence wherever it may be found and the strength and persistence to get rid of it.\nLadies and Gentlemen, you have summoned me on behalf of millions of your fellow Americans to lead a great crusade—for Freedom in America and Freedom in the world. I know something of the solemn responsibility of leading a crusade. I have led one. I take up this task, therefore, in a spirit of deep obligation. Mindful of its burdens and of its decisive importance. I accept your summons. I will lead this crusade.\nOur aims—the aims of this Republican crusade—are clear: to sweep from office an administration which has fastened on every one of us the wastefulness, the arrogance and corruption in high places, the heavy bur-dens and anxieties which are the bitter fruit of a party too long in power.\nMuch more than this, it is our aim to give to our country a program of progressive policies drawn from our finest Republican traditions; to unite us wherever we have been divided; to strengthen freedom wherever among any group is has been weakened; to build a sure foundation for sound prosperity for all here at home and for a just and sure peace throughout our world.\nTo achieve these aims we must have total victory; we must have more Republicans in our state and local offices; more Republican governments in our states; a Republican majority in the United States House of Representatives and in the United States Senate; and, of course, a Republican in the White House.\nToday is the first day of this great battle. The road that leads to Nov. 4 is a fighting road. In that fight I will keep nothing in reserve.\nBefore this I stood on the eve of battle. Before every attack it has always been my practice to seek out our men in their camps and on the roads and talk with them face to face about their concerns and discuss with them the great mission to which we were all committed.\nIn this battle to which all of us are now committed it will be my practice to meet and talk with Americans face to face in every section, every corner, every nook and cranny of this land.\nI know that such a momentous campaign cannot be won by a few or by divided or by uncertain forces. So to all those from the precinct level up who have worked long hours at difficult tasks in support of our party—and for our party's candidates—I extend an earnest call to join up; join up for longer hours and harder work and even greater devotion to this cause. I call on you to bring into this effort your neighbors next door and across the street. This is not a job for any one of us or for just a few of us.\nSince this morning I have had helpful and heartwarming talks with Senator Taft, Governor Warren and Governor Stassen. I wanted them to know, as I want you to know, that in the hard fight ahead we will work intimately together to promote the principles and aims of our party. I was strengthened and heartened by their instant agreement to support this cause to the utmost. Their cooperation means that the Republican party will unitedly move forward in a sweeping victory.\nWe are now at a moment in history when, under God, this nation of ours has become the mightiest temporal power and the mightiest spiritual force on earth. The destiny of mankind—the making of a world that will be fit for our children to live in—hangs in the balance on what we say and what we accomplish in these months ahead.\nWe must use our power wisely for the good of all our people. If we do this, we will open a road into the future on which today's Americans, young and old, and the generations that come after them, can go forward—go forward to a life in which there will be far greater abundance of material, cultural, and spiritual rewards than our forefathers or we ever dreamed of.\nWe will so undergird our freedom that today's aggressors and those who tomorrow may rise up to threaten us, will not merely be deterred but stopped in their tracks. Then we will at last be on the road to real peace.\nThe American people look to us to direct our nation's might to these purposes.\nAs we launch this crusade we call to go forward with us the youth of America. This cause needs their enthusiasm, their devotion, and the lift their vision of the future will provide. We call to go forward with us the women of America; our workers, farmers, businessmen. As we go to the country, Americans in every walk of life can have confidence that our single-minded purpose is to serve their interest, guard and extend their rights and strengthen the America that we so love.\nThe noble service to which we Republicans summon all Americans is not only for one campaign or for one election. Our summons is to a lifetime enrollment. And our party shall always remain committed to a more secure, a brighter and an even better future for all our people.\nWe go out from here with unbounded trust in the American people. We go out from here to merit their unbounded trust in us.\nWherever I am, I will end each day of this coming campaign thinking of millions of American homes, large and small; of fathers and mothers' working and sacrificing to make sure that their children are well cared for, free from fear; full of good hope for the future, proud citizens of a country that will stand among the nations as the leader of a peaceful and prosperous world.\nLadies and gentlemen, my dear friends that have heaped upon me such honors, it is more than a nomination I accept today. It is a dedication —a dedication to the shining promise of tomorrow. As together we face that tomorrow, I beseech the prayers of all our people and the blessing and guidance of Almighty God.", "Words" -> 1118, "WordCounts" -> <|"of" -> 46, "to" -> 45, "the" -> 44, "and" -> 43, "a" -> 30, "in" -> 25, "our" -> 22, "I" -> 21, "this" -> 18, "we" -> 17, "for" -> 16, "that" -> 15, "will" -> 14, "their" -> 12, "is" -> 12, "us" -> 11, "on" -> 11, "have" -> 10, "with" -> 8, "all" -> 8, "which" -> 7, "it" -> 7, "be" -> 7, "you" -> 6, "We" -> 6, "Republican" -> 6, "one" -> 6, "go" -> 6, "from" -> 6, "every" -> 6, "up" -> 5, "people" -> 5, "or" -> 5, "more" -> 5, "has" -> 5, "face" -> 5, "Americans" -> 5, "your" -> 4, "world" -> 4, "them" -> 4, "The" -> 4, "road" -> 4, "party" -> 4, "out" -> 4, "know" -> 4, "future" -> 4, "forward" -> 4, "call" -> 4, "by" -> 4, "at" -> 4, "are" -> 4, "an" -> 4, "America" -> 4, "who" -> 3, "wherever" -> 3, "tomorrow" -> 3, "these" -> 3, "than" -> 3, "sure" -> 3, "power" -> 3, "not" -> 3, "my" -> 3, "must" -> 3, "may" -> 3, "into" -> 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"achieve" -> 1, "accomplish" -> 1, "abundance" -> 1, "about" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "A" -> 1, "4" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=10583", "Date" -> DateObject[{1956, 8, 23}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "DwightDEisenhower::dm54g"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"SanFrancisco", "California", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Chairman Martin, Delegates and Alternates to this great Convention, distinguished guests and my fellow Americans wherever they may be in this broad land:\nI should first tell you that I have no words in which to express the gratitude that Mrs. Eisenhower and I feel for the warmth of your welcome. The cordiality you have extended to us and to the members of our family, our son and daughter, my brothers and their wives, touches our hearts deeply.\nThank you very much indeed.\nI thank you additionally and personally for the high honor you have accorded me in entrusting me once more with your nomination for the Presidency. And I should like to say that it is a great satisfaction to me that the team of individuals you selected in 1952 you have selected to keep intact for this campaign.\nI am not here going to attempt a eulogy of Mr. Nixon. You have heard his qualifications described in the past several days. I merely want to say this: that whatever dedication to country, loyalty and patriotism and great ability can do for America, he will do--and that I know.\nLadies and gentlemen, when Abraham Lincoln was nominated in 1860, and a committee brought the news to him at his home in Springfield, Illinois, his reply was two sentences long. Then, while his friends and neighbors waited in the street, and while bonfires lit up the May evening, he said simply, \"And now I will not longer defer the pleasure of taking you, and each of you, by the hand.\"\nI wish I could do the same--speak two sentences, and then take each one of you by the hand, all of you who are in sound of my voice. If I could do so, I would first thank you individually for your confidence and your trust. Then, as I am sure Lincoln did as he moved among his friends in the light of the bonfires, we could pause and talk a while about the questions that are uppermost in your mind.\nI am sure that one topic would dominate all the rest. That topic is: the future.\nThis is a good time to think about the future, for this convention is celebrating its one hundredth anniversary. And a centennial is an occasion, not just for recalling the inspiring past, but even more for looking ahead to the demanding future.\nJust as on New Year's Day we instinctively think, \"I wonder where I will be a year from now,\" so it is quite natural for the Republican Party to ask today, \"What will happen, not just in the coming election, but even one hundred years from now?\"\nMy answer is this: If we and our successors are as courageous and forward-looking and as militantly determined, here under the klieg-lights of the twentieth century, as Abraham Lincoln and his associates were in the bonfire-light of the nineteenth, the Republican Party will continue to grow in the confidence and affection of the American people, not only to November next, but indeed to, and beyond, its second centennial.\nNow, of course, in this convention setting, you and I are momentarily more interested in November 1956 than in 2056. But the point is this: Our policies are right today only as they are designed to stand the test of tomorrow.\nThe great Norwegian, Henrik Ibsen once wrote: \"I hold that man is in the right who is most clearly in league with the future.\"\nToday I want to demonstrate the truth of a single proposition: The Republican Party is the Party of the Future.\nI hold that the Republican Party and platform are right in 1956, because they are \"most closely in league with the future.\" And for this reason the Republican Party and program are and will be decisively approved by the American people in 1956!\nMy friends, I have just made a very fiat statement for victory for the Republican Party in November, and I believe it from the bottom of my heart.\nBut what I say is based upon certain assumptions, and those assumptions must become true if the prediction I make is to be valid. And that is this: that every American who believes as we do--the Republicans, the independents, the straight-thinking Democrats--must carry the message of the record and the pledges that we here make--that we have made and here make, to all the people of the land.\nWe must see, as we do our civic duty, that not only do we vote but that everybody is qualified to vote, that everybody registers and everybody goes to the polls in November. Here is a task not only for the Republican National Committee, for the women's organizations, for the citizens' organizations, for the so-called Youth for Eisenhower--everybody that bears this message in his heart must carry it to the country.\nIn that way we will win.\nAnd which reminds me, my friends, there are only a few days left for registering in a number of our States. That is one thing you cannot defer. The records show that our registration as compared to former years at this time is way down across the land--registration across the board. Let's help the American Heritage, let's help the Boy Scouts, let's help everybody to get people out to register to vote.\nNow, of special relevance, and to me particularly gratifying, is the fact that the country's young people show a consistent preference for this Administration. After all, let us not forget, these young people are America's future. Parenthetically, may I say I shall never cease to hope that the several states will give them the voting privilege at a somewhat earlier age than is now generally the case.\nNow, the first reason of the five I shall give you why the Republican Party is the Party of the Future is this:\nFirst: Because it is the Party of long-range principle, not short-term expediency.\nOne of my predecessors is said to have observed that in making his decisions he had to operate like a football quarterback--he could not very well call the next play until he saw how the last play turned out. Well, that may be a good way to run a football team, but in these days it is no way to run a government.\nNow, why is it so important that great governmental programs be based upon principle rather than upon shifting political opportunism?\nIt is because what government does affects profoundly the daily lives and plans of every person in the country. If governmental action is without the solid guidelines of enduring principle, national policies flounder in confusion. And more than this, the millions of individuals, families and enterprises, whose risk-taking and planning for the future are our country's very life force, are paralyzed by uncertainty, diffidence and indecision.\nChange based on principle is progress. Constant change without principle becomes chaos.\nI shall give you several examples of rejecting expediency in favor of principle.\nFirst, the farm issue.\nExpediency said: \"Let's do something in a hurry--anything-even multiply our price-depressing surpluses at the risk of making the problem twice as bad next year--just so we get through this year.\"\nPeople who talk like that do not care about principle, and do not know farmers. The farmer deals every day in basic principles of growth and life. His product must be planned, and cultivated, and harvested over a long period. He has to figure not just a year at a time but over cycles and spans of years, as to his soil, his water, his equipment, the strains of his stock--and the strains on his income.\nAnd so, for this man of principle, we have designed our program of principle. In it, we recognize that we have received from our forebears a rich legacy: our continent's basic resource of soil. We are determined that, through such measures as the Soil Bank and the Great Plains program, this legacy shall be handed on to our children even richer than we received it.\nWe are equally determined that farm prices and income, which were needlessly pushed down under surpluses--surpluses induced first by war and then by unwise political action that was stubbornly and recklessly prolonged, shall in the coming months and years get back on a genuinely healthy basis. This improvement must continue until a rightful share of our prosperity is permanently enjoyed by agriculture on which our very life depends.\nA second example: labor relations.\nExpediency said: \"When a major labor dispute looms, the government must do something--anything--to settle the dispute even before the parties have finished negotiating. Get an injunction. Seize the steel mills. Appoint a board. Knock their heads together.\"\nPrinciple says: \"Free collective bargaining without government interference is the cornerstone of the American philosophy of labor-management relations.\"\nIf the government charges impatiently into every major dispute, the negotiations between parties will become a pointless preliminary farce, while everyone waits around to see what the government will do. This Administration has faith in the rightness of the collective bargaining principle. It believes in the maturity of both labor and business leaders, and in their determination to do what is best not only for their own side but for the country as a whole.\nThe results: For the first time in our history a complete steel contract was negotiated and signed without direct government intervention, and the last three and a half years have witnessed one of the most remarkable periods of labor peace on record.\nAnother example: concentration of power in Washington. Expediency said:\n\"We cannot allow our fine new ideas to be at the mercy of 51 separate state and territorial legislatures. It is so much quicker and easier to plan, finance and direct all major projects from Washington.\"\nPrinciple says: \"Geographical balance of power is essential to our form of free society. If you take the centralization shortcut every time something is to be done, you will perhaps sometimes get quick action. But there is no perhaps about the price you will pay for your impatience: the growth of a swollen, bureaucratic, monster government in Washington, in whose shadow our state and local governments will ultimately wither and die.\"\nAnd so we stemmed the heedless stampede to Washington. We made a special point of building up state activities, state finances, and state prestige.\nOur Founding Fathers showed us how the Federal Government could exercise its undoubted responsibility for leadership, while still stopping short of the kind of interference that deadens local vigor, variety, initiative and imagination. So today we say to our young people: The Party of the Future will pass along to you undamaged the unique system of division of authority which has proved so successful in reconciling our oldest ideals of personal freedom with the twentieth-century need for decisiveness in action.\nMy second reason for saying that the Republican Party is the Party of the Future is this: It is the Party which concentrates on the facts and issues of today and tomorrow, not the facts and issues of yesterday.\nMore than twenty years ago, our opponents found in the problems of the depression a battleground on which they scored many political victories. Now, economic cycles have not been eliminated. Still, the world has moved on from the 1930's: good times have supplanted depression; new techniques for checking serious recession have been learned and tested and a whole new array of problems has sprung up. But their obsession with a depression still blinds many of our opponents to the insistent demands of today.\nThe present and the future are bringing new kinds of challenge to federal and local governments: water supply, highways, health, housing, power development, and peaceful uses of atomic energy. With two-thirds of us living in big cities, questions of urban organization and redevelopment must be given high priority. Highest of all, perhaps, will be the priority of first-class education to meet the demands of our swiftly growing school-age population.\nThe Party of the young and of all ages says: Let us quit fighting the battles of the past, and let us all turn our attention to these problems of the present and future, on which the longterm well-being of our people so urgently depends.\nThird: The Republican Party is the Party of the Future because it is the party that draws people together, not drives them apart.\nOur Party detests the technique of pitting group against group for cheap political advantage. Republicans view as a central principle of conduct--not just as a phrase on nickels and dimes-that old motto of ours: \"E pluribus unum\"--\"Out of many--One.\"\nOur Party as far back as 1856 began establishing a record of bringing together,. as its largest element, the working people and small farmers, as well as the small businessmen. It attracted minority groups, scholars and writers, not to mention reformers of all kinds, Free-Soilers, Independent Democrats, Conscience Whigs, Barnburners, \"soft Hunkers,\" teetotallers, vegetarians, and transcendentalists!\nNow, a hundred years later, the Republican Party is again the rallying point for Americans of all callings, ages, races and incomes. They see in its broad, forward-moving, straight-down-the road, fighting program the best promise for their own steady progress toward a bright future. Some opponents have tried to call this a \"one-interest party.\" Indeed it is a one-interest party; and that one interest is the interest of every man, woman and child in America! And most surely, as long as the Republican Party continues to be this kind of one-interest party--a one-universal-interest party--it will continue to be the Party of the Future.\nAnd now the fourth reason: The Republican Party is the Party of the Future because it is the party through which the many things that still need doing will soonest be done--and will be done by enlisting the fullest energies of free, creative, individual people.\nRepublicans have proved that it is possible for a government to have a warm, sensitive concern for the everyday needs of people, while steering clear of the paternalistic \"Big-Brother-is-watching-you\" kind of interference. The individual--and especially the idealistic young person--has no faith in a tight federal monopoly on problem-solving. He seeks and deserves opportunity for himself and every other person who is burning to participate in putting right the wrongs of the world.\nIn our time of prosperity and progress, one thing we must always be on guard against is smugness. True, things are going well; but there are thousands of things still to be done. There are still enough needless sufferings to be cured, enough injustices to be erased, to provide careers for all the crusaders we can produce or find.\nWe want them all! Republicans, independents, discerning Democrats--come on in and help!\nOne hundred years ago the Republican Party was created in a devout belief in equal justice and equal opportunity for all in a nation of free men and women.\nWhat is more, the Republican Party's record on social justice rests, not on words and promises, but on accomplishment. The record shows that a wide range of quietly effective actions, conceived in understanding and good will for all, has brought about more genuine--and often voluntary--progress toward equal justice and opportunity in the last three years than was accomplished in all the previous twenty put together. Elimination of various kinds of discrimination in the Armed Services, the District of Columbia, and among the employees of government contractors provides specific examples of this progress.\nIn this work, incidentally, no one has been more effective and more energetic than our Vice President who has headed one of the great Committees in this direction.\nNow, in all existing kinds of discrimination there is much to do. We must insure a fair chance to such people as mature workers who have trouble getting jobs, older citizens with problems of health, housing, security and recreation, migratory farm laborers and physically-handicapped workers. We have with us, also, problems involving American Indians, low-income farmers and laborers, women who sometimes do not get equal pay for equal work, small businessmen, and employers and workers in areas which need special assistance for redevelopment.\nSpecific new programs of action are being pushed for all of these, the most recent being a new 14-point program for small businessmen which was announced early in August. And the everyday well-being of people is being advanced on many other fronts. This is being done, not by paternalistic regimentation. It is done by clear cut, aggressive Federal leadership and by releasing the illimitable resources and drives of our millions of self-reliant individuals and our thousands of private organizations of every conceivable kind and size--each of these is consecrated to the task of meeting some human need, curing some human evil, or enriching some human experience.\nFinally, a Party of the Future must be completely dedicated to peace, as indeed must all Americans. For without peace there is no future.\nIt was in the light of this truth that the United States proposed its Atoms for Peace Plan in 1953, and since then has done so much to make this new science universally available to friendly nations in order to promote human welfare. We have agreements with more than thirty nations for research reactors, and with seven for power reactors, while many others are under consideration. Twenty thousand kilograms of nuclear fuel have been set aside for the foreign programs.\nIn the same way, we have worked unceasingly for the promotion of effective steps in disarmament so that the labor of men could with confidence be devoted to their own improvement rather than wasted in the building of engines of destruction.\nNo one is more aware than I that it is the young who fight the wars, and it is the young who give up years of their lives to military training and service. It is not enough that their elders promise \"Peace in our time\"; it must be peace in their time too, and in their children's time; indeed, my friends, there is only one real peace now, and that is peace for all time.\nNow there are three imperatives of peace--three requirements that the prudent man must face with unblinking realism.\nThe first imperative is the elementary necessity of maintaining our own national strength--moral, economic and military.\nIt is still my conviction, as I wrote in 1947: \"The compelling necessities of the moment leave us no alternative to the maintenance of real and respectable strength--not only in our moral rectitude and our economic power, but in terms of adequate military preparedness.\"\nDuring the past three and one-half years, our military strength has been constantly augmented, soberly and intelligently. Our country has never before in peacetime been so well prepared militarily. So long as the world situation requires, our security must be vigorously sustained.\nOur economic power, as everyone knows, is displaying a capacity for growth which is both rapid and sound, even while supporting record military budgets. We must keep it growing.\nBut moral strength is also essential. Today we are competing for men's hearts, and minds, and trust all over the world. In such a competition, what we are at home and what we do at home is even more important than what we say abroad. Here again, my friends, we find constructive work for each of us.\nWhat each of us does, how each of us acts, has an influence on this question.\nNow, the second imperative of peace is collective security.\nWe live in a shrunken world, a world in which oceans are crossed in hours, a world in which a single-minded despotism menaces the scattered freedoms of scores of struggling independent nations. To ensure the combined strength of friendly nations is for all of us an elementary matter of self-preservation--as elementary as having a stout militia in the days of the flint-lock.\nAgain, the strength I speak of is not military strength alone. The heart of the collective security principle is the idea of helping other nations to realize their own potentialities--political, economic and military. The strength of the free world lies not in cementing the free world into a second monolithic mass to compete with that of the communists. It lies rather in the unity that comes of the voluntary association of nations which, however diverse, are developing their own capacities and asserting their own national destinies in a world of freedom and of mutual respect.\nThere can be no enduring peace for any nation while other nations suffer privation, oppression, and a sense of injustice and despair. In our modern world, it is madness to suppose that there could be an island of tranquillity and prosperity in a sea of wretchedness and frustration. For America's sake, as well as the world's, we must measure up to the challenge of the second imperative; the urgent need for mutual economic and military cooperation among the free nations, sufficient to deter or repel aggression wherever it may threaten.\nBut even this is no longer enough.\nWe are in the era of the thermo-nuclear bomb that can obliterate cities and can be delivered across continents. With such weapons, war has become, not just tragic, but preposterous. With such weapons, there can be no victory for anyone. Plainly, the objective now must be to see that such a war does not occur at all.\nAnd so the third imperative of peace is this: Without for a moment relaxing our internal and collective defenses, we must actively try to bridge the great chasm that separates us from the peoples under communist rule. In those regions are millions of individual human beings who have been our friends, and who themselves have sincerely wanted peace and freedom, throughout so much of our mutual history.\nNow for years the Iron Curtain was impenetrable. Our people were unable to talk to these individuals behind the Curtain, or travel among them, or share their arts or sports, or invite them to see what life is like in a free democracy, or even get acquainted in any way. What future was there in such a course, except greater misunderstanding and an ever deepening division in the world?\nOf course, good will from our side can do little to reach these peoples unless there is some new spirit of conciliation on the part of the governments controlling them. Now, at last, there appear to be signs that some small degree of friendly intercourse among peoples may be permitted. We are beginning to be able--cautiously and with our eyes open--to encourage some interchange of ideas, of books, magazines, students, tourists, artists, radio programs, technical experts, religious leaders and governmental officials. The hope is that, little by little, mistrust based on falsehoods will give way to international understanding based on truth.\nNow, as this development gradually comes about, it will not seem futile for young people to dream of a brave and new and shining world, or for older people to feel that they can in fact bequeath to their children a better inheritance than that which was their own. Science and technology, labor-saving methods, management, labor organization, education, medicine--and not least, politics and government.-all these have brought within our grasp a world in which backbreaking toil and longer hours will not be necessary.\nTravel all over the world, to learn to know our brothers abroad, will be fast and cheap. The fear and pain of crippling disease will be greatly reduced. The material things that make life interesting and pleasant will be available to everyone. Leisure, together with educational and recreational facilities, will be abundant, so that all can develop the life of the spirit, of reflection, of religion, of the arts, of the full realization of the good things of the world. And political wisdom will ensure justice and harmony.\nThis picture of the future brings to mind a little story.\nA government worker, when he first arrived in Washington in 1953, was passing the National Archives Building in a taxi, where he saw this motto carved on one of its pedestals: \"What is Past is Prologue.\" He had heard that Washington cab drivers were noted for knowing all the Washington answers, so he asked the driver about the motto. \"Oh that,\" said the driver, \"That's just bureaucrat talk. What it really means is--'You ain't seen nothing yet.'\"\nMy friends, the kind of era I have described is possible. But it will not be attained by revolution. It will not be attained by the sordid politics of pitting group against group. It will be brought about by the ambitions and judgments and inspirations and darings of 168 million free Americans working together and with friends abroad toward a common ideal in a peaceful world.\nLincoln, speaking to the Republican State Convention in 1858, began with the biblical quotation, \"A house divided against itself cannot stand.\"\nToday the world is a house divided.\nBut--as is sometimes forgotten--Lincoln followed this quotation with a note of hope for his troubled country: \"I do not expect the house to fall,\" he said, \"but I do expect it will cease to be divided.\"\nA century later, we too must have the vision, the fighting spirit, and the deep religious faith in our Creator's destiny for us, to sound a similar note of promise for our divided world; that out of our time there can, with incessant work and with God's help, emerge a new era of good life, good will and good hope for all men.\nOne American put it this way: \"Every tomorrow has two handles. We can take hold of it with the handle of anxiety or the handle of faith.\"\nMy friends, in firm faith, and in the conviction that the Republican purposes and principles are \"in league\" with this kind of future, the nomination that you have tendered me for the Presidency of the United States I now--humbly but confidently-accept.", "Words" -> 4340, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 248, "of" -> 182, "and" -> 153, "in" -> 98, "to" -> 97, "is" -> 84, "a" -> 79, "for" -> 65, "that" -> 60, "our" -> 47, "be" -> 41, "I" -> 36, "this" -> 34, "not" -> 34, "will" -> 33, "as" -> 33, "are" -> 30, "have" -> 29, "we" -> 27, "all" -> 27, "Party" -> 26, "it" -> 26, "on" -> 24, "you" -> 21, "with" -> 21, "The" -> 20, "must" -> 20, "world" -> 19, "do" -> 19, "which" -> 17, "their" -> 17, "Republican" -> 17, "people" -> 17, "so" -> 16, "has" -> 15, "by" -> 15, "We" -> 14, "us" -> 14, "his" -> 14, "future" -> 14, "And" -> 14, "there" -> 13, "than" -> 13, "one" -> 13, "but" -> 13, "years" -> 12, "who" -> 12, 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1, "Alternates" -> 1, "along" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "allow" -> 1, "ain't" -> 1, "ahead" -> 1, "agriculture" -> 1, "agreements" -> 1, "aggressive" -> 1, "aggression" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "Again" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "affects" -> 1, "affection" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "advanced" -> 1, "adequate" -> 1, "additionally" -> 1, "acts" -> 1, "activities" -> 1, "actively" -> 1, "actions" -> 1, "acquainted" -> 1, "accorded" -> 1, "accomplishment" -> 1, "accomplished" -> 1, "abundant" -> 1, "able" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "51" -> 1, "2056" -> 1, "1952" -> 1, "1947" -> 1, "1930's" -> 1, "1860" -> 1, "1858" -> 1, "1856" -> 1, "168" -> 1, "14-point" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25974", "Date" -> DateObject[{1960, 7, 28}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "RichardMNixon::39q5n"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Chicago", "Illinois", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I have made many speeches in my life, and never have I found it more difficult to find the words adequate to express what I feel as I find them tonight.\nTo stand here before this great Convention, to hear your expressions of affection for me, for Pat, for our daughters, for my mother, for all of us who are representing our Party, is, of course, the greatest moment of my life.\nI just want you to know that my only prayer as I stand here is that in months ahead I may be in some way worthy of the affection and the trust which you have presented to me on this occasion in everything that I say, everything that I do, everything that I think in this campaign and afterwards.\nMay I say also that I have been wanting to come to this Convention, but because of the protocol that makes it necessary for a candidate not to attend the Convention until the nominations are over I've had to look at it on television; but I want all of you to know that I have never been so proud of my Party as I have been in these last three days as I have compared this Convention, the conduct of our Delegates and our speakers, with what went on in my native State of California just two weeks ago -- I congratulate Chairman Halleck and Chairman Morton and all of those who have helped to make this Convention one that will stand in the annals of our Party forever as one of the finest we have ever held.\nHave you ever stopped to think of the memories you will take away from this Convention?\nThe things that run through my mind are these:\nThat first day with the magnificent speeches; Mr. Hoover with his great lesson for the American people; Walter Judd with one of the most outstanding keynote addresses in either party in history; and last night our beloved, fighting President making the greatest speech that I have ever heard him make; your Platform and its magnificent presentation by Chuck Percy, the Chairman.\nFor these and for so many other things, I want to congratulate you tonight and to thank you from the bottom of my heart and on behalf of Americans-not just Republicans-Americans everywhere, for making us proud of our country and of our two-party system, for what you have done.\nTonight, too, I particularly want to thank this Convention for nominating as my running mate a world statesman of the first rank, my friend and colleague, Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts.\nIn refreshing contrast to what happened in Los Angeles, you nominated a man who shares my views on the great issues and who will work with me and not against me in carrying out our magnificent Platform.\nAnd may I say that during this week we Republicans, who feel our convictions strongly about our Party and about our country, have had our differences, but, as the speech by Senator Goldwater indicated yesterday, and the eloquent and gracious remarks of my friend, Nelson Rockefeller, indicated tonight, we Republicans know that the differences that divide us are infinitesimal compared to the gulf between us and what the Democrats would put upon us from what they did in Los Angeles at their convention two weeks ago.\nIt was only eight years ago that I stood in this very place after you had nominated as our candidate for the President one of the great men of our century, and I say to you tonight that for generations to come America, regardless of party, will gratefully remember Dwight Eisenhower as the man who brought peace to America\n, as the man under whose leadership America enjoyed the greatest progress and prosperity in history, but, above all, they will remember him as the man who restored honesty, integrity and dignity to the conduct of government in the highest office of this land.\nAnd, my fellow Americans, I know now that you will understand what I next say, because the next President of the United States will have his great example to follow, because the next President will have new and challenging problems in the world of utmost gravity. This truly is a time for greatness in America's leadership.\nI am sure you will understand why I do not say tonight that I alone am the man who can furnish that leadership. That question is not for me, but for you to decide, and I only ask that the thousands in this hall and the millions listening in to me on television make that decision in the most thoughtful way that you possibly can, because what you decide this November will not only affect your lives and your future, it will affect the future of millions throughout the world. I urge you to study the records of the candidates, listen to my speeches and those of my opponent, and those of Mr. Lodge and those of his opponent, and then, after you have studied our records and listened to our speeches, decide-decide on the basis of what we say and what we believe-who is best qualified to lead America and the free world in this critical period.\nTo help you make this decision I would like to discuss tonight some of the great problems which will confront the next President of the United States and the policies that I believe should be adopted to meet them.\nOne hundred years ago, in this city, Abraham Lincoln was nominated for President of the United States. The problems which will confront our next President will be even greater than those that confronted him. The question then was freedom for the slaves and survival of the Nation. The question now is freedom for all mankind and the survival of civilization, and the choice you make-you-each of you listening to me makes-this November can affect the answer to that question.\nWhat should your choice be and what is it?\nWell, let's first examine what our opponents offered in Los Angeles two weeks ago. They claimed theirs was a new program, but you know what it was? It was simply the same old proposition that a political party should be all things to all men, and nothing more than that , and they promised everything to everybody, with one exception: They didn't promise to pay the bill.\nAnd I say tonight that, with their convention, their platform and their ticket, they composed a symphony of political cynicism which is out of harmony with our times today.\nNow, we come to the key question: What should our answer be? Some might say do as they do-outpromise them because that's the only way to win. I want to tell you my answer.\nI happen to believe that their program would be disastrous for America; it would wreck our economy; it would dash our people's hopes for a better life-and I serve notice here and now that whatever the political consequences we are not going to try to outpromise our opponents in this campaign.\nWe are not going to make promises we cannot and should not keep, and we are not going to try to buy the people's votes with their own money.\nTo those who say that this position will mean political defeat, my answer is this: We have more faith than that in the good sense of the American people, provided the people know the facts-and that's where we come in.\nI pledge to you tonight that we will bring the facts home to the American people off if, and we will do it with a campaign such as this country has never seen before.\nI have been asked by the newsmen sitting on my right and on my left all week long: \"When is this campaign going to begin, Mr. Vice President? On the day after Labor Day or one of the other traditional starting dates?\"\nThis is my answer: This campaign begins tonight, here and now, and it goes on - and this campaign will continue from now until November 8th without any letup.\nI've also been asked by my friends in the press on either side here: \"Mr. Vice President, where are you going to concentrate? What states are you going to visit?\" This is my answer: In this campaign we are going to take no states for granted, and we aren't going to concede any states to the opposition.\nI announce to you tonight, and I pledge to you, that I, personally, will carry this campaign into every one of the fifty states of this Nation between now and November the eighth.\nAnd in this campaign I make a prediction. I say that just as in 1952 and in 1956 millions of Democrats will join us--not because they are deserting their party, but because their party deserted them at Los Angeles two weeks ago.\nNow, I have suggested to you what our friends of the opposition offered to the American people. What do we offer? First, we are proud to offer the best eight-year record of any administration in the history of this country; but, my fellow Americans, that isn't all and that isn't enough because we happen to believe that a record is not something to stand on, but something to build on and, building on the great record of this Administration, we shall build a better America; we shall build an America in which we shall see the realization of the dreams, the dreams of millions of people not only in America, but throughout the world for a fuller, freer, richer life than men have ever known in the history of mankind.\nLet me tell you something of the goals of this better America toward which we will strive. In this America our older citizens shall not only have adequate protection against the hazards of ill health, but a greater opportunity to lead a useful and productive life by participating to the extent they are able in the Nation's exciting work rather than sitting on the sidelines.\nAnd in the better America, young Americans shall not only have the best basic education in America, but every boy and girl of ability, regardless of his financial circumstances, shall have the opportunity to develop his intellectual capabilities to the full.\nOur wage earner shall enjoy increasingly higher wages in honest dollars, with better protection against the hazards of unemployment and old age.\nAnd, for those millions of Americans who are still denied equality of rights and opportunities, I say there shall be the greatest progress in human rights since the days of Lincoln 100 years ago.\nAnd America's farmers — America's farmers to whose hard work and almost incredible efficiency we know the fact that we are the best fed, best clothed people in the world — and I say America's farmers must and will receive what they do not have today, and what they deserve — a fair share of America's ever-increasing prosperity.\nTo accomplish these things we will develop to the full the untapped natural resources, our water, our minerals, our power, with which we are so fortunate to be blessed in this rich land of ours. We shall provide for our scientists the support they need for the research that will open exciting new ways into the future, new highways in which we shall have progress which we cannot even dream of today.\nAbove all, in this decade of the sixties, this decade of decision and progress, we will witness the continual revitalization of America's moral and spiritual strength, with a renewed faith in the eternal ideals of freedom and justice under God which our are priceless heritage as a people.\nNow I'm sure that many of you in this fall and many of you on television might well ask, \"But, Mr. Nixon, don't our opponents favor just such goals as these?\" And my answer is; \"yes, of course.\" All Americans, regardless of party, want a better life for our people.\nWhat's the difference, then? I'll tell you what it is. The difference is in the way we propose to reach of these goals, and the record shows that our way works and theirs doesn't, and we're going to prove it in this campaign. We produce on the promises that they make. We succeed where they fail. You know why? Because we put, as governor Rockefeller said in his remarks, our primary reliance not upon government, but upon people for progress in America. That is what we will succeed.\nWe must never forget that the strength of America is not its government, but in it's people; and we say tonight that there is no limit to the goals America can reach, provided we stay true to the great American traditions.\nA government has a role, and a very important one, but the role of government is not to take responsibility from people, but to put responsibility on them. It is not to dictate to people, but to encourage and stimulate the creative productivity of 180 million Americans. That's the way to progress in America.\nIn other words, we have faith in the people and, because our programs for progress are based on that faith, we shall succeed where our opponents will fail in building the better America I've described.\nBut if these goals are to be reached, the next president of the United States must have the wisdom to choose between the things that government should and should not do. He must have the courage to stand against the pressures of the few for the good of the many, and he must have the vision to press forward on all fronts for the better life our people want.\nNow, I've spoken to you of the responsibilities of our next President at home. Those which he will face abroad will be infinitely greater, but before I look to the future let me say a word about the past.\nAt Los Angeles two weeks ago, we heard the United States — our government — blamed for Mr. Khrushchev's sabotage of the Paris conference. We heard the United States blamed for the actions of Communist-led mobs in Caracas and Tokyo. We heard that American education and American scientists are inferior. We're heard that America, militarily and economically, is a second-rate country. We heard that American prestige is at an all-time low.\nThis is my answer: I say at a time the Communists are running us down abroad, it's time to speak up for America at home. and, my friends, let us recognize American has its weaknesses, and constructive criticism of those weaknesses is essential — essential so that we can correct our weaknesses and the best traditions of our democratic process. But let us also recognize this: while it is the intent to see nothing wrong in America, is just as wrong to refuse to recognize what is right about America.\nTonight I say to you no criticism — no criticism — should be allowed to obscure the truth, either at home or abroad, but today America is the strongest nation, militarily, economically and ideologically, in the world; and we have the will and the stamina and the resources to maintain that strength in the years ahead.\nAnd now, if we may turn to the future, we must recognize that the foreign policy problems of the sixties will be different and they'll be vastly more difficult than those of the fifties through which we have just passed.\nWe are in a race tonight, my fellow Americans, in a race for survival, in which our lives, our fortunes, our liberties are at stake. We are ahead now, but the only way to stay ahead in a race is to move ahead; and the next President will make decisions which will determine whether we win or whether we lose this race.\nWhat must he do? These things, I believe: he must resolve, first and above all, that the United States must never settle for second best in anything. Let's look at the specifics.\nMilitarily, the security of the United States must be put before all other considerations. Why? Not only because this is necessary to deter aggression, but because we must make sure that we are never in a position at the conference table where Mr. Khrushchev or his successor is able to coerce an American President because of his strength and our weakness.\nDiplomatically, let us look at what the problem is. Diplomatically, our next President must be firm-firm on principle-but he must never be belligerent. He must never engage in a war of words which might heat up thc international climate to the igniting point of nuclear catastrophe. But, while he must never answer insults in kind, he must leave no doubt at any time that, whether it is in Berlin or in Cuba or anywhere else in the world, America will not tolerate being pushed around by anybody any place.\nBecause we have already paid a terrible price in lives and resources to learn that appeasement leads not to peace, but to war, it will, indeed, take great leadership to steer us through the years, avoiding the extreme of belligerency on the one hand and appeasement on the other.\nNow, Mr. Kennedy has suggested that what the world needs is young leadership; and, understandably, this has great appeal because it is true that youth does bring boldness and imagination and drive to leadership, and we need all those things. But I think most people will agree with me tonight when I say that President de Gaulle, Prime Minister Macmillan and Chancellor Adenauer are not young men-but we are indeed fortunate that we have their wisdom and their experience and their courage on our side in the struggle for freedom today in the world.\nAnd I might suggest, as we consider the relative merits of youth and age, it is only fair to point out that it was not Mr. de Gaulle or Mr. Macmillan or Mr. Adenauer, but Mr. Kennedy who made the rash and impulsive suggestion that President Eisenhower could have apologized or sent regrets to Mr. Khrushchev for the U-2 flights--which the President had ordered to save our country from surprise attack.\nBut formidable as will be the diplomatic and military problems confronting the next President, far more difficult and critical will be the decisions he must make to meet and defeat the enemies of freedom in an entirely different kind of struggle.\nNow I want to speak to you of another kind of aggression, aggression without war, where the aggressor comes not as a conqueror but as a champion of peace, of freedom, offering progress and plenty and hope to the unfortunates of the earth.\nI say tonight that the major problem, the biggest problem, confronting the next President of the United States will be to inform the people of the character of this kind of aggression, to arouse the people to the mortal danger it presents and to inspire the people to meet that danger. He must develop a brand new strategy which will win the battle for freedom for all men, and win it without a war.\nThat is the great task of the next President of the United States and this will be a difficult task, difficult because at times our next President must tell the people not what they want to hear, but what they need to hear. Why, for example, it may be just as essential to the national interest to build a dam in India as in California.\nIt will be difficult, too, because, you know, we Americans have always been able to see and understand the danger presented by missiles and airplanes and bombs; but we have found it bard to recognize the even more deadly danger of the propaganda that warps the mind, the economic offensive that softens a nation, the subversion that destroys the will of the people to resist tyranny. And, yet, may I say tonight that the fact that this threat is, as I believe it to be, the greatest danger we have ever confronted, this is no reason for lack of confidence in the outcome.\nDo you know why? Because there is one great theme that runs through our history as a nation: Americans are always at their best when the challenge is greatest.\nAnd I say tonight that we Americans shall rise to our greatest heights in this decade of the sixties as we mount the offensive to meet those forces which threaten the peace and the rights of free men everywhere; but there are some things we can do and some things we must do, and I would like to list them for you tonight.\nFirst, we must take the necessary steps which will assure that the American economy grows at a maximum rate so that we can maintain our present massive lead over the Communist bloc. How do we do this? There isn't any magic formula by which government in a free nation can bring this about. The way to assure maximum growth in America is not by expanding the functions of government, but by increasing the opportunities for investment and creative enterprise for millions of individual Americans.\nAt a time when the Communists have found it necessary to turn to decentralization of their economy and to turn to the use of individual incentives to increase productivity-at a time, in other words, when they are turning our way-I say we must not and we will not make the mistake of turning their way.\nThere is another step that we must take-a second one: Our government activities must be reorganized, reorganized to take the initiative from the Communists and to develop and carry out a world-wide strategy and offensive for peace and freedom. The complex of agencies which have grown up through the years for exchange of persons, for technical assistance, for information, for loans and for grants-.all these must be welded together into one powerful economic and ideological striking force under the direct supervision and leadership of the United States because what we must do, you see, is to wage the battles for peace and freedom with the same unified direction and dedication with which we wage battles in war.\nIf these activities are to succeed, we must develop a better training program for the men and women who will represent our country at home and abroad. What we need are men with abroad knowledge of the intricacies and techniques of the strategy of the Communists, with a keen knowledge of the great principles for which free people stand; and, above all, men who with zeal and dedication which the Communists cannot match, will outthink, outwork and outlast the enemies of freedom wherever they meet them any place in the world. This is the kind of men we must train.\nWe must recognize something else. Government can't do this job alone. The most effective proponents of freedom are not governments, but free people; and this means that every American-every one of you listening tonight-who works or travels abroad, must represent his country at its best in everything that he does.\nThe United States, big as it is, strong as it is, can't do this job alone. The best brains, the fullest resources of other free nations, which have as great a stake in freedom as we have, must be mobilized to participate with us in this task to the extent they are able.\nBut do you know what is most important of all? Above all, we must recognize that the greatest economic strength that we can imagine, the finest government organization--all this will fail if we are not united and inspired by a great idea, an idea which will be a battle cry for a ground offensive to win the minds and the hearts and the souls of men. Do we have such an idea?\nThe Communists proclaim over and over again that their aim is the victory of communism throughout the world. It is not enough for us to reply that our aim is to contain communism, to defend the free world against communism, to hold the line against communism. The only answer to a strategy of victory for the Communist world is a strategy of victory for the free world.\nBut let the victory we seek be not victory over any other nation or any other people. Let it be the victory of freedom over tyranny, of plenty over hunger, of health over disease, in every country of the world.\nWhen Mr. Khrushchev says our grandchildren will live under communism, let us say his grandchildren will live in freedom.\nWhen Mr. Khrushchev says The Monroe Doctrine is dead in the Americas, we say, the doctrine of freedom applies everywhere in the world.\nI say tonight, let us welcome-let us welcome-Mr. Khrushchev's challenge to peaceful competition of our systems, but let us reply, \"Let us compete in the Communist world as well as in the free world,\" because the Communist dictators must not be allowed a privileged sanctuary from which to launch their guerilla attacks on the citadels of freedom.\nAnd we say, further, extend this competition, extend it to include not only food and factories as he has suggested, but extend it to include the great spiritual and moral values which characterize our civilization.\nFurther, let us welcome, my friends--let us welcome-the challenge, not be disconcerted by it, not fail to meet it, the challenge presented by the revolution of peaceful peoples' aspirations in South America, in Asia, in Africa.\nWe can't fail in this Nation. We can't fail to assist them in finding a way to progress with freedom so that they will not be faced with the terrible alternative of turning to communism with its promise of progress at the cost of freedom.\nLet us make it clear to them that our aim in helping them is not merely to stop communism, but that, in the great American tradition of concern for those less fortunate than we are, we welcome the opportunity to work with people everywhere in helping them achieve their aspirations for a life of human dignity. And this means our primary aim must be not to help governments, but to help people, to help people attain the life they deserve.\nIn essence, what I am saying tonight is that our answer to the threat of the Communist revolution is renewed devotion to the great ideals of the American Revolution, ideals that caught the imagination of the world one hundred and eighty years ago and that still live in the minds and hearts of people everywhere.\nI could tell you tonight that all you need to do to bring about all of these things that I have described is to elect the right man as President of this country and leave these tasks to him. But, my fellow Americans, America demands more than that of me and of you.\nWhen I visited the Soviet Union, in every factory there was a huge sign which read \"Work for the victory of communism.\" What America needs today is not just a President, not just a few leaders, but millions of Americans working for the victory of freedom. Each American must make a personal and total commitment to the cause of freedom and all it stands for. It means wage earners and employers making an extra effort to increase the productivity of our factories. It means our students in school striving for excellence rather than adjusting to mediocrity. It means supporting and encouraging our scientists to explore the unknown, not just for what we can get, but for what we can learn, and it means, on the part of each American, assuming a personal responsibility to make this country which we love a proud example of freedom for all the world. Each of us, for example, doing our part in ending the prejudice which, one hundred years after Lincoln, to our shame, still embarrasses us abroad and saps our strength at home. Each of us participating in this and other political campaigns not just by going to the polls and voting, but by working for the candidate of his choice. Also, it means, my fellow Americans, sacrifice-not the grim sacrifice of desperation, but the rewarding sacrifice of choice which lifts us out of the humdrum life in which we live and gives us the supreme satisfaction which comes from working together in a cause greater than ourselves, greater than our Nation, as great as the whole world, itself.\nWhat I propose tonight is not new. It is as old as America, and as young as America, because America will never grow old.\nYou will remember-listen-Thomas Jefferson said. \"We act not for ourselves alone, but for the whole human race.\"\nLincoln said: \"In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free. We shall nobly save or meanly lose the last best hope of earth.\"\nAnd Teddy Roosevelt said our first duty as citizens of the Nation is owed to the United States, but if we are true to our principles we must also think of serving the interests of mankind at large.\nAnd Woodrow Wilson said: \"A patriotic American is never so proud of the flag under which he lives as when it comes to mean to others, as well as to himself, a symbol of hope and liberty.\"\nAnd we say-we say today-that a young America shall fulfill her destiny by helping to build a new world in which men can live together in peace and justice and freedom with each other. But there is a difference today, an exciting difference, and the differences, because of the dramatic breakthroughs in science. For the first time in human history we have the resources, the resources to wage a winning war against poverty, busily indices were ever in excess in the world.\nAnd upon next president of the United States will rest the responsibility to inspire and to lead the forces of freedom for this goal.\nI'm sure now that you understand why I said at the beginning that it would be difficult for any man to say to that he is qualified to provide this kind of leadership. I can only say to you tonight that I believe in the American dream because I've seen it come true in my own life. I know something of the threat which confronts us, and I know something of the effort which will be needed to meet it.\nI've seen hate for America not only in the Kremlin, but the eyes of Communist in our own country and on the ugly face of a mob in Caracas.\nI've heard doubts about America expressed not just by Communists, but by sincere students and labor leaders in other countries searching for the way to a better life and wondering if we had lost that way. And I've seen love for America in countries throughout the world, in a crowd in Jakarta, in Bogota, and the heart of Siberia, in Warsaw — 250,000 people on the streets on a Sunday afternoon singing, crying, with tears running down their cheeks, and shouting, \"Niech Zyje America!\" — Long live the United States.\nMy fellow Americans, I know tonight that we must resist the hate; we must remove the doubts, but above all, we must be worthy of the love and the trust of millions on this earth for whom America is the hope of the world.\nA hundred years ago Abraham Lincoln was asked during the dark days of the tragic War between the States whether he thought God was on his side. His answer was, \"My concern is not whether God is on our side, but whether we are on God's side.\"\nMy fellow Americans, may that ever be our prayer for our country, and in that spirit, with faith in America, with faith in her ideals and in her people, I accept your nomination for President of the United States.", "Words" -> 5344, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 329, "of" -> 191, "to" -> 186, "and" -> 169, "in" -> 127, "that" -> 98, "we" -> 92, "for" -> 79, "our" -> 75, "I" -> 72, "a" -> 70, "is" -> 68, "this" -> 60, "will" -> 56, "not" -> 49, "you" -> 47, "as" -> 45, "have" -> 43, "but" -> 43, "must" -> 39, "it" -> 39, "which" -> 38, "be" -> 38, "are" -> 38, "America" -> 37, "on" -> 33, "my" -> 31, "people" -> 30, "say" -> 29, "with" -> 28, "what" -> 28, "us" -> 27, "world" -> 26, "freedom" -> 25, "all" -> 25, "tonight" -> 23, "President" -> 23, "at" -> 22, "because" -> 20, "they" -> 19, "great" -> 19, "And" -> 19, "their" -> 18, "by" -> 18, "States" -> 17, "do" -> 17, "American" -> 17, 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"American-every" -> 1, "alternative" -> 1, "Also" -> 1, "already" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "all-time" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "airplanes" -> 1, "agree" -> 1, "aggressor" -> 1, "agencies" -> 1, "again" -> 1, "afterwards" -> 1, "afternoon" -> 1, "Africa" -> 1, "adopted" -> 1, "Administration" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "adjusting" -> 1, "addresses" -> 1, "actions" -> 1, "act" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accomplish" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "8th" -> 1, "250,000" -> 1, "1956" -> 1, "1952" -> 1, "180" -> 1, "100" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25973", "Date" -> DateObject[{1964, 7, 16}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "BarryGoldwater::kq4jv"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"SanFrancisco", "California", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "To my good friend and great Republican, Dick Nixon, and your charming wife, Pat; my running mate and that wonderful Republican who has served us well for so long, Bill Miller and his wife, Stephanie; to Thurston Morton who has done such a commendable job in chairmaning this Convention; to Mr. Herbert Hoover, who I hope is watching; and to that great American and his wife, General and Mrs. Eisenhower; to my own wife, my family, and to all of my fellow Republicans here assembled, and Americans across this great Nation.\nFrom this moment, united and determined, we will go forward together, dedicated to the ultimate and undeniable greatness of the whole man. Together we will win.\nI accept your nomination with a deep sense of humility. I accept, too, the responsibility that goes with it, and I seek your continued help and your continued guidance. My fellow Republicans, our cause is too great for any man to feel worthy of it. Our task would be too great for any man, did he not have with him the heart and the hands of this great Republican Party, and I promise you tonight that every fiber of my being is consecrated to our cause; that nothing shall be lacking from the struggle that can be brought to it by enthusiasm, by devotion, and plain hard work. In this world no person, no party can guarantee anything, but what we can do and what we shall do is to deserve victory, and victory will be ours.\nThe good Lord raised this mighty Republic to be a home for the brave and to flourish as the land of the free-not to stagnate in the swampland of collectivism, not to cringe before the bully of communism.\nNow, my fellow Americans, the tide has been running against freedom. Our people have followed false prophets. We must, and we shall, return to proven ways-- not because they are old, but because they are true. We must, and we shall, set the tide running again in the cause of freedom. And this party, with its every action, every word, every breath, and every heartbeat, has but a single resolve, and that is freedom - freedom made orderly for this nation by our constitutional government; freedom under a government limited by laws of nature and of nature's God; freedom - balanced so that liberty lacking order will not become the slavery of the prison cell; balanced so that liberty lacking order will not become the license of the mob and of the jungle.\nNow, we Americans understand freedom. We have earned it, we have lived for it, and we have died for it. This Nation and its people are freedom's model in a searching world. We can be freedom's missionaries in a doubting world. But, ladies and gentlemen, first we must renew freedom's mission in our own hearts and in our own homes.\nDuring four futile years, the administration which we shall replace has distorted and lost that faith. It has talked and talked and talked and talked the words of freedom. Now, failures cement the wall of shame in Berlin. Failures blot the sands of shame at the Bay of Pigs. Failures mark the slow death of freedom in Laos. Failures infest the jungles of Vietnam. And failures haunt the houses of our once great alliances and undermine the greatest bulwark ever erected by free nations - the NATO community. Failures proclaim lost leadership, obscure purpose, weakening wills, and the risk of inciting our sworn enemies to new aggressions and to new excesses. Because of this administration we are tonight a world divided - we are a Nation becalmed. We have lost the brisk pace of diversity and the genius of individual creativity. We are plodding at a pace set by centralized planning, red tape, rules without responsibility, and regimentation without recourse.\nRather than useful jobs in our country, people have been offered bureaucratic \"make work,\" rather than moral leadership, they have been given bread and circuses, spectacles, and, yes, they have even been given scandals. Tonight there is violence in our streets, corruption in our highest offices, aimlessness among our youth, anxiety among our elders and there is a virtual despair among the many who look beyond material success for the inner meaning of their lives. Where examples of morality should be set, the opposite is seen. Small men, seeking great wealth or power, have too often and too long turned even the highest levels of public service into mere personal opportunity.\nNow, certainly, simple honesty is not too much to demand of men in government. We find it in most. Republicans demand it from everyone. They demand it from everyone no matter how exalted or protected his position might be. The growing menace in our country tonight, to personal safety, to life, to limb and property, in homes, in churches, on the playgrounds, and places of business, particularly in our great cities, is the mounting concern, or should be, of every thoughtful citizen in the United States.\nSecurity from domestic violence, no less than from foreign aggression, is the most elementary and fundamental purpose of any government, and a government that cannot fulfill that purpose is one that cannot long command the loyalty of its citizens. History shows us - demonstrates that nothing - nothing prepares the way for tyranny more than the failure of public officials to keep the streets from bullies and marauders.\nNow, we Republicans see all this as more, much more, than the rest: of mere political differences or mere political mistakes. We see this as the result of a fundamentally and absolutely wrong view of man, his nature and his destiny. Those who seek to live your lives for you, to take your liberties in return for relieving you of yours, those who elevate the state and downgrade the citizen must see ultimately a world in which earthly power can be substituted for divine will, and this Nation was founded upon the rejection of that notion and upon the acceptance of God as the author of freedom.\nThose who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of heaven on earth. And let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyrannies. Absolute power does corrupt, and those who seek it must be suspect and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions of equality, ladies and gentlemen. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it leads first to conformity and then to despotism.\nFellow Republicans, it is the cause of Republicanism to resist concentrations of power, private or public, which enforce such conformity and inflict such despotism. It is the cause of Republicanism to ensure that power remains in the hands of the people. And, so help us God, that is exactly what a Republican president will do with the help of a Republican Congress.\nIt is further the cause of Republicanism to restore a clear understanding of the tyranny of man over man in the world at large. It is our cause to dispel the foggy thinking which avoids hard decisions in the illusion that a world of conflict will somehow mysteriously resolve itself into a world of harmony, if we just don't rock the boat or irritate the forces of aggression - and this is hogwash.\nIt is further the cause of Republicanism to remind ourselves, and the world, that only the strong can remain free, that only the strong can keep the peace.\nNow, I needn't remind you, or my fellow Americans regardless of party, that Republicans have shouldered this hard responsibility and marched in this cause before. It was Republican leadership under Dwight Eisenhower that kept the peace, and passed along to this administration the mightiest arsenal for defense the world has ever known. And I needn't remind you that it was the strength and the unbelievable will of the Eisenhower years that kept the peace by using our strength, by using it in the Formosa Straits and in Lebanon and by showing it courageously at all times.\nIt was during those Republican years that the thrust of Communist imperialism was blunted. It was during those years of Republican leadership that this world moved closer, not to war, but closer to peace, than at any other time in the three decades just passed.\nAnd I needn't remind you - but I will - that it's been during Democratic years that our strength to deter war has stood still, and even gone into a planned decline. It has been during Democratic years that we have weakly stumbled into conflict, timidly refusing to draw our own lines against aggression, deceitfully refusing to tell even our people of our full participation, and tragically, letting our finest men die on battlefields (unmarked by purpose, unmarked by pride or the prospect of victory).\nYesterday it was Korea. Tonight it is Vietnam. Make no bones of this. Don't try to sweep this under the rug. We are at war in Vietnam. And yet the President, who is Commander-in-Chief of our forces, refuses to say - refuses to say, mind you, whether or not the objective over there is victory. And his Secretary of Defense continues to mislead and misinform the American people, and enough of it has gone by.\nAnd I needn't remind you, but I will; it has been during Democratic years that a billion persons were cast into Communist captivity and their fate cynically sealed.\nToday in our beloved country we have an administration which seems eager to deal with communism in every coin known - from gold to wheat, from consulates to confidence, and even human freedom itself.\nThe Republican cause demands that we brand communism as a principal disturber of peace in the world today. Indeed, we should brand it as the only significant disturber of the peace, and we must make clear that until its goals of conquest are absolutely renounced and its rejections with all nations tempered, communism and the governments it now controls are enemies of every man on earth who is or wants to be free.\nWe here in America can keep the peace only if we remain vigilant and only if we remain strong. Only if we keep our eyes open and keep our guard up can we prevent war. And I want to make this abundantly clear - I don't intend to let peace or freedom be torn from our grasp because of lack of strength or lack of will - and that I promise you Americans.\nI believe that we must look beyond the defense of freedom today to its extension tomorrow. I believe that the communism which boasts it will bury us will, instead, give way to the forces of freedom. And I can see in the distant and yet recognizable future the outlines of a world worthy our dedication, our every risk, our every effort, our every sacrifice along the way. Yes, a world that will redeem the suffering of those who will be liberated from tyranny. I can see and I suggest that all thoughtful men must contemplate the flowering of an Atlantic civilization, the whole world of Europe unified and free, trading openly across its borders, communicating openly across the world. This is a goal far, far more meaningful than a moon shot.\nIt's a truly inspiring goal for all free men to set for themselves during the latter half of the twentieth century. I can also see - and all free men must thrill to - the events of this Atlantic civilization joined by its great ocean highway to the United States. What a destiny, what a destiny can be ours to stand as a great central pillar linking Europe, the Americans and the venerable and vital peoples and cultures of the Pacific. I can see a day when all the Americas, North and South, will be linked in a mighty system, a system in which the errors and misunderstandings of the past will be submerged one by one in a rising tide of prosperity and interdependence. We know that the misunderstandings of centuries are not to be wiped away in a day or wiped away in an hour. But we pledge - we pledge that human sympathy - what our neighbors to the South call that attitude of \"simpatico\" - no less than enlightened self'-interest will be our guide.\nI can see this Atlantic civilization galvanizing and guiding emergent nations everywhere.\nI know this freedom is not the fruit of every soil. I know that our own freedom was achieved through centuries, by unremitting efforts by brave and wise men. I know that the road to freedom is a long and a challenging road. I know also that some men may walk away from it, that some men resist challenge, accepting the false security of governmental paternalism.\nAnd I pledge that the America I envision in the years ahead will extend its hand in health, in teaching and in cultivation, so that all new nations will be at least encouraged to go our way, so that they will not wander down the dark alleys of tyranny or to the dead-end streets of collectivism. My fellow Republicans, we do no man a service by hiding freedom's light under a bushel of mistaken humility.\nI seek an American proud of its past, proud of its ways, proud of its dreams, and determined actively to proclaim them. But our example to the world must, like charity, begin at home.\nIn our vision of a good and decent future, free and peaceful, there must be room for deliberation of the energy and talent of the individual - otherwise our vision is blind at the outset.\nWe must assure a society here which, while never abandoning the needy or forsaking the helpless, nurtures incentives and opportunity for the creative and the productive. We must know the whole good is the product of many single contributions.\nI cherish a day when our children once again will restore as heroes the sort of men and women who - unafraid and undaunted - pursue the truth, strive to cure disease, subdue and make fruitful our natural environment and produce the inventive engines of production, science, and technology.\nThis Nation, whose creative people have enhanced this entire span of history, should again thrive upon the greatness of all those things which we, as individual citizens, can and should do. During Republican years, this again will be a nation of men and women, of families proud of their role, jealous of their responsibilities, unlimited in their aspirations - a Nation where all who can will be self-reliant.\nWe Republicans see in our constitutional form of government the great framework which assures the orderly but dynamic fulfillment of the whole man, and we see the whole man as the great reason for instituting orderly government in the first place.\nWe see, in private property and in economy based upon and fostering private property, the one way to make government a durable ally of the whole man, rather than his determined enemy. We see in the sanctity of private property the only durable foundation for constitutional government in a free society. And beyond that, we see, in cherished diversity of ways, diversity of thoughts, of motives and accomplishments. We do not seek to lead anyone's life for him - we seek only to secure his rights and to guarantee him opportunity to strive, with government performing only those needed and constitutionally sanctioned tasks which cannot otherwise be performed.\nWe Republicans seek a government that attends to its inherent responsibilities of maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal climate, encouraging a free and a competitive economy and enforcing law and order. Thus do we seek inventiveness, diversity, and creativity within a stable order, for we Republicans define government's role where needed at many, many levels, preferably through the one closest to the people involved.\nOur towns and our cities, then our counties, then our states, then our regional contacts - and only then, the national government. That, let me remind you, is the ladder of liberty, built by decentralized power. On it also we must have balance between the branches of government at every level.\nBalance, diversity, creativity - these are the elements of Republican equation. Republicans agree, Republicans agree heartily to disagree on many, many of their applications, but we have never disagreed on the basic fundamental issues of why you and I are Republicans.\nThis is a party, this Republican Party, a Party for free men, not for blind followers, and not for conformists.\nBack in 1858 Abraham Lincoln said this of the Republican party - and I quote him, because he probably could have said it during the last week or so: \"It was composed of strained, discordant, and even hostile elements\" in 1858. Yet all of these elements agreed on one paramount objective: To arrest the progress of slavery, and place it in the course of ultimate extinction.\nToday, as then, but more urgently and more broadly than then, the task of preserving and enlarging freedom at home and safeguarding it from the forces of tyranny abroad is great enough to challenge all our resources and to require all our strength. Anyone who joins us in all sincerity, we welcome. Those who do not care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our ranks in any case. And let our Republicanism, so focused and so dedicated, not be made fuzzy and futile by unthinking and stupid labels.\nI would remind you that extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And let me remind you also that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.\nThe beauty of the very system we Republicans are pledged to restore and revitalize, the beauty of this Federal system of ours is in its reconciliation of diversity with unity. We must not see malice in honest differences of opinion, and no matter how great, so long as they are not inconsistent with the pledges we have given to each other in and through our Constitution. Our Republican cause is not to level out the world or make its people conform in computer regimented sameness. Our Republican cause is to free our people and light the way for liberty throughout the world.\nOurs is a very human cause for very humane goals.\nThis Party, its good people, and its unquestionable devotion to freedom, will not fulfill the purposes of this campaign which we launch here now until our cause has won the day, inspired the world, and shown the way to a tomorrow worthy of all our yesteryears.\nI repeat, I accept your nomination with humbleness, with pride, and you and I are going to fight for the goodness of our land. 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"blind" -> 2, "believe" -> 2, "before" -> 2, "become" -> 2, "beauty" -> 2, "balanced" -> 2, "America" -> 2, "along" -> 2, "agree" -> 2, "against" -> 2, "absolutely" -> 2, "1858" -> 2, "youth" -> 1, "yours" -> 1, "Yet" -> 1, "yesteryears" -> 1, "Yesterday" -> 1, "Yes" -> 1, "yes" -> 1, "Wrongly" -> 1, "wrong" -> 1, "words" -> 1, "word" -> 1, "wonderful" -> 1, "won" -> 1, "within" -> 1, "wise" -> 1, "win" -> 1, "wills" -> 1, "why" -> 1, "whose" -> 1, "while" -> 1, "whether" -> 1, "Where" -> 1, "wheat" -> 1, "What" -> 1, "were" -> 1, "well" -> 1, "welcome" -> 1, "week" -> 1, "wealth" -> 1, "weakly" -> 1, "weakening" -> 1, "watching" -> 1, "wants" -> 1, "want" -> 1, "wander" -> 1, "wall" -> 1, "walk" -> 1, "vital" -> 1, "virtue" -> 1, "virtual" -> 1, "vigilant" -> 1, "view" -> 1, "vice" -> 1, "version" -> 1, "venerable" -> 1, "useful" -> 1, "urgently" -> 1, "up" -> 1, "unthinking" -> 1, "unremitting" -> 1, "unquestionable" -> 1, "unlimited" -> 1, "unity" -> 1, "united" -> 1, "unified" -> 1, "understanding" -> 1, "understand" -> 1, "undermine" -> 1, "undeniable" -> 1, "undaunted" -> 1, "unbelievable" -> 1, "unafraid" -> 1, "ultimately" -> 1, "tyrannies" -> 1, "twentieth" -> 1, "turned" -> 1, "try" -> 1, "truth" -> 1, "truly" -> 1, "true" -> 1, "trading" -> 1, "towns" -> 1, "torn" -> 1, "Together" -> 1, "together" -> 1, "timidly" -> 1, "times" -> 1, "Thus" -> 1, "Thurston" -> 1, "thrust" -> 1, "throughout" -> 1, "thrive" -> 1, "thrill" -> 1, "three" -> 1, "thoughts" -> 1, "though" -> 1, "thinking" -> 1, "things" -> 1, "They" -> 1, "themselves" -> 1, "them" -> 1, "Their" -> 1, "That" -> 1, "Thank" -> 1, "tempered" -> 1, "tell" -> 1, "technology" -> 1, "teaching" -> 1, "tasks" -> 1, "tape" -> 1, "talent" -> 1, "take" -> 1, "sympathy" -> 1, "sworn" -> 1, "sweep" -> 1, "swampland" -> 1, "suspect" -> 1, "suggest" -> 1, "suffering" -> 1, "success" -> 1, "substituted" -> 1, "submerged" -> 1, "subdue" -> 1, "stupid" -> 1, "stumbled" -> 1, "struggle" -> 1, "Straits" -> 1, "strained" -> 1, "stood" -> 1, "still" -> 1, "Stephanie" -> 1, "stems" -> 1, "states" -> 1, "state" -> 1, "stand" -> 1, "stagnate" -> 1, "spectacles" -> 1, "span" -> 1, "sort" -> 1, "somehow" -> 1, "soil" -> 1, "Small" -> 1, "slow" -> 1, "sincerity" -> 1, "simply" -> 1, "simple" -> 1, "simpatico" -> 1, "significant" -> 1, "shows" -> 1, "shown" -> 1, "showing" -> 1, "shouldered" -> 1, "shot" -> 1, "served" -> 1, "sense" -> 1, "self-reliant" -> 1, "self" -> 1, "seen" -> 1, "seems" -> 1, "seeking" -> 1, "Security" -> 1, "security" -> 1, "secure" -> 1, "Secretary" -> 1, "searching" -> 1, "sealed" -> 1, "science" -> 1, "scandals" -> 1, "sands" -> 1, "sanctity" -> 1, "sanctioned" -> 1, "sameness" -> 1, "safety" -> 1, "safeguarding" -> 1, "sacrifice" -> 1, "rules" -> 1, "rug" -> 1, "room" -> 1, "rock" -> 1, "rising" -> 1, "rights" -> 1, "rightly" -> 1, "right" -> 1, "revitalize" -> 1, "result" -> 1, "rest" -> 1, "resources" -> 1, "require" -> 1, "Republic" -> 1, "replace" -> 1, "repeat" -> 1, "renounced" -> 1, "renew" -> 1, "remains" -> 1, "relieving" -> 1, "rejections" -> 1, "rejection" -> 1, "regional" -> 1, "regimented" -> 1, "regimentation" -> 1, "regardless" -> 1, "regard" -> 1, "redeem" -> 1, "red" -> 1, "recourse" -> 1, "reconciliation" -> 1, "recognizable" -> 1, "reason" -> 1, "Rather" -> 1, "ranks" -> 1, "raised" -> 1, "quote" -> 1, "pursuit" -> 1, "pursue" -> 1, "purposes" -> 1, "proven" -> 1, "protected" -> 1, "prosperity" -> 1, "prospect" -> 1, "prophets" -> 1, "progress" -> 1, "productive" -> 1, "production" -> 1, "product" -> 1, "produce" -> 1, "probably" -> 1, "prison" -> 1, "principal" -> 1, "prevent" -> 1, "President" -> 1, "president" -> 1, "preserving" -> 1, "prepares" -> 1, "preferably" -> 1, "position" -> 1, "plodding" -> 1, "pledges" -> 1, "pledged" -> 1, "playgrounds" -> 1, "planning" -> 1, "planned" -> 1, "plain" -> 1, "places" -> 1, "pillar" -> 1, "Pigs" -> 1, "persons" -> 1, "person" -> 1, "performing" -> 1, "performed" -> 1, "peoples" -> 1, "peaceful" -> 1, "paternalism" -> 1, "Pat" -> 1, "particularly" -> 1, "participation" -> 1, "paramount" -> 1, "Pacific" -> 1, "outset" -> 1, "outlines" -> 1, "out" -> 1, "ourselves" -> 1, "Ours" -> 1, "opposite" -> 1, "opposed" -> 1, "opinion" -> 1, "open" -> 1, "Only" -> 1, "ones" -> 1, "On" -> 1, "old" -> 1, "often" -> 1, "officials" -> 1, "offices" -> 1, "offered" -> 1, "ocean" -> 1, "obscure" -> 1, "nurtures" -> 1, "notions" -> 1, "notion" -> 1, "North" -> 1, "Nixon" -> 1, "neighbors" -> 1, "needy" -> 1, "nature's" -> 1, "natural" -> 1, "NATO" -> 1, "national" -> 1, "mysteriously" -> 1, "Mrs." -> 1, "Mr." -> 1, "moved" -> 1, "mounting" -> 1, "motives" -> 1, "Morton" -> 1, "morality" -> 1, "moral" -> 1, "moon" -> 1, "monetary" -> 1, "moment" -> 1, "moderation" -> 1, "model" -> 1, "mob" -> 1, "mistakes" -> 1, "missionaries" -> 1, "mission" -> 1, "mislead" -> 1, "misinform" -> 1, "mind" -> 1, "Miller" -> 1, "mightiest" -> 1, "might" -> 1, "menace" -> 1, "meaningful" -> 1, "meaning" -> 1, "may" -> 1, "material" -> 1, "mate" -> 1, "mark" -> 1, "marched" -> 1, "marauders" -> 1, "malice" -> 1, "Make" -> 1, "maintaining" -> 1, "loyalty" -> 1, "Lord" -> 1, "lived" -> 1, "live" -> 1, "linking" -> 1, "linked" -> 1, "lines" -> 1, "Lincoln" -> 1, "limited" -> 1, "limb" -> 1, "like" -> 1, "license" -> 1, "liberties" -> 1, "liberated" -> 1, "letting" -> 1, "Lebanon" -> 1, "least" -> 1, "lead" -> 1, "laws" -> 1, "law" -> 1, "launch" -> 1, "latter" -> 1, "last" -> 1, "large" -> 1, "Laos" -> 1, "ladder" -> 1, "labels" -> 1, "Korea" -> 1, "justice" -> 1, "jungles" -> 1, "jungle" -> 1, "joins" -> 1, "joined" -> 1, "jobs" -> 1, "job" -> 1, "jealous" -> 1, "It's" -> 1, "it's" -> 1, "issues" -> 1, "irritate" -> 1, "involved" -> 1, "inventiveness" -> 1, "inventive" -> 1, "interest" -> 1, "interdependence" -> 1, "intend" -> 1, "instituting" -> 1, "instead" -> 1, "inspiring" -> 1, "inspired" -> 1, "inner" -> 1, "inherent" -> 1, "inflict" -> 1, "infest" -> 1, "Indeed" -> 1, "inconsistent" -> 1, "inciting" -> 1, "incentives" -> 1, "imperialism" -> 1, "illusion" -> 1, "humbleness" -> 1, "humane" -> 1, "houses" -> 1, "hour" -> 1, "hostile" -> 1, "hope" -> 1, "Hoover" -> 1, "honesty" -> 1, "honest" -> 1, "hogwash" -> 1, "History" -> 1, "history" -> 1, "highway" -> 1, "hiding" -> 1, "heroes" -> 1, "Herbert" -> 1, "helpless" -> 1, "hellish" -> 1, "heaven" -> 1, "hearts" -> 1, "heartily" -> 1, "heartbeat" -> 1, "heart" -> 1, "health" -> 1, "haunt" -> 1, "harmony" -> 1, "hand" -> 1, "half" -> 1, "guiding" -> 1, "guide" -> 1, "guidance" -> 1, "guard" -> 1, "growing" -> 1, "greatest" -> 1, "grasp" -> 1, "governments" -> 1, "government's" -> 1, "governmental" -> 1, "goodness" -> 1, "gold" -> 1, "going" -> 1, "goes" -> 1, "give" -> 1, "genius" -> 1, "General" -> 1, "galvanizing" -> 1, "fuzzy" -> 1, "fundamentally" -> 1, "full" -> 1, "fulfillment" -> 1, "fruitful" -> 1, "fruit" -> 1, "From" -> 1, "friend" -> 1, "free-not" -> 1, "framework" -> 1, "four" -> 1, "founding" -> 1, "founded" -> 1, "foundation" -> 1, "fostering" -> 1, "forward" -> 1, "forsaking" -> 1, "Formosa" -> 1, "form" -> 1, "foreign" -> 1, "followers" -> 1, "followed" -> 1, "foggy" -> 1, "focused" -> 1, "flowering" -> 1, "flourish" -> 1, "fiscal" -> 1, "finest" -> 1, "find" -> 1, "fight" -> 1, "fiber" -> 1, "Fellow" -> 1, "feel" -> 1, "Federal" -> 1, "fathers" -> 1, "fate" -> 1, "family" -> 1, "families" -> 1, "faith" -> 1, "failure" -> 1, "eyes" -> 1, "extremism" -> 1, "extinction" -> 1, "extension" -> 1, "extend" -> 1, "expect" -> 1, "excesses" -> 1, "examples" -> 1, "example" -> 1, "exalted" -> 1, "exactly" -> 1, "everywhere" -> 1, "events" -> 1, "errors" -> 1, "erected" -> 1, "equation" -> 1, "Equality" -> 1, "equality" -> 1, "envision" -> 1, "environment" -> 1, "entire" -> 1, "enthusiasm" -> 1, "enter" -> 1, "ensure" -> 1, "enlightened" -> 1, "enlarging" -> 1, "enhanced" -> 1, "engines" -> 1, "enforcing" -> 1, "energy" -> 1, "enemy" -> 1, "encouraging" -> 1, "encouraged" -> 1, "emergent" -> 1, "emancipation" -> 1, "elevate" -> 1, "elementary" -> 1, "elders" -> 1, "efforts" -> 1, "effort" -> 1, "earthly" -> 1, "earned" -> 1, "eager" -> 1, "each" -> 1, "dynamic" -> 1, "Dwight" -> 1, "dreams" -> 1, "draw" -> 1, "downgrade" -> 1, "down" -> 1, "doubting" -> 1, "Don't" -> 1, "done" -> 1, "domestic" -> 1, "does" -> 1, "divine" -> 1, "divided" -> 1, "distorted" -> 1, "distant" -> 1, "dispel" -> 1, "disease" -> 1, "discordant" -> 1, "disagreed" -> 1, "disagree" -> 1, "died" -> 1, "die" -> 1, "did" -> 1, "Dick" -> 1, "deter" -> 1, "despair" -> 1, "deserve" -> 1, "demonstrates" -> 1, "demands" -> 1, "demanding" -> 1, "deliberation" -> 1, "define" -> 1, "Defense" -> 1, "deep" -> 1, "dedication" -> 1, "decline" -> 1, "decisions" -> 1, "decentralized" -> 1, "decent" -> 1, "deceitfully" -> 1, "decades" -> 1, "death" -> 1, "deal" -> 1, "dead-end" -> 1, "dark" -> 1, "cynically" -> 1, "cure" -> 1, "cultures" -> 1, "cultivation" -> 1, "cringe" -> 1, "create" -> 1, "courageously" -> 1, "counties" -> 1, "could" -> 1, "corruption" -> 1, "corrupt" -> 1, "Convention" -> 1, "controls" -> 1, "contributions" -> 1, "continues" -> 1, "contemplate" -> 1, "contacts" -> 1, "consulates" -> 1, "constitutionally" -> 1, "Constitution" -> 1, "consecrated" -> 1, "conquest" -> 1, "Congress" -> 1, "conformists" -> 1, "conform" -> 1, "confidence" -> 1, "concern" -> 1, "concentrations" -> 1, "computer" -> 1, "composed" -> 1, "competitive" -> 1, "community" -> 1, "communicating" -> 1, "commendable" -> 1, "Commander-in-Chief" -> 1, "command" -> 1, "coin" -> 1, "closest" -> 1, "climate" -> 1, "circuses" -> 1, "churches" -> 1, "children" -> 1, "cherished" -> 1, "cherish" -> 1, "charming" -> 1, "charity" -> 1, "challenging" -> 1, "chairmaning" -> 1, "certainly" -> 1, "century" -> 1, "centralized" -> 1, "central" -> 1, "cement" -> 1, "cell" -> 1, "cast" -> 1, "case" -> 1, "care" -> 1, "captivity" -> 1, "campaign" -> 1, "call" -> 1, "business" -> 1, "bushel" -> 1, "bury" -> 1, "bureaucratic" -> 1, "bulwark" -> 1, "bully" -> 1, "bullies" -> 1, "built" -> 1, "brought" -> 1, "broadly" -> 1, "brisk" -> 1, "breath" -> 1, "bread" -> 1, "branches" -> 1, "borders" -> 1, "bones" -> 1, "boat" -> 1, "boasts" -> 1, "blunted" -> 1, "blot" -> 1, "billion" -> 1, "Bill" -> 1, "between" -> 1, "Berlin" -> 1, "beloved" -> 1, "being" -> 1, "begin" -> 1, "Because" -> 1, "becalmed" -> 1, "Bay" -> 1, "battlefields" -> 1, "basic" -> 1, "based" -> 1, "Balance" -> 1, "balance" -> 1, "Back" -> 1, "avoids" -> 1, "author" -> 1, "attitude" -> 1, "attends" -> 1, "assures" -> 1, "assure" -> 1, "assembled" -> 1, "aspirations" -> 1, "arsenal" -> 1, "arrest" -> 1, "applications" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "anyone's" -> 1, "Anyone" -> 1, "anxiety" -> 1, "Americas" -> 1, "always" -> 1, "ally" -> 1, "alliances" -> 1, "alleys" -> 1, "aimlessness" -> 1, "ahead" -> 1, "agreed" -> 1, "aggressions" -> 1, "actively" -> 1, "action" -> 1, "achieved" -> 1, "accomplishments" -> 1, "accepting" -> 1, "acceptance" -> 1, "abundantly" -> 1, "Absolute" -> 1, "absolute" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "Abraham" -> 1, "abandoning" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25968", "Date" -> DateObject[{1968, 8, 8}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "RichardMNixon::39q5n"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"MiamiBeach", "Florida", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. Chairman, delegates to this convention, my fellow Americans.\nSixteen years ago I stood before this Convention to accept your nomination as the running mate of one of the greatest Americans of our time -- or of any time -- Dwight D. Eisenhower.\nEight years ago, I had the highest honor of accepting your nomination for President of the United States. Tonight, I again proudly accept that nomination for President of the United States.\nBut I have news for you. This time there is a difference.\nThis time we are going to win.\nWe're going to win for a number of reasons: first a personal one. General Eisenhower, as you know, lies critically ill in the Walter Reed Hospital tonight. I have talked, however, with Mrs. Eisenhower on the telephone. She tells me that his heart is with us. And she says that there is nothing that he lives more for and there is nothing that would lift him more than for us to win in November and I say let's win this one for Ike!\nWe are going to win because this great Convention has demonstrated to the nation that the Republican Party has the leadership, the platform and the purpose that America needs. We are going to win because you have nominated as my running mate a statesman of the first rank who will be a great campaigner and one who is fully qualified to undertake the new responsibilities that I shall give to the next Vice President of the United States.\nAnd he is a man who fully shares my conviction and yours, that after a period of forty years when power has gone from the cities and the states to the government in Washington, D.C., it's time to have power go back from Washington to the states and to the cities of this country allover America.\nWe are going to win because at a time that America cries out for the unity that this Administration has destroyed, the Republican Party -- after a spirited contest for its nomination -- for President and for Vice President stands united before the nation tonight.\nI congratulate Governor Reagan. I congratulate Governor Rockefeller. I congratulate Governor Romney. I congratulate all those who have made the hard fight that they have for this nomination. And I know that you will all fight even harder for the great victory our party is going to win in November because we're going to be together in that election campaign.\nAnd a party that can unite itself will unite America.\nMy fellow Americans, most important -- we are going to win because our cause is right.\nWe make history tonight -- not for ourselves but for the ages.\nThe choice we make in 1968 will determine not only the future of America but the future of peace and freedom in the world for the last third of the Twentieth Century.\nAnd the question that we answer tonight: can America meet this great challenge?\nFor a few moments, let us look at America, let us listen to America to find the answer to that question.\nAs we look at America, we see cities enveloped in smoke and flame.\nWe hear sirens in the night.\nWe see Americans dying on distant battlefields abroad.\nWe see Americans hating each other; fighting each other; killing each other at home.\nAnd as we see and hear these things, millions of Americans cry out in anguish.\nDid we come all this way for this?\nDid American boys die in Normandy, and Korea, and in Valley Forge for this?\nListen to the answer to those questions.\nIt is another voice. It is the quiet voice in the tumult and the shouting.\nIt is the voice of the great majority of Americans, the forgotten Americans -- the non-shouters; the non-demonstrators.\nThey are not racists or sick; they are not guilty of the crime that plagues the land.\nThey are black and they are white -- they're native born and foreign born -- they're young and they're old.\nThey work in America's factories.\nThey run America's businesses.\nThey serve in government.\nThey provide most of the soldiers who died to keep us free.\nThey give drive to the spirit of America.\nThey give lift to the American Dream.\nThey give steel to the backbone of America. They are good people, they are decent people; they work, and they save, and they pay their taxes, and they care.\nLike Theodore Roosevelt, they know that this country will not be a good place for any of us to live in unless it is a good place for all of us to live in.\nThis I say to you tonight is the real voice of America. In this year 1968, this is the message it will broadcast to America and to the world.\nLet's never forget that despite her faults, America is a great nation.\nAnd America is great because her people are great.\nWith Winston Churchill, we say: \"We have not journeyed all this way across the centuries, across the oceans, across the mountains, across the prairies because we are made of sugar candy.\"\nAmerica is in trouble today not because her people have failed but because her leaders have failed.\nAnd what America needs are leaders to match the greatness of her people.\nAnd this great group of Americans, the forgotten Americans, and others know that the great question Americans must answer by their votes in November is this: Whether we shall continue for four more years the policies of the last five years.\nAnd this is their answer and this is my answer to that question.\nWhen the strongest nation in the world can be tied down for four years in a war in Vietnam with no end in sight;\nWhen the richest nation in the world can't manage its own economy;\nWhen the nation with the greatest tradition of the rule of law is plagued by unprecedented lawlessness;\nWhen a nation that has been known for a century for equality of opportunity is torn by unprecedented racial violence;\nAnd when the President of the United States cannot travel abroad or to any major city at home without fear of a hostile demonstration -- then it's time for new leadership for the United States of America.\nMy fellow Americans, tonight I accept the challenge and the commitment to provide that new leadership for America.\nAnd I ask you to accept it with me.\nAnd let us accept this challenge not as a grim duty but as an exciting adventure in which we are privileged to help a great nation realize its destiny.\nAnd let us begin by committing ourselves to the truth -- to see it like it is, and tell it like it is -- to find the truth, to speak the truth, and to live the truth -- that's what we will do.\nWe've had enough of big promises and little action.\nThe time has come for honest government in the United States of America.\nAnd so tonight I do not promise the millennium in the morning.\nI don't promise that we can eradicate poverty, and end discrimination, eliminate all danger of war in the space of four, or even eight years. But, I do promise action -- a new policy for peace abroad; a new policy for peace and progress and justice at home.\nLook at our problems abroad. Do you realize that we face the stark truth that we are worse off in every area of the world tonight than we were when President Eisenhower left office eight years ago. That's the record. And there is only one answer to such a record of failure and that is a complete housecleaning of those responsible for the failures of that record. The answer is a complete re-appraisal of America's policies in every section of the world.\nWe shall begin with Vietnam.\nWe all hope in this room that there is a chance that current negotiations may bring an honorable end to that war. And we will say nothing during this campaign that might destroy that chance.\nBut if the war is not ended when the people choose in November, the choice will be clear. Here it is.\nFor four years this Administration has had at its disposal the greatest military and economic advantage that one nation has ever had over another in any war in history.\nFor four years, America's fighting men have set a record for courage and sacrifice unsurpassed in our history.\nFor four years, this Administration has had the support of the Loyal Opposition for the objective of seeking an honorable end to the struggle.\nNever has so much military and economic and diplomatic power been used so ineffectively.\nAnd if after all of this time and all of this sacrifice and all of this support there is still no end in sight, then I say the time has come for the American people to turn to new leadership -- not tied to the mistakes and the policies of the past. That is what we offer to America.\nAnd I pledge to you tonight that the first priority foreign policy objective of our next Administration will be to bring an honorable end to the war in Vietnam. We shall not stop there -- we need a policy to prevent more Vietnams.\nAll of America's peace-keeping institutions and all of America's foreign commitments must be re-appraised. Over the past twenty-five years, America has provided more than one-hundred and fifty billion dollars in foreign aid to nations abroad.\nIn Korea and now again in Vietnam, the United States furnished most of the money, most of the arms; most of the men to help the people of those countries defend themselves against aggression.\nNow we are a rich country. We are a strong nation. We are a populous nation. But there are two hundred million Americans and they're two billion people that live in the Free World.\nAnd I say the time has come for other nations in the Free World to bear their fair share of the burden of defending peace and freedom around this world.\nWhat I call for is not a new isolationism. It is a new internationalism in which America enlists its allies and its friends around the world in those struggles in which their interest is as great as ours.\nAnd now to the leaders of the Communist world, we say: After an era of confrontation, the time has come for an era of negotiation.\nWhere the world's super powers are concerned, there is no acceptable alternative to peaceful negotiation.\nBecause this will be a period of negotiation, we shall restore the strength of America so that we shall always negotiate from strength and never from weakness.\nAnd as we seek peace through negotiation, let our goals be made clear:\nWe do not seek domination over any other country.\nWe believe deeply in our ideas, but we believe they should travel on their own power and not on the power of our arms.\nWe shall never be belligerent but we shall be as firm in defending our system as they are in expanding theirs.\nWe believe this should be an era of peaceful competition, not only in the productivity of our factories but in the quality of our ideas.\nWe extend the hand of friendship to all people, to the Russian people, to the Chinese people, to all people in the world.\nAnd we shall work toward the goal of an open world -- open skies, open cities, open hearts, open minds.\nThe next eight years, my friends, this period in which we are entering, I think we will have the greatest opportunity for world peace but also face the greatest danger of world war of any time in our history.\nI believe we must have peace. I believe that we can have peace, but I do not underestimate the difficulty of this task. Because you see the art of preserving peace is greater than that of waging war and much more demanding. But I am proud to have served in an Administration which ended one war and kept the nation out of other wars for eight years. And it is that kind of experience and it is that kind of leadership that America needs today, and that we will give to America with your help.\nAnd as we commit to new policies for America tonight, let us make one further pledge:\nFor five years hardly a day has gone by when we haven't read or heard a report of the American flag being spit on; an embassy being stoned; a library being burned; or an ambassador being insulted some place in the world. And each incident reduced respect for the United States until the ultimate insult inevitably occurred.\nAnd I say to you tonight that when respect for the United States of America falls so low that a fourth-rate military power, like North Korea, will seize an American naval vessel on the high seas, it is time for new leadership to restore respect for the United States of America.\nMy friends, America is a great nation.\nAnd it is time we started to act like a great nation around the world. It is ironic to note when we were a small nation -- weak militarily and poor economically -- America was respected. And the reason was that America stood for something more powerful than military strength or economic wealth.\nThe American Revolution was a shining example of freedom in action which caught the imagination of the world.\nToday, too often, America is an example to be avoided and not followed.\nA nation that can't keep the peace at home won't be trusted to keep the peace abroad.\nA President who isn't treated with respect at home will not be treated with respect abroad.\nA nation which can't manage its own economy can't tell others how to manage theirs.\nIf we are to restore prestige and respect for America abroad, the place to begin is at home in the United States of America.\nMy friends, we live in an age of revolution in America and in the world. And to find the answers to our problems, let us turn to a revolution, a revolution that will never grow old. The world's greatest continuing revolution, the American Revolution.\nThe American Revolution was and is dedicated to progress, but our founders recognized that the first requisite of progress is order.\nNow, there is no quarrel between progress and order -- because neither can exist without the other.\nSo let us have order in America -- not the order that suppresses dissent and discourages change but the order which guarantees the right to dissent and provides the basis for peaceful change.\nAnd tonight, it is time for some honest talk about the problem of order in the United States.\nLet us always respect, as I do, our courts and those who serve on them. But let us also recognize that some of our courts in their decisions have gone too far in weakening the peace forces as against the criminal forces in this country and we must act to restore that balance.\nLet those who have the responsibility to enforce our laws and our judges who have the responsibility to interpret them be dedicated to the great principles of civil rights.\nBut let them also recognize that the first civil right of every American is to be free from domestic violence, and that right must be guaranteed in this country.\nAnd if we are to restore order and respect for law in this country there is one place we are going to begin. We are going to have a new Attorney General of the United States of America.\nI pledge to you that our new Attorney General will be directed by the President of the United States to launch a war against organized crime in this country.\nI pledge to you that the new Attorney General of the United States will be an active belligerent against the loan sharks and the numbers racketeers that rob the urban poor in our cities.\nI pledge to you that the new Attorney General will open a new front against the filth peddlers and the narcotics peddlers who are corrupting the lives of the children of this country.\nBecause, my friends, let this message come through clear from what I say tonight. Time is running out for the merchants of crime and corruption in American society.\nThe wave of crime is not going to be the wave of the future in the United States of America.\nWe shall re-establish freedom from fear in America so that America can take the lead in re-establishing freedom from fear in the world.\nAnd to those who say that law and order is the code word for racism, there and here is a reply:\nOur goal is justice for every American. If we are to have respect for law in America, we must have laws that deserve respect.\nJust as we cannot have progress without order, we cannot have order without progress, and so, as we commit to order tonight, let us commit to progress.\nAnd this brings me to the clearest choice among the great issues of this campaign.\nFor the past five years we have been deluged by government programs for the unemployed; programs for the cities; programs for the poor. And we have reaped from these programs an ugly harvest of frustration, violence and failure across the land.\nAnd now our opponents will be offering more of the same -- more billions for government jobs, government housing, government welfare.\nI say it is time to quit pouring billions of dollars into programs that have failed in the United States of America.\nTo put it bluntly, we are on the wrong road -- and it's time to take a new road, to progress.\nAgain, we turn to the American Revolution for our answer.\nThe war on poverty didn't begin five years ago in this country. It began when this country began. It's been the most successful war on poverty in the history of nations. There is more wealth in America today, more broadly shared, than in any nation in the world.\nWe are a great nation. And we must never forget how we became great.\nAmerica is a great nation today not because of what government did for people -- but because of what people did for themselves over a hundred-ninety years in this country.\nSo it is time to apply the lessons of the American Revolution to our present problem.\nLet us increase the wealth of America so that we can provide more generously for the aged; and for the needy; and for all those who cannot help themselves.\nBut for those who are able to help themselves -- what we need are not more millions on welfare rolls -- but more millions on payrolls in the United States of America.\nInstead of government jobs, and government housing, and government welfare, let government use its tax and credit policies to enlist in this battle the greatest engine of progress ever developed in the history of man -- American private enterprise.\nLet us enlist in this great cause the millions of Americans in volunteer organizations who will bring a dedication to this task that no amount of money could ever buy.\nAnd let us build bridges, my friends, build bridges to human dignity across that gulf that separates black America from white America.\nBlack Americans, no more than white Americans, they do not want more government programs which perpetuate dependency.\nThey don't want to be a colony in a nation.\nThey want the pride, and the self-respect, and the dignity that can only come if they have an equal chance to own their own homes, to own their own businesses, to be managers and executives as well as workers, to have apiece of the action in the exciting ventures of private enterprise.\nI pledge to you tonight that we shall have new programs which will provide that equal chance.\nWe make great history tonight.\nWe do not fire a shot heard 'round the world but we shall light the lamp of hope in millions of homes across this land in which there is no hope today.\nAnd that great light shining out from America will again become a beacon of hope for all those in the world who seek freedom and opportunity.\nMy fellow Americans, I believe that historians will recall that 1968 marked the beginning of the American generation in world history.\nJust to be alive in America, just to be alive at this time is an experience unparalleled in history. Here is where the action is. Think.\nThirty-two years from now most Americans living today will celebrate a new year that comes once in a thousand years.\nEight years from now, in the second term of the next President, we will celebrate the 200th anniversary of the American Revolution.\nAnd by our decision in this election, we, all of us here, all of you listening on television and radio, we will determine what kind of nation America will be on its 200th birthday; we will determine what kind of a world America will live in the year 2000.\nThis is the kind of a day I see for America on that glorious Fourth -- eight years from now.\nI see a day when Americans are once again proud of their flag. When once again at home and abroad, it is honored as the world's greatest symbol of liberty and justice.\nI see a day when the President of the United States is respected and his office is honored because it is worthy of respect and worthy of honor.\nI see a day when every child in this land, regardless of his background, has a chance for the best education our wisdom and schools can provide, and an equal chance to go just as high as his talents will take him.\nI see a day when life in rural America attracts people to the country, rather than driving them away.\nI see a day when we can look back on massive breakthroughs in solving the problems of slums and pollution and traffic which are choking our cities to death.\nI see a day when our senior citizens and millions of others can plan for the future with the assurance that their government is not going to rob them of their savings by destroying the value of their dollars.\nI see a day when we will again have freedom from fear in America and freedom from fear in the world.\nI see a day when our nation is at peace and the world is at peace and everyone on earth -- those who hope, those who aspire, those who crave liberty -- will look to America as the shining example of hopes realized and dreams achieved.\nMy fellow Americans, this is the cause I ask you to vote for. This is the cause I ask you to work for. This is the cause I ask you to commit to -- not just for victory in November but beyond that to a new Administration.\nBecause the time when one man or a few leaders could save America is gone. We need tonight nothing less than the total commitment and the total mobilization of the American people if we are to succeed.\nGovernment can pass laws. But respect for law can come only from people who take the law into their hearts and their minds -- and not into their hands.\nGovernment can provide opportunity. But opportunity means nothing unless people are prepared to seize it.\nA President can ask for reconciliation in the racial conflict that divides Americans. But reconciliation comes only from the hearts of people.\nAnd tonight, therefore, as we make this commitment, let us look into our hearts and let us look down into the faces of our children.\nIs there anything in the world that should stand in their way?\nNone of the old hatreds mean anything when we look down into the faces of our children.\nIn their faces is our hope, our love, and our courage.\nTonight, I see the face of a child.\nHe lives in a great city. He is black. Or he is white. He is Mexican, Italian, Polish. None of that matters. What matters, he's an American child.\nThat child in that great city is more important than any politician's promise. He is America. He is a poet. He is a scientist, he is a great teacher, he is a proud craftsman. He is everything we ever hoped to be and everything we dare to dream to be.\nHe sleeps the sleep of childhood and he dreams the dreams of a child.\nAnd yet when he awakens, he awakens to a living nightmare of poverty, neglect and despair.\nHe fails in school.\nHe ends up on welfare.\nFor him the American system is one that feeds his stomach and starves his soul. It breaks his heart. And in the end it may take his life on some distant battlefield.\nTo millions of children in this rich land, this is their prospect of the future.\nBut this is only part of what I see in America.\nI see another child tonight.\nHe hears the train go by at night and he dreams of far away places where he'd like to go.\nIt seems like an impossible dream.\nBut he is helped on his journey through life.\nA father who had to go to work before he finished the sixth grade, sacrificed everything he had so that his sons could go to college.\nA gentle, Quaker mother, with a passionate concern for peace, quietly wept when he went to war but she understood why he had to go.\nA great teacher, a remarkable football coach, an inspirational minister encouraged him on his way.\nA courageous wife and loyal children stood by him in victory and also defeat.\nAnd in his chosen profession of politics, first there were scores, then hundreds, then thousands, and finally millions worked for his success.\nAnd tonight he stands before you -- nominated for President of the United States of America.\nYou can see why I believe so deeply in the American Dream.\nFor most of us the American Revolution has been won; the American Dream has come true.\nAnd what I ask you to do tonight is to help me make that dream come true for millions to whom it's an impossible dream today.\nOne hundred and eight years ago, the newly elected President of the United States, Abraham Lincoln, left Springfield, Illinois, never to return again. He spoke to his friends gathered at the railroad station. Listen to his words:\n\"Today I leave you. I go to assume a greater task than devolved on General Washington. The great God which helped him must help me. Without that great assistance, I will surely fail. With it, I cannot fail.\"\nAbraham Lincoln lost his life but he did not fail.\nThe next President of the United States will face challenges which in some ways will be greater than those of Washington or Lincoln. Because for the first time in our nation's history, an American President will face not only the problem of restoring peace abroad but of restoring peace at home.\nWithout God's help and your help, we will surely fail; but with God's help and your help, we shall surely succeed.\nMy fellow Americans, the long dark night for America is about to end.\nThe time has come for us to leave the valley of despair and climb the mountain so that we may see the glory of the dawn -- a new day for America, and a new dawn for peace and freedom in the world.", "Words" -> 4630, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 273, "of" -> 166, "to" -> 147, "in" -> 119, "and" -> 113, "is" -> 93, "that" -> 86, "a" -> 85, "for" -> 82, "we" -> 71, "America" -> 63, "I" -> 57, "this" -> 55, "And" -> 46, "will" -> 38, "are" -> 37, "our" -> 36, "not" -> 30, "have" -> 30, "be" -> 30, "great" -> 28, "world" -> 27, "We" -> 24, "an" -> 24, "years" -> 23, "us" -> 23, "time" -> 23, "nation" -> 23, "as" -> 23, "American" -> 23, "United" -> 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-> 1, "beyond" -> 1, "between" -> 1, "best" -> 1, "beginning" -> 1, "become" -> 1, "became" -> 1, "bear" -> 1, "beacon" -> 1, "battlefields" -> 1, "battlefield" -> 1, "battle" -> 1, "basis" -> 1, "balance" -> 1, "background" -> 1, "backbone" -> 1, "avoided" -> 1, "attracts" -> 1, "assurance" -> 1, "assume" -> 1, "assistance" -> 1, "aspire" -> 1, "As" -> 1, "art" -> 1, "area" -> 1, "apply" -> 1, "apiece" -> 1, "answers" -> 1, "anniversary" -> 1, "anguish" -> 1, "amount" -> 1, "among" -> 1, "ambassador" -> 1, "am" -> 1, "alternative" -> 1, "allover" -> 1, "allies" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "aid" -> 1, "aggression" -> 1, "ages" -> 1, "aged" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "Again" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "adventure" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "active" -> 1, "achieved" -> 1, "accepting" -> 1, "acceptable" -> 1, "able" -> 1, "2000" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=3537", "Date" -> DateObject[{1972, 8, 23}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "RichardMNixon::39q5n"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"MiamiBeach", "Florida", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Four years ago, standing in this very place, I proudly accepted your nomination for President of the United States.\nWith your help and with the votes of millions of Americans, we won a great victory in 1968.\nTonight, I again proudly accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nLet us pledge ourselves to win an even greater victory this November, in 1972.\nOur platform is a dynamic program for progress for America and for peace in the world.\nSpeaking in a very personal sense, I express my deep gratitude to this convention for the tribute you have paid to the best campaigner in the Nixon family-my wife Pat. In honoring her, you have honored millions of women in America who have contributed in the past and will contribute in the future so very much to better government in this country.\nAgain, as I did last night when I was not at the convention, I express the appreciation of all of the delegates and of all America for letting us see young America at its best at our convention. As I express my appreciation to you, I want to say that you have inspired us with your enthusiasm, with your intelligence, with your dedication at this convention. You have made us realize that this is a year when we can prove the experts' predictions wrong, because we can set as our goal winning a majority of the new voters for our ticket this November.\nI pledge to you, all of the new voters in America who are listening on television and listening here in this convention hall, that I will do everything that I can over these next 4 years to make your support be one that you can be proud of, because as I said to you last night, and I feel it very deeply in my heart: Years from now I want you to look back and be able to say that your first vote was one of the best votes you ever cast in your life.\nMr. Chairman, I congratulate the delegates to this convention for renominating as my running mate the man who has just so eloquently and graciously introduced me, Vice President Ted Agnew.\nI thought he was the best man for the job 4 years ago.\nI think he is the best man for the job today.\nAnd I am not going to change my mind tomorrow.\nFinally, as the Vice President has indicated, you have demonstrated to the Nation that we can have an open convention without dividing Americans into quotas.\nLet us commit ourselves to rule out every vestige of discrimination in this country of ours. But my fellow Americans, the way to end discrimination against some is not to begin discrimination against others.\nDividing Americans into quotas is totally alien to the American tradition.\nAmericans don't want to be part of a quota. They want to be part of America. This Nation proudly calls itself the United States of America. Let us reject any philosophy that would make us the divided people of America.\nIn that spirit, I address you tonight, my fellow Americans, not as a partisan of party, which would divide us, but as a partisan of principles, which can unite us.\nSix weeks ago our opponents at their convention rejected many of the great principles of the Democratic Party. To those millions who have been driven out of their home in the Democratic Party, we say come home. We say come home not to another party, but we say come home to the great principles we Americans believe in together.\nAnd I ask you, my fellow Americans, tonight to join us not in a coalition held together only by a desire to gain power. I ask you to join us as members of a new American majority bound together by our common ideals.\nI ask everyone listening to me tonight-Democrats, Republicans, independents, to join our new majority--not on the basis of the party label you wear in your lapel, but on the basis of what you believe in your hearts.\nIn asking for your support I shall not dwell on the record of our Administration which has been praised perhaps too generously by others at this convention.\nWe have made great progress in these past 4 years.\nIt can truly be said that we have changed America and that America has changed the world. As a result of what we have done, America today is a better place and the world is a safer place to live in than was the case 4 years ago.\nWe can be proud of that record, but we shall never be satisfied. A record is not something to stand on; it is something to build on.\nTonight I do not ask you to join our new majority because of what we have done in the past. I ask your support of the Principles I believe should determine America's future.\nThe choice in this election is not between radical change and no change. The choice in this election is between change that works and change that won't work.\nI begin with an article of faith.\nIt has become fashionable in recent years to point up what is wrong with what is called the American system. The critics contend it is so unfair, so corrupt, so unjust, that we should tear it down and substitute something else in its place.\nI totally disagree. I believe in the American system.\nI have traveled to 80 countries in the past 25 years, and I have seen Communist systems, I have seen Socialist systems, I have seen systems that are half Socialist and half free.\nEvery time I come home to America, I realize how fortunate we are to live in this great and good country.\nEvery time I am reminded that we have more freedom, more opportunity, more prosperity than any people in the world, that we have the highest rate of growth of any industrial nation, that Americans have more jobs at higher wages than in any country in the world; that our rate of inflation is less than that of any industrial nation, that the incomparable productivity of America's farmers has made it possible for us to launch a winning war against hunger in the United States, and that the productivity of our farmers also makes us the best fed people in the world with the lowest percentage of the family budget going to food of any country in the world.\nWe can be very grateful in this country that the people on welfare in America would be rich in most of the nations of the world today.\nNow, my fellow Americans, in pointing up those things, we do not overlook the fact that our system has its problems.\nOur Administration, as you know, has provided the biggest tax cut in history, but taxes are still too high.\nThat is why one of the goals of our next Administration is to reduce the property tax which is such an unfair and heavy burden on the poor, the elderly, the wage earner, the farmer, and those on fixed incomes.\nAs all of you know, we have cut inflation in half in this Administration, but we have got to cut it further. We must cut it further so that we can continue to expand on the greatest accomplishment of our new economic policy: For the first time in 5 years wage increases in America are not being eaten up by price increases.\nAs a result of the millions of new jobs created by our new economic policies, unemployment today in America is less than the peacetime average of the sixties, but we must continue the unparalleled increase in new jobs so that we can achieve the great goal of our new prosperity--a job for every American who wants to work, without war and without inflation. The way to reach this goal is to stay on the new road we have charted to move America forward and not to take a sharp detour to the left, which would lead to a dead end for the hopes of the American people.\nThis points up one of the clearest choices in this campaign. Our opponents believe in a different philosophy.\nTheirs is the politics of paternalism, where master planners in Washington make decisions for people.\nOurs is the politics of people--where people make decisions for themselves.\nThe proposal that they have made to pay $1,000 to every person in America insults the intelligence of the American voters.\nBecause you know that every politician's promise has a price--the taxpayer pays the bill.\nThe American people are not going to be taken in by any scheme where Government gives money with one hand and then takes it away with the other.\nTheir platform promises everything to everybody, but at an increased net in the budget of $144 billion, but listen to what it means to you, the taxpayers of the country. That would mean an increase of 50 percent in what the taxpayers of America pay. I oppose any new spending programs which will increase the tax burden on the already overburdened American taxpayer.\nAnd they have proposed legislation which would add 82 million people to the welfare rolls.\nI say that instead of providing incentives for millions of more Americans to go on welfare, we need a program which will provide incentives for people to get off of welfare and to get to work.\nWe believe that it is wrong for anyone to receive more on welfare than for someone who works. Let us be generous to those who can't work without increasing the tax burden of those who do work.\nAnd while we are talking about welfare, let us quit treating our senior citizens in this country like welfare recipients. They have worked hard all of their lives to build America. And as the builders of America, they have not asked for a handout. What they ask for is what they have earned--and that is retirement in dignity and self-respect. Let's give that to our senior citizens.\nNow, when you add up the cost of all of the programs our opponents have proposed, you reach only one conclusion: They would destroy the system which has made America number one in the world economically.\nListen to these facts: Americans today pay one-third of all of their income in taxes. If their programs were adopted, Americans would pay over one-half of what they earn in taxes. This means that if their programs are adopted, American wage earners would be working more for the Government than they would for themselves.\nOnce we cross this line, we cannot turn back because the incentive which makes the American economic system the most productive in the world would be destroyed.\nTheirs is not a new approach. It has been tried before in countries abroad, and I can tell you that those who have tried it have lived to regret it.\nWe cannot and we will not let them do this to America.\nLet us always be true to the principle that has made America the world's most prosperous nation--that here in America a person should get what he works for and work for what he gets.\nLet me illustrate the difference in our philosophies. Because of our free economic system, what we have done is to build a great building of economic wealth and money in America. It is by far the tallest building in the world, and we are still adding to it. Now because some of the windows are broken, they say tear it down and start again. We say, replace the windows and keep building. That is the difference.\nLet me turn now to a second area where my beliefs are totally different from those of our opponents.\nFour years ago crime was rising all over America at an unprecedented rate. Even our Nation's Capital was called the crime capital of the world. I pledged to stop the rise in crime. In order to keep that pledge, I promised in the election campaign that I would appoint judges to the Federal courts, and particularly to the Supreme Court, who would recognize that the first civil right of every American is to be free from domestic violence.\nI have kept that promise. I am proud of the appointments I have made to the courts, and particularly proud of those I have made to the Supreme Court of the United States. And I pledge again tonight, as I did 4 years ago, that whenever I have the opportunity to make more appointments to the courts, I shall continue to appoint judges who share my philosophy that we must strengthen the peace forces as against the criminal forces in the United States.\nWe have launched an all-out offensive against crime, against narcotics, against permissiveness in our country.\nI want the peace officers across America to know that they have the total backing of their President in their fight against crime.\nMy fellow Americans, as we move toward peace abroad, I ask you to support our programs which will keep the peace at home.\nNow, I turn to an issue of overriding importance not only to this election, but for generations to come--the progress we have made in building a new structure of peace in the world.\nPeace is too important for partisanship. There have been five Presidents in my political lifetime--Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry Truman, Dwight Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy, and Lyndon Johnson.\nThey had differences on some issues, but they were united in their belief that where the security of America or the peace of the world is involved we are not Republicans, we are not Democrats. We are Americans, first, last, and always.\nThese five Presidents were united in their total opposition to isolation for America and in their belief that the interests of the United States and the interests of world peace require that America be strong enough and intelligent enough to assume the responsibilities of leadership in the world.\nThey were united in the conviction that the United States should have a defense second to none in the world.\nThey were all men who hated war and were dedicated to peace.\nBut not one of these five men, and no President in our history, believed that America should ask an enemy for peace on terms that would betray our allies and destroy respect for the United States all over the world.\nAs your President, I pledge that I shall always uphold that proud bipartisan tradition. Standing in this Convention Hall 4 years ago, I pledged to seek an honorable end to the war in Vietnam. We have made great progress toward that end. We have brought over half a million men home, and more will be coming home. We have ended America's ground combat role. No draftees are being sent to Vietnam. We have reduced our casualties by 98 percent. We have gone the extra mile, in fact we have gone tens of thousands of miles trying to seek a negotiated settlement of the war. We have offered a cease-fire, a total withdrawal of all American forces, an exchange of all prisoners of war, internationally supervised free elections with the Communists participating in the elections and in the supervision.\nThere are three things, however, that we have not and that we will not offer.\nWe will never abandon our prisoners of war.\nSecond, we will not join our enemies in imposing a Communist government on our allies--the 17 million people of South Vietnam.\nAnd we will never stain the honor of the United States of America.\nNow I realize that many, particularly in this political year, wonder why we insist on an honorable peace in Vietnam. From a political standpoint they suggest that since I was not in office when over a half million American men were sent there, that I should end the war by agreeing to impose a Communist government on the people of South Vietnam and just blame the whole catastrophe on my predecessors.\nThis might be good politics, but it would be disastrous to the cause of peace in the world. If, at this time, we betray our allies, it will discourage our friends abroad and it will encourage our enemies to engage in aggression.\nIn areas like the Mideast, which are danger areas, small nations who rely on the friendship and support of the United States would be in deadly jeopardy.\nTo our friends and allies in Europe, Asia, the Mideast, and Latin America, I say the United States will continue its great bipartisan tradition--to stand by our friends and never to desert them.\nNow in discussing Vietnam, I have noted that in this election year there has been a great deal of talk about providing amnesty for those few hundred Americans who chose to desert their country rather than to serve it in Vietnam. I think it is time that we put the emphasis where it belongs. The real heroes are 2 1/2 million young Americans who chose to serve their country rather than desert it. I say to you tonight, in these times when there is so much of a tendency to run down those who have served America in the past and who serve it today, let us give those who serve in our Armed Forces and those who have served in Vietnam the honor and the respect that they deserve and that they have earned.\nFinally, in this connection, let one thing be clearly understood in this election campaign: The American people will not tolerate any attempt by our enemies to interfere in the cherished right of the American voter to make his own decision with regard to what is best for America without outside intervention.\nNow it is understandable that Vietnam has been a major concern in foreign policy. But we have not allowed the war in Vietnam to paralyze our capacity to initiate historic new policies to construct a lasting and just peace in the world.\nWhen the history of this period is written, I believe it will be recorded that our most significant contributions to peace resulted from our trips to Peking and to Moscow.\nThe dialogue that we have begun with the People's Republic of China has reduced the danger of war and has increased the chance for peaceful cooperation between two great peoples.\nWithin the space of 4 years in our relations with the Soviet Union, we have moved from confrontation to negotiation, and then to cooperation in the interest of peace.\nWe have taken the first step in limiting the nuclear arms race.\nWe have laid the foundation for further limitations on nuclear weapons and eventually of reducing the armaments in the nuclear area.\nWe can thereby not only reduce the enormous cost of arms for both our countries, but we can increase the chances for peace.\nMore than on any other single issue, I ask you, my fellow Americans, to give us the chance to continue these great initiatives that can contribute so much to the future of peace in the world.\nIt can truly be said that as a result of our initiatives, the danger of war is less today than it was; the chances for peace are greater.\nBut a note of warning needs to be sounded. We cannot be complacent. Our opponents have proposed massive cuts in our defense budget which would have the inevitable effect of making the United States the second strongest nation in the world.\nFor the United States unilaterally to reduce its strength with the naive hope that other nations would do likewise would increase the danger of war in the world.\nIt would completely remove any incentive of other nations to agree to a mutual limitation or reduction of arms.\nThe promising initiatives we have undertaken to limit arms would be destroyed.\nThe security of the United States and all the nations in the world who depend upon our friendship and support would be threatened.\nLet's look at the record on defense expenditures. We have cut spending in our Administration. It now takes the lowest percentage of our national product in 20 years. We should not spend more on defense than we need. But we must never spend less than we need.\nWhat we must understand is, spending what we need on defense will cost us money. Spending less than we need could cost us our lives or our freedom.\nSo tonight, my fellow Americans, I say, let us take risks for peace, but let us never risk the security of the United States of America.\nIt is for that reason that I pledge that we will continue to seek peace and the mutual reduction of arms. The United States, during this period, however, will always have a defense second to none.\nThere are those who believe that we can entrust the security of America to the good will of our adversaries.\nThose who hold this view do not know the real world. We can negotiate limitation of arms, and we have done so. We can make agreements to reduce the danger of war, and we have done so.\nBut one unchangeable rule of international diplomacy that I have learned over many, many years is that, in negotiations between great powers, you can only get something if you have something to give in return.\nThat is why I say tonight: Let us always be sure that when the President of the United States goes to the conference table, he never has to negotiate from weakness.\nThere is no such thing as a retreat to peace.\nMy fellow Americans, we stand today on the threshold of one of the most exciting and challenging eras in the history of relations between nations.\nWe have the opportunity in our time to be the peacemakers of the world, because the world trusts and respects us and because the world knows that we shall only use our power to defend freedom, never to destroy it; to keep the peace, never to break it.\nA strong America is not the enemy of peace; it is the guardian of peace.\nThe initiatives that we have begun can result in reducing the danger of arms, as well as the danger of war which hangs over the world today.\nEven more important, it means that the enormous creative energies of the Russian people and the Chinese people and the American people and all the great peoples of the world can be turned away from production of war and turned toward production for peace.\nIn America it means that we can undertake programs for progress at home that will be just as exciting as the great initiatives we have undertaken in building a new structure of peace abroad.\nMy fellow Americans, the peace dividend that we hear so much about has too often been described solely in monetary terms--how much money we could take out of the arms budget and apply to our domestic needs. By far the biggest dividend, however, is that achieving our goal of a lasting peace in the world would reflect the deepest hopes and ideals of all of the American people.\nSpeaking on behalf of the American people, I was proud to be able to say in my television address to the Russian people in May: We covet no one else's territory. We seek no dominion over any other nation. We seek peace not only for ourselves, but for all the people of the world.\nThis dedication to idealism runs through America's history.\nDuring the tragic War Between the States, Abraham Lincoln was asked whether God was on his side. He replied, \"My concern is not whether God is on our side, but whether we are on God's side.\"\nMay that always be our prayer for America.\nWe hold the future of peace in the world and our own future in our hands. Let us reject therefore the policies of those who whine and whimper about our frustrations and call on us to turn inward\nLet us not turn away from greatness.\nThe chance America now has to lead the way to a lasting peace in the world may never come again.\nWith faith in God and faith in ourselves and faith in our country, let us have the vision and the courage to seize the moment and meet the challenge before it slips away.\nOn your television screen last night, you saw the cemetery in Leningrad I visited on my trip to the Soviet Union--where 300,000 people died in the siege of that city during World War II.\nAt the cemetery I saw the picture of a 12-year-old girl. She was a beautiful child. Her name was Tanya.\nI read her diary. It tells the terrible story of war. In the simple words of a child she wrote of the deaths of the members of her family. Zhenya in December. Grannie in January. Then Leka. Then Uncle Vasya. Then Uncle Lyosha. Then Mama in May. And finally--these were the last words in her diary: \"All are dead. Only Tanya is left.\"\nLet us think of Tanya and of the other Tanyas and their brothers and sisters everywhere in Russia, in China, in America, as we proudly meet our responsibilities for leadership in the world in a way worthy of a great people.\nI ask you, my fellow Americans, to join our new majority not just in the cause of winning an election, but in achieving a hope that mankind has had since the beginning of civilization. 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nomination, and I accept it with pride, with gratitude, and with a total will to win a great victory for the American people. We will wage a winning campaign in every region of this country, from the snowy banks of Minnesota to the sandy plains of Georgia. We concede not a single State. We concede not a single vote.\nThis evening I am proud to stand before this great convention as the first incumbent President since Dwight D. Eisenhower who can tell the American people America is at peace.\nTonight I can tell you straightaway this Nation is sound, this Nation is secure, this Nation is on the march to full economic recovery and a better quality of life for all Americans.\nAnd I will tell you one more thing: This year the issues are on our side. I am ready, I am eager to go before the American people and debate the real issues face to face with Jimmy Carter. The American people have a right to know firsthand exactly where both of us stand.\nI am deeply grateful to those who stood with me in winning the nomination of the party whose cause I have served all of my adult life. I respect the convictions of those who want a change in Washington. I want a change, too. After 22 long years of majority misrule, let's change the United States Congress.\nMy gratitude tonight reaches far beyond this arena to countless friends whose confidence, hard work, and unselfish support have brought me to this moment. It would be unfair to single out anyone, but may I make an exception for my wonderful family--Mike, Jack, Steve, and Susan and especially my dear wife, Betty.\nWe Republicans have had some tough competition. We not only preach the virtues of competition, we practice them. But tonight we come together not on a battlefield to conclude a cease-fire, but to join forces on a training field that has conditioned us all for the rugged contest ahead. Let me say this from the bottom of my heart: After the scrimmages of the past few months, it really feels good to have Ron Reagan on the same side of the line.\nTo strengthen our championship lineup, the convention has wisely chosen one of the ablest Americans as our next Vice President, Senator Bob Dole of Kansas. With his help, with your help, with the help of millions of Americans who cherish peace, who want freedom preserved, prosperity shared, and pride in America, we will win this election. I speak not of a Republican victory, but a victory for the American people.\nYou at home listening tonight, you are the people who pay the taxes and obey the laws. You are the people who make our system work. You are the people who make America what it is. It is from your ranks that I come and on your side that I stand.\nSomething wonderful happened to this country of ours the past 2 years. We all came to realize it on the Fourth of July. Together, out of years of turmoil and tragedy, wars and riots, assassinations and wrongdoing in high places, Americans recaptured the spirit of 1776. We saw again the pioneer vision of our revolutionary founders and our immigrant ancestors. Their vision was of free men and free women enjoying limited government and unlimited opportunity. The mandate I want in 1976 is to make this vision a reality, but it will take the voices and the votes of many more Americans who are not Republicans to make that mandate binding and my mission possible.\nI have been called an unelected President, an accidental President. We may even hear that again from the other party, despite the fact that I was welcomed and endorsed by an overwhelming majority of their elected representatives in the Congress who certified my fitness to our highest office. Having become Vice President and President without expecting or seeking either, I have a special feeling toward these high offices. To me, the Presidency and the Vice-Presidency were not prizes to be won, but a duty to be done.\nSo, tonight it is not the power and the glamour of the Presidency that leads me to ask for another 4 years; it is something every hard-working American will understand--the challenge of a job well begun, but far from finished.\nTwo years ago, on August 9, 1974, I placed my hand on the Bible, which Betty held, and took the same constitutional oath that was administered to George Washington. I had faith in our people, in our institutions, and in myself. \"My fellow Americans,\" I said, \"our long national nightmare is over.\"\nIt was an hour in our history that troubled our minds and tore at our hearts. Anger and hatred had risen to dangerous levels, dividing friends and families. The polarization of our political order had aroused unworthy passions of reprisal and revenge. Our governmental system was closer to stalemate than at any time since Abraham Lincoln took the same oath of office. Our economy was in the throes of runaway inflation, taking us headlong into the worst recession since Franklin D. Roosevelt took the same oath.\nOn that dark day I told my fellow countrymen, \"I am acutely aware that you have not elected me as your President by your ballots, so I ask you to confirm me as your President with your prayers.\"\nOn a marble fireplace in the White House is carved a prayer which John Adams wrote. It concludes, \"May none but honest and wise men ever rule under this roof.\" Since I have resided in that historic house, I have tried to live by that prayer. I faced many tough problems. I probably made some mistakes, but on balance, America and Americans have made an incredible comeback since August 1974. Nobody can honestly say otherwise. And the plain truth is that the great progress we have made at home and abroad was in spite of the majority who run the Congress of the United States.\nFor 2 years I have stood for all the people against a vote-hungry, free-spending congressional majority on Capitol Hill. Fifty-five times I vetoed extravagant and unwise legislation; 45 times I made those vetoes stick. Those vetoes have saved American taxpayers billions and billions of dollars. I am against the big tax spender and for the little taxpayer.\nI called for a permanent tax cut, coupled with spending reductions, to stimulate the economy and relieve hard-pressed, middle-income taxpayers. Your personal exemption must be raised from $750 to $1,000. The other party's platform talks about tax reform, but there is one big problem--their own Congress won't act.\nI called for reasonable constitutional restrictions on court-ordered busing of schoolchildren, but the other party's platform concedes that busing should be a last resort. But there is the same problem--their own Congress won't act.\nI called for a major overhaul of criminal laws to crack down on crime and illegal drugs. The other party's platform deplores America's $90 billion cost of crime. There is the problem again--their own Congress won't act.\nI come before you with a 2-year record of performance without your mandate. I offer you a 4-year pledge of greater performance with your mandate. As Governor Al Smith used to say, \"Let's look at the record.\"\nTwo years ago inflation was 12 percent. Sales were off. Plants were shut down. Thousands were being laid off every week. Fear of the future was throttling down our economy and threatening millions of families.\nLet's look at the record since August 1974. Inflation has been cut in half. Payrolls are up. Profits are up. Production is up. Purchases are up. Since the recession was turned around, almost 4 million of our fellow Americans have found new jobs or got their old jobs back. This year more men and women have jobs than ever before in the history of the United States. Confidence has returned, and we are in the full surge of sound recovery to steady prosperity.\nTwo years ago America was mired in withdrawal from Southeast Asia. A decade of Congresses had shortchanged our global defenses and threatened our strategic posture. Mounting tension between Israel and the Arab nations made another war seem inevitable. The whole world watched and wondered where America was going. Did we in our domestic turmoil have the will, the stamina, and the unity to stand up for freedom?\nThe world now respects America's policy of peace through strength. The United States is again the confident leader of the free world. Nobody questions our dedication to peace, but nobody doubts our willingness to use our strength when our vital interests are at stake, and we will. I called for an up-to-date, powerful Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines that will keep America secure for decades. A strong military posture is always the best insurance for peace. But America's strength has never rested on arms alone. It is rooted in our mutual commitment of our citizens and leaders in the highest standards of ethics and morality and in the spiritual renewal which our Nation is undergoing right now.\nTwo years ago people's confidence in their highest officials, to whom they had overwhelmingly entrusted power, had twice been shattered. Losing faith in the word of their elected leaders, Americans lost some of their own faith in themselves.\nAgain, let's look at the record since August 1974. From the start my administration has been open, candid, forthright. While my entire public and private life was under searching examination for the Vice-Presidency, I reaffirmed my lifelong conviction that truth is the glue that holds government together--not only government but civilization itself. I have demanded honesty, decency, and personal integrity from everybody in the executive branch of the Government. The House and Senate have the same duty.\nThe American people will not accept a double standard in the United States Congress. Those who make our laws today must not debase the reputation of our great legislative bodies that have given us such giants as Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, Sam Rayburn, and Robert A. Taft. Whether in the Nation's Capital, the State capital, or city hall, private morality and public trust must go together.\nFrom August of 1974 to August of 1976, the record shows steady progress upward toward prosperity, peace, and public trust. My record is one of progress, not platitudes. My record is one of specifics, not smiles. My record is one of performance, not promises. It is a record I am proud to run on. It is a record the American people--Democrats, Independents, and Republicans alike--will support on November 2.\nFor the next 4 years I pledge to you that I will hold to the steady course we have begun. But I have no intention of standing on the record alone.\nWe will continue winning the fight against inflation. We will go on reducing the dead weight and impudence of bureaucracy. We will submit a balanced budget by 1978.\nWe will improve the quality of life at work, at play, and in our homes and in our neighborhoods. We will not abandon our cities. We will encourage urban programs which assure safety in the streets, create healthy environments, and restore neighborhood pride. We will return control of our children's education to parents and local school authorities.\nWe will make sure that this rich Nation does not neglect citizens who are less fortunate, but provides for their needs with compassion and with dignity.\nWe will reduce the growth and the cost of government and allow individual breadwinners and businesses to keep more of the money that they earn.\nWe will create a climate in which our economy will provide a meaningful job for everyone who wants to work and a decent standard of life for all Americans. We will ensure that all of our young people have a better chance in life than we had, an education they can use, and a career they can be proud of.\nWe will carry out a farm policy that assures a fair market price for the farmer, encourages full production, leads to record exports, and eases the hunger within the human family. We will never use the bounty of America's farmers as a pawn in international diplomacy. There will be no embargoes.\nWe will build on performance, not promises; experience, not expediency; real progress instead of mysterious plans to be revealed in some dim and distant future. The American people are wise, wiser than our opponents think. They know who pays for every campaign promise. They are not afraid of the truth. We will tell them the truth.\nFrom start to finish, our campaign will be credible; it will be responsible. We will come out fighting, and we will win. Yes, we have all seen the polls and the pundits who say our party is dead. I have heard that before. So did Harry Truman. I will tell you what I think. The only polls that count are the polls the American people go to on November 2. And right now, I predict that the American people are going to say that night, \"Jerry, you have done a good job, keep right on doing it.\"\nAs I try in my imagination to look into the homes where families are watching the end of this great convention, I can't tell which faces are Republicans, which are Democrats, and which are Independents. I cannot see their color or their creed. I see only Americans.\nI see Americans who love their husbands, their wives, and their children. I see Americans who love their country for what it has been and what it must become. I see Americans who work hard, but who are willing to sacrifice all they have worked for to keep their children and their country free. I see Americans who in their own quiet way pray for peace among nations and peace among themselves. We do love our neighbors, and we do forgive those who have trespassed against us.\nI see a new generation that knows what is right and knows itself, a generation determined to preserve its ideals, its environment, our Nation, and the world.", "Words" -> 2381, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 117, "and" -> 78, "of" -> 73, "I" -> 58, "to" -> 52, "a" -> 41, "our" -> 39, "in" -> 38, "will" -> 34, "that" -> 29, "is" -> 28, "have" -> 28, "We" -> 25, "for" -> 24, "who" -> 22, "on" -> 21, "not" -> 20, "are" -> 20, "their" -> 18, "people" -> 16, "Americans" -> 15, "this" -> 14, "but" -> 14, "with" -> 13, "was" -> 13, "we" -> 12, "The" -> 12, "record" -> 12, "my" -> 12, "American" -> 12, "it" -> 11, "at" -> 11, "your" -> 10, "you" -> 10, "years" -> 10, "be" -> 10, "all" -> 9, "which" -> 8, "President" -> 8, "peace" -> 8, "had" -> 8, "from" -> 8, "an" -> 8, "am" -> 8, "see" -> 7, "me" -> 7, "make" -> 7, "It" -> 7, "has" -> 7, "Congress" -> 7, "America" -> 7, "tell" -> 6, "since" -> 6, "same" -> 6, 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"http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25970", "Date" -> DateObject[{1980, 7, 17}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "RonaldReagan::gn3nt"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Detroit", "Michigan", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President to be, this convention, my fellow citizens of this great nation:\nWith a deep awareness of the responsibility conferred by your trust, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States. I do so with deep gratitude, and I think also I might interject on behalf of all of us, our thanks to Detroit and the people of Michigan and to this city for the warm hospitality they have shown. And I thank you for your wholehearted response to my recommendation in regard to George Bush as a candidate for vice president.\nI am very proud of our party tonight. This convention has shown to all America a party united, with positive programs for solving the nation's problems; a party ready to build a new consensus with all those across the land who share a community of values embodied in these words: family, work, neighborhood, peace and freedom.\nI know we have had a quarrel or two, but only as to the method of attaining a goal. There was no argument about the goal. As president, I will establish a liaison with the 50 governors to encourage them to eliminate, where it exists, discrimination against women. I will monitor federal laws to insure their implementation and to add statutes if they are needed.\nMore than anything else, I want my candidacy to unify our country; to renew the American spirit and sense of purpose. I want to carry our message to every American, regardless of party affiliation, who is a member of this community of shared values.\nNever before in our history have Americans been called upon to face three grave threats to our very existence, any one of which could destroy us. We face a disintegrating economy, a weakened defense and an energy policy based on the sharing of scarcity.\nThe major issue of this campaign is the direct political, personal and moral responsibility of Democratic Party leadership--in the White House and in Congress--for this unprecedented calamity which has befallen us. They tell us they have done the most that humanly could be done. They say that the United States has had its day in the sun; that our nation has passed its zenith. They expect you to tell your children that the American people no longer have the will to cope with their problems; that the future will be one of sacrifice and few opportunities.\nMy fellow citizens, I utterly reject that view. The American people, the most generous on earth, who created the highest standard of living, are not going to accept the notion that we can only make a better world for others by moving backwards ourselves. Those who believe we can have no business leading the nation.\nI will not stand by and watch this great country destroy itself under mediocre leadership that drifts from one crisis to the next, eroding our national will and purpose. We have come together here because the American people deserve better from those to whom they entrust our nation's highest offices, and we stand united in our resolve to do something about it.\nWe need rebirth of the American tradition of leadership at every level of government and in private life as well. The United States of America is unique in world history because it has a genius for leaders--many leaders--on many levels. But, back in 1976, Mr. Carter said, \"Trust me.\" And a lot of people did. Now, many of those people are out of work. Many have seen their savings eaten away by inflation. Many others on fixed incomes, especially the elderly, have watched helplessly as the cruel tax of inflation wasted away their purchasing power. And, today, a great many who trusted Mr. Carter wonder if we can survive the Carter policies of national defense.\n\"Trust me\" government asks that we concentrate our hopes and dreams on one man; that we trust him to do what's best for us. My view of government places trust not in one person or one party, but in those values that transcend persons and parties. The trust is where it belongs--in the people. The responsibility to live up to that trust is where it belongs, in their elected leaders. That kind of relationship, between the people and their elected leaders, is a special kind of compact.\nThree hundred and sixty years ago, in 1620, a group of families dared to cross a mighty ocean to build a future for themselves in a new world. When they arrived at Plymouth, Massachusetts, they formed what they called a \"compact\"; an agreement among themselves to build a community and abide by its laws.\nThe single act--the voluntary binding together of free people to live under the law--set the pattern for what was to come.\nA century and a half later, the descendants of those people pledged their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor to found this nation. Some forfeited their fortunes and their lives; none sacrificed honor.\nFour score and seven years later, Abraham Lincoln called upon the people of all America to renew their dedication and their commitment to a government of, for and by the people.\nIsn't it once again time to renew our compact of freedom; to pledge to each other all that is best in our lives; all that gives meaning to them--for the sake of this, our beloved and blessed land?\nTogether, let us make this a new beginning. Let us make a commitment to care for the needy; to teach our children the values and the virtues handed down to us by our families; to have the courage to defend those values and the willingness to sacrifice for them.\nLet us pledge to restore, in our time, the American spirit of voluntary service, of cooperation, of private and community initiative; a spirit that flows like a deep and mighty river through the history of our nation.\nAs your nominee, I pledge to restore to the federal government the capacity to do the people's work without dominating their lives. I pledge to you a government that will not only work well, but wisely; its ability to act tempered by prudence and its willingness to do good balanced by the knowledge that government is never more dangerous than when our desire to have it help us blinds us to its great power to harm us.\nThe first Republican president once said, \"While the people retain their virtue and their vigilance, no administration by any extreme of wickedness or folly can seriously injure the government in the short space of four years.\"\nIf Mr. Lincoln could see what's happened in these last three-and-a-half years, he might hedge a little on that statement. But, with the virtues that our legacy as a free people and with the vigilance that sustains liberty, we still have time to use our renewed compact to overcome the injuries that have been done to America these past three-and-a-half years.\nFirst, we must overcome something the present administration has cooked up: a new and altogether indigestible economic stew, one part inflation, one part high unemployment, one part recession, one part runaway taxes, one party deficit spending and seasoned by an energy crisis. It's an economic stew that has turned the national stomach.\nOurs are not problems of abstract economic theory. Those are problems of flesh and blood; problems that cause pain and destroy the moral fiber of real people who should not suffer the further indignity of being told by the government that it is all somehow their fault. We do not have inflation because--as Mr. Carter says--we have lived too well.\nThe head of a government which has utterly refused to live within its means and which has, in the last few days, told us that this year's deficit will be $60 billion, dares to point the finger of blame at business and labor, both of which have been engaged in a losing struggle just trying to stay even.\nHigh taxes, we are told, are somehow good for us, as if, when government spends our money it isn't inflationary, but when we spend it, it is.\nThose who preside over the worst energy shortage in our history tell us to use less, so that we will run out of oil, gasoline, and natural gas a little more slowly. Conservation is desirable, of course, for we must not waste energy. But conservation is not the sole answer to our energy needs.\nAmerica must get to work producing more energy. The Republican program for solving economic problems is based on growth and productivity.\nLarge amounts of oil and natural gas lay beneath our land and off our shores, untouched because the present administration seems to believe the American people would rather see more regulation, taxes and controls than more energy.\nCoal offers great potential. So does nuclear energy produced under rigorous safety standards. It could supply electricity for thousands of industries and millions of jobs and homes. It must not be thwarted by a tiny minority opposed to economic growth which often finds friendly ears in regulatory agencies for its obstructionist campaigns.\nMake no mistake. We will not permit the safety of our people or our environment heritage to be jeopardized, but we are going to reaffirm that the economic prosperity of our people is a fundamental part of our environment.\nOur problems are both acute and chronic, yet all we hear from those in positions of leadership are the same tired proposals for more government tinkering, more meddling and more control--all of which led us to this state in the first place.\nCan anyone look at the record of this administration and say, \"Well done?\" Can anyone compare the state of our economy when the Carter Administration took office with where we are today and say, \"Keep up the good work?\" Can anyone look at our reduced standing in the world today and say, \"Let's have four more years of this?\"\nI believe the American people are going to answer these questions the first week of November and their answer will be, \"No--we've had enough.\" And, then it will be up to us--beginning next January 20th--to offer an administration and congressional leadership of competence and more than a little courage.\nWe must have the clarity of vision to see the difference between what is essential and what is merely desirable, and then the courage to bring our government back under control and make it acceptable to the people.\nIt is essential that we maintain both the forward momentum of economic growth and the strength of the safety net beneath those in society who need help. We also believe it is essential that the integrity of all aspects of Social Security are preserved.\nBeyond these essentials, I believe it is clear our federal government is overgrown and overweight. Indeed, it is time for our government to go on a diet. Therefore, my first act as chief executive will be to impose an immediate and thorough freeze on federal hiring. Then, we are going to enlist the very best minds from business, labor and whatever quarter to conduct a detailed review of every department, bureau and agency that lives by federal appropriations. We are also going to enlist the help and ideas of many dedicated and hard working government employees at all levels who want a more efficient government as much as the rest of us do. I know that many are demoralized by the confusion and waste they confront in their work as a result of failed and failing policies.\nOur instructions to the groups we enlist will be simple and direct. We will remind them that government programs exist at the sufferance of the American taxpayer and are paid for with money earned by working men and women. Any program that represents a waste of their money--a theft from their pocketbooks--must have that waste eliminated or the program must go--by executive order where possible; by congressional action where necessary. Everything that can be run more effectively by state and local government we shall turn over to state and local government, along with the funding sources to pay for it. We are going to put an end to the money merry-go-round where our money becomes Washington's money, to be spent by the states and cities exactly the way the federal bureaucrats tell them to.\nI will not accept the excuse that the federal government has grown so big and powerful that it is beyond the control of any president, any administration or Congress. We are going to put an end to the notion that the American taxpayer exists to fund the federal government. The federal government exists to serve the American people. On January 20th, we are going to re-establish that truth.\nAlso on that date we are going to initiate action to get substantial relief for our taxpaying citizens and action to put people back to work. None of this will be based on any new form of monetary tinkering or fiscal sleight-of-hand. We will simply apply to government the common sense we all use in our daily lives.\nWork and family are at the center of our lives; the foundation of our dignity as a free people. When we deprive people of what they have earned, or take away their jobs, we destroy their dignity and undermine their families. We cannot support our families unless there are jobs; and we cannot have jobs unless people have both money to invest and the faith to invest it.\nThere are concepts that stem from an economic system that for more than 200 years has helped us master a continent, create a previously undreamed of prosperity for our people and has fed millions of others around the globe. That system will continue to serve us in the future if our government will stop ignoring the basic values on which it was built and stop betraying the trust and good will of the American workers who keep it going.\nThe American people are carrying the heaviest peacetime tax burden in our nation's history--and it will grow even heavier, under present law, next January. We are taxing ourselves into economic exhaustion and stagnation, crushing our ability and incentive to save, invest and produce.\nThis must stop. We must halt this fiscal self-destruction and restore sanity to our economic system.\nI have long advocated a 30 percent reduction in income tax rates over a period of three years. This phased tax reduction would begin with a 10 percent \"down payment\" tax cut in 1981, which the Republicans and Congress and I have already proposed.\nA phased reduction of tax rates would go a long way toward easing the heavy burden on the American people. But, we should not stop here.\nWithin the context of economic conditions and appropriate budget priorities during each fiscal year of my presidency, I would strive to go further. This would include improvement in business depreciation taxes so we can stimulate investment in order to get plants and equipment replaced, put more Americans back to work and put our nation back on the road to being competitive in world commerce. We will also work to reduce the cost of government as a percentage of our gross national product.\nThe first task of national leadership is to set honest and realistic priorities in our policies and our budget and I pledge that my administration will do that.\nWhen I talk of tax cuts, I am reminded that every major tax cut in this century has strengthened the economy, generated renewed productivity and ended up yielding new revenues for the government by creating new investment, new jobs and more commerce among our people.\nThe present administration has been forced by us Republicans to play follow-the-leader with regard to a tax cut. But, in this election year we must take with the proverbial \"grain of salt\" any tax cut proposed by those who have given us the greatest tax increase in our history. When those in leadership give us tax increases and tell us we must also do with less, have they thought about those who have always had less--especially the minorities? This is like telling them that just as they step on the first rung of the ladder of opportunity, the ladder is being pulled out from under them. That may be the Democratic leadership's message to the minorities, but it won't be ours. Our message will be: we have to move ahead, but we're not going to leave anyone behind. Thanks to the economic policies of the Democratic Party, millions of Americans find themselves out of work. Millions more have never even had a fair chance to learn new skills, hold a decent job, or secure for themselves and their families a share in the prosperity of this nation.\nIt is time to put America back to work; to make our cities and towns resound with the confident voices of men and women of all races, nationalities and faiths bringing home to their families a decent paycheck they can cash for honest money.\nFor those without skills, we'll find a way to help them get skills.\nFor those without job opportunities, we'll stimulate new opportunities, particularly in the inner cities where they live.\nFor those who have abandoned hope, we'll restore hope and we'll welcome them into a great national crusade to make America great again!\nWhen we move from domestic affairs and cast our eyes abroad, we see an equally sorry chapter on the record of the present administration.\n— A Soviet combat brigade trains in Cuba, just 90 miles from our shores.\n— A Soviet army of invasion occupies Afghanistan, further threatening our vital interests in the Middle East.\n— America's defense strength is at its lowest ebb in a generation, while the Soviet Union is vastly outspending us in both strategic and conventional arms.\n— Our European allies, looking nervously at the growing menace from the East, turn to us for leadership and fail to find it.\n— And, incredibly more than 50 of our fellow Americans have been held captive for over eight months by a dictatorial foreign power that holds us up to ridicule before the world.\nAdversaries large and small test our will and seek to confound our resolve, but we are given weakness when we need strength; vacillation when the times demand firmness.\nThe Carter Administration lives in the world of make-believe. Every day, drawing up a response to that day's problems, troubles, regardless of what happened yesterday and what will happen tomorrow.\nThe rest of us, however, live in the real world. It is here that disasters are overtaking our nation without any real response from Washington.\nThis is make-believe, self-deceit and--above all--transparent hypocrisy.\nFor example, Mr. Carter says he supports the volunteer army, but he lets military pay and benefits slip so low that many of our enlisted personnel are actually eligible for food stamps. Re-enlistment rates drop and, just recently, after he fought all week against a proposal to increase the pay of our men and women in uniform, he helicoptered to our carrier, the U.S.S. Nimitz, which was returning from long months of duty. He told the crew that he advocated better pay for them and their comrades! Where does he really stand, now that he's back on shore?\nI'll tell you where I stand. I do not favor a peacetime draft or registration, but I do favor pay and benefit levels that will attract and keep highly motivated men and women in our volunteer forces and an active reserve trained and ready for an instant call in case of an emergency.\nThere may be a sailor at the helm of the ship of state, but the ship has no rudder. Critical decisions are made at times almost in comic fashion, but who can laugh? Who was not embarrassed when the administration handed a major propaganda victory in the United Nations to the enemies of Israel, our staunch Middle East ally for three decades, and them claim that the American vote was a \"mistake,\" the result of a \"failure of communication\" between the president, his secretary of state, and his U.N. ambassador?\nWho does not feel a growing sense of unease as our allies, facing repeated instances of an amateurish and confused administration, reluctantly conclude that America is unwilling or unable to fulfill its obligations as the leader of the free world?\nWho does not feel rising alarm when the question in any discussion of foreign policy is no longer, \"Should we do something?\", but \"Do we have the capacity to do anything?\"\nThe administration which has brought us to this state is seeking your endorsement for four more years of weakness, indecision, mediocrity and incompetence. No American should vote until he or she has asked, is the United States stronger and more respected now than it was three-and-a-half years ago? Is the world today a safer place in which to live?\nIt is the responsibility of the president of the United States, in working for peace, to insure that the safety of our people cannot successfully be threatened by a hostile foreign power. As president, fulfilling that responsibility will be my number one priority.\nWe are not a warlike people. Quite the opposite. We always seek to live in peace. We resort to force infrequently and with great reluctance--and only after we have determined that it is absolutely necessary. We are awed--and rightly so--by the forces of destruction at loose in the world in this nuclear era. But neither can we be naive or foolish. Four times in my lifetime America has gone to war, bleeding the lives of its young men into the sands of beachheads, the fields of Europe and the jungles and rice paddies of Asia. We know only too well that war comes not when the forces of freedom are strong, but when they are weak. It is then that tyrants are tempted.\nWe simply cannot learn these lessons the hard way again without risking our destruction.\nOf all the objectives we seek, first and foremost is the establishment of lasting world peace. We must always stand ready to negotiate in good faith, ready to pursue any reasonable avenue that holds forth the promise of lessening tensions and furthering the prospects of peace. But let our friends and those who may wish us ill take note: the United States has an obligation to its citizens and to the people of the world never to let those who would destroy freedom dictate the future course of human life on this planet. I would regard my election as proof that we have renewed our resolve to preserve world peace and freedom. This nation will once again be strong enough to do that.\nThis evening marks the last step--save one--of a campaign that has taken Nancy and me from one end of this great land to the other, over many months and thousands of miles. There are those who question the way we choose a president; who say that our process imposes difficult and exhausting burdens on those who seek the office. I have not found it so.\nIt is impossible to capture in words the splendor of this vast continent which God has granted as our portion of this creation. There are no words to express the extraordinary strength and character of this breed of people we call Americans.\nEverywhere we have met thousands of Democrats, Independents, and Republicans from all economic conditions and walks of life bound together in that community of shared values of family, work, neighborhood, peace and freedom. They are concerned, yes, but they are not frightened. They are disturbed, but not dismayed. They are the kind of men and women Tom Paine had in mind when he wrote--during the darkest days of the American Revolution--\"We have it in our power to begin the world over again.\"\nNearly 150 years after Tom Paine wrote those words, an American president told the generation of the Great Depression that it had a \"rendezvous with destiny.\" I believe that this generation of Americans today has a rendezvous with destiny.\nTonight, let us dedicate ourselves to renewing the American compact. I ask you not simply to \"Trust me,\" but to trust your values--our values--and to hold me responsible for living up to them. I ask you to trust that American spirit which knows no ethnic, religious, social, political, regional, or economic boundaries; the spirit that burned with zeal in the hearts of millions of immigrants from every corner of the Earth who came here in search of freedom.\nSome say that spirit no longer exists. But I have seen it--I have felt it--all across the land; in the big cities, the small towns and in rural America. The American spirit is still there, ready to blaze into life if you and I are willing to do what has to be done; the practical, down-to-earth things that will stimulate our economy, increase productivity and put America back to work. The time is now to resolve that the basis of a firm and principled foreign policy is one that takes the world as it is and seeks to change it by leadership and example; not by harangue, harassment or wishful thinking.\nThe time is now to say that while we shall seek new friendships and expand and improve others, we shall not do so by breaking our word or casting aside old friends and allies.\nAnd, the time is now to redeem promises once made to the American people by another candidate, in another time and another place. He said, \"For three long years I have been going up and down this country preaching that government--federal, state, and local--costs too much. I shall not stop that preaching. As an immediate program of action, we must abolish useless offices. We must eliminate unnecessary functions of government...we must consolidate subdivisions of government and, like the private citizen, give up luxuries which we can no longer afford.\"\n\"I propose to you, my friends, and through you that government of all kinds, big and little be made solvent and that the example be set by the president of the United States and his Cabinet.\"\nSo said Franklin Delano Roosevelt in his acceptance speech to the Democratic National Convention in July 1932.\nThe time is now, my fellow Americans, to recapture our destiny, to take it into our own hands. But, to do this will take many of us, working together. I ask you tonight to volunteer your help in this cause so we can carry our message throughout the land.\nYes, isn't now the time that we, the people, carried out these unkempt promises? Let us pledge to each other and to all America on this July day 48 years later, we intend to do just that.\nI have thought of something that is not part of my speech and I'm worried over whether I should do it.\nCan we doubt that only a Divine Providence placed this land, this island of freedom, here as a refuge for all those people in the world who yearn to breathe freely: Jews and Christians enduring persecution behind the Iron Curtain, the boat people of Southeast Asia, of Cuba and Haiti, the victims of drought and famine in Africa, the freedom fighters of Afghanistan and our own countrymen held in savage captivity.\nI'll confess that I've been a little afraid to suggest what I'm going to suggest--I'm more afraid not to--that we begin our crusade joined together in a moment of silent prayer.\nGod bless America.", "Words" -> 4640, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 224, "to" -> 176, "of" -> 172, "and" -> 165, "that" -> 85, "a" -> 82, "our" -> 81, "in" -> 79, "we" -> 55, "is" -> 47, "I" -> 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"state" -> 8, "problems" -> 8, "money" -> 8, "It" -> 8, "energy" -> 8, "back" -> 8, "would" -> 7, "was" -> 7, "these" -> 7, "than" -> 7, "States" -> 7, "spirit" -> 7, "say" -> 7, "put" -> 7, "peace" -> 7, "over" -> 7, "now" -> 7, "Mr." -> 7, "live" -> 7, "land" -> 7, "had" -> 7, "first" -> 7, "Carter" -> 7, "been" -> 7, "Americans" -> 7, "women" -> 6, "under" -> 6, "They" -> 6, "tell" -> 6, "pledge" -> 6, "party" -> 6, "part" -> 6, "only" -> 6, "national" -> 6, "men" -> 6, "make" -> 6, "history" -> 6, "families" -> 6, "believe" -> 6, "And" -> 6, "without" -> 5, "When" -> 5, "way" -> 5, "told" -> 5, "together" -> 5, "today" -> 5, "There" -> 5, "take" -> 5, "stop" -> 5, "stand" -> 5, "seek" -> 5, "responsibility" -> 5, "ready" -> 5, "present" -> 5, "power" -> 5, "pay" -> 5, "out" -> 5, "me" -> 5, "little" -> 5, "just" -> 5, "jobs" -> 5, "into" -> 5, "if" -> 5, "here" -> 5, "help" -> 5, "good" -> 5, "For" -> 5, "every" -> 5, "done" -> 5, "destroy" -> 5, "compact" -> 5, "community" -> 5, 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-> 3, "Congress" -> 3, "called" -> 3, "build" -> 3, "big" -> 3, "between" -> 3, "better" -> 3, "best" -> 3, "being" -> 3, "begin" -> 3, "based" -> 3, "away" -> 3, "ask" -> 3, "answer" -> 3, "another" -> 3, "always" -> 3, "allies" -> 3, "after" -> 3, "act" -> 3, "accept" -> 3, "about" -> 3, "year" -> 2, "wrote" -> 2, "willingness" -> 2, "while" -> 2, "what's" -> 2, "week" -> 2, "weakness" -> 2, "war" -> 2, "vote" -> 2, "voluntary" -> 2, "virtues" -> 2, "vigilance" -> 2, "view" -> 2, "utterly" -> 2, "upon" -> 2, "unless" -> 2, "united" -> 2, "turn" -> 2, "towns" -> 2, "tonight" -> 2, "Tom" -> 2, "tinkering" -> 2, "through" -> 2, "thought" -> 2, "there" -> 2, "taxpayer" -> 2, "strong" -> 2, "still" -> 2, "stew" -> 2, "step" -> 2, "speech" -> 2, "somehow" -> 2, "Some" -> 2, "solving" -> 2, "So" -> 2, "small" -> 2, "shown" -> 2, "shores" -> 2, "ship" -> 2, "shared" -> 2, "share" -> 2, "serve" -> 2, "seen" -> 2, "says" -> 2, "save" -> 2, "sacrifice" -> 2, "run" -> 2, "result" -> 2, "rest" -> 2, "Republican" -> 2, "rendezvous" -> 2, "regardless" -> 2, "record" -> 2, "question" -> 2, "purpose" -> 2, "proposed" -> 2, "promises" -> 2, "programs" -> 2, "priorities" -> 2, "presidency" -> 2, "preaching" -> 2, "political" -> 2, "phased" -> 2, "percent" -> 2, "peacetime" -> 2, "Party" -> 2, "Paine" -> 2, "own" -> 2, "overcome" -> 2, "order" -> 2, "oil" -> 2, "offices" -> 2, "office" -> 2, "nuclear" -> 2, "notion" -> 2, "neighborhood" -> 2, "necessary" -> 2, "natural" -> 2, "My" -> 2, "much" -> 2, "move" -> 2, "most" -> 2, "moral" -> 2, "mistake" -> 2, "minorities" -> 2, "miles" -> 2, "mighty" -> 2, "might" -> 2, "Middle" -> 2, "Many" -> 2, "make-believe" -> 2, "look" -> 2, "living" -> 2, "Lincoln" -> 2, "learn" -> 2, "laws" -> 2, "law" -> 2, "ladder" -> 2, "labor" -> 2, "keep" -> 2, "July" -> 2, "job" -> 2, "isn't" -> 2, "investment" -> 2, "insure" -> 2, "immediate" -> 2, "I'm" -> 2, "I'll" -> 2, "hope" -> 2, "honor" -> 2, "honest" -> 2, "holds" -> 2, "hold" -> 2, "highest" -> 2, "held" -> 2, "He" -> 2, "hard" -> 2, "happened" -> 2, "handed" -> 2, "growing" -> 2, "God" -> 2, "goal" -> 2, "given" -> 2, "give" -> 2, "gas" -> 2, "Four" -> 2, "found" -> 2, "fortunes" -> 2, "few" -> 2, "feel" -> 2, "favor" -> 2, "faith" -> 2, "face" -> 2, "executive" -> 2, "especially" -> 2, "environment" -> 2, "enough" -> 2, "eliminate" -> 2, "election" -> 2, "elected" -> 2, "earned" -> 2, "during" -> 2, "direct" -> 2, "dignity" -> 2, "destruction" -> 2, "desirable" -> 2, "deficit" -> 2, "decent" -> 2, "days" -> 2, "Cuba" -> 2, "crusade" -> 2, "crisis" -> 2, "course" -> 2, "convention" -> 2, "continent" -> 2, "congressional" -> 2, "conditions" -> 2, "commitment" -> 2, "commerce" -> 2, "come" -> 2, "children" -> 2, "century" -> 2, "cause" -> 2, "carry" -> 2, "capacity" -> 2, "candidate" -> 2, "campaign" -> 2, "call" -> 2, "burden" -> 2, "budget" -> 2, "beneath" -> 2, "belongs" -> 2, "behind" -> 2, "beginning" -> 2, "before" -> 2, "Asia" -> 2, "army" -> 2, "anything" -> 2, "among" -> 2, "am" -> 2, "ago" -> 2, "against" -> 2, "afraid" -> 2, "Afghanistan" -> 2, "advocated" -> 2, "Administration" -> 2, "across" -> 2, "ability" -> 2, "50" -> 2, "20th" -> 2, "$60" -> 1, "zenith" -> 1, "zeal" -> 1, "young" -> 1, "yielding" -> 1, "yet" -> 1, "yesterday" -> 1, "Yes" -> 1, "yes" -> 1, "year's" -> 1, "yearn" -> 1, "worst" -> 1, "worried" -> 1, "workers" -> 1, "Work" -> 1, "word" -> 1, "won't" -> 1, "wonder" -> 1, "Within" -> 1, "within" -> 1, "With" -> 1, "wishful" -> 1, "wish" -> 1, "wisely" -> 1, "willing" -> 1, "wickedness" -> 1, "whom" -> 1, "wholehearted" -> 1, "White" -> 1, "While" -> 1, "whether" -> 1, "Where" -> 1, "whatever" -> 1, "we're" -> 1, "Well" -> 1, "welcome" -> 1, "weakened" -> 1, "weak" -> 1, "watched" -> 1, "watch" -> 1, "wasted" -> 1, "Washington's" -> 1, "Washington" -> 1, "warm" -> 1, "warlike" -> 1, "walks" -> 1, "voices" -> 1, "vital" -> 1, "vision" -> 1, "virtue" -> 1, "victory" -> 1, "victims" -> 1, "Vice" -> 1, "vice" -> 1, "vastly" -> 1, "vast" 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1, "acceptance" -> 1, "acceptable" -> 1, "abstract" -> 1, "absolutely" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "Abraham" -> 1, "above" -> 1, "abolish" -> 1, "abide" -> 1, "abandoned" -> 1, "90" -> 1, "48" -> 1, "30" -> 1, "200" -> 1, "1981" -> 1, "1976" -> 1, "1932" -> 1, "1620" -> 1, "150" -> 1, "10" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=40290", "Date" -> DateObject[{1984, 8, 23}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "RonaldReagan::gn3nt"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Dallas", "Texas", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "In 75 days, I hope we enjoy a victory that is the size of the heart of Texas. Nancy and I extend our deep thanks to the Lone Star State and the \"Big D\"—the city of Dallas—for all their warmth and hospitality.\nFour years ago I didn't know precisely every duty of this office, and not too long ago, I learned about some new ones from the first graders of Corpus Christi School in Chambersburg, Pennsylvania. Little Leah Kline was asked by her teacher to describe my duties. She said: \"The President goes to meetings. He helps the animals. The President gets frustrated. He talks to other Presidents.\" How does wisdom begin at such an early age?\nTonight, with a full heart and deep gratitude for your trust, I accept your nomination for the Presidency of the United States. I will campaign on behalf of the principles of our party which lift America confidently into the future.\nAmerica is presented with the clearest political choice of half a century. The distinction between our two parties and the different philosophy of our political opponents are at the heart of this campaign and America's future.\nI've been campaigning long enough to know that a political party and its leadership can't change their colors in 4 days. We won't, and no matter how hard they tried, our opponents didn't in San Francisco. We didn't discover our values in a poll taken a week before the convention. And we didn't set a weathervane on top of the Golden Gate Bridge before we started talking about the American family.\nThe choices this year are not just between two different personalities or between two political parties. They're between two different visions of the future, two fundamentally different ways of governing-their government of pessimism, fear, and limits, or ours of hope, confidence, and growth.\nTheir government sees people only as members of groups; ours serves all the people of America as individuals. Theirs lives in the past, seeking to apply the old and failed policies to an era that has passed them by. Ours learns from the past and strives to change by boldly charting a new course for the future. Theirs lives by promises, the bigger, the better. We offer proven, workable answers.\nOur opponents began this campaign hoping that America has a poor memory. Well, let's take them on a little stroll down memory lane. Let's remind them of how a 4.8-percent inflation rate in 1976 became back-to-back years of double-digit inflation—the worst since World War I—punishing the poor and the elderly, young couples striving to start their new lives, and working people struggling to make ends meet.\nInflation was not some plague borne on the wind; it was a deliberate part of their official economic policy, needed, they said, to maintain prosperity. They didn't tell us that with it would come the highest interest rates since the Civil War. As average monthly mortgage payments more than doubled, home building nearly ground to a halt; tens of thousands of carpenters and others were thrown out of work. And who controlled both Houses of the Congress and the executive branch at that time? Not us, not us.\nCampaigning across America in 1980, we saw evidence everywhere of industrial decline. And in rural America, farmers' costs were driven up by inflation. They were devastated by a wrongheaded grain embargo and were forced to borrow money at exorbitant interest rates just to get by. And many of them didn't get by. Farmers have to fight insects, weather, and the marketplace; they shouldn't have to fight their own government.\nThe high interest rates of 1980 were not talked about in San Francisco. But how about taxes? They were talked about in San Francisco. Will Rogers once said he never met a man he didn't like. Well, if I could paraphrase Will, our friends in the other party have never met a tax they didn't like or hike.\nUnder their policies, tax rates have gone up three times as much for families with children as they have for everyone else over these past three decades. In just the 5 years before we came into office, taxes roughly doubled.\nSome who spoke so loudly in San Francisco of fairness were among those who brought about the biggest single, individual tax increase in our history in 1977, calling for a series of increases in the Social Security payroll tax and in the amount of pay subject to that tax. The bill they passed called for two additional increases between now and 1990, increases that bear down hardest on those at the lower income levels. The Census Bureau confirms that, because of the tax laws we inherited, the number of households at or below the poverty level paying Federal income tax more than doubled between 1980 and 1982. Well, they received some relief in 1983, when our across-the-board tax cut was fully in place. And they'll get more help when indexing goes into effect this January.\nOur opponents have repeatedly advocated eliminating indexing. Would that really hurt the rich? No, because the rich are already in the top brackets. But those working men and women who depend on a cost-of-living adjustment just to keep abreast of inflation would find themselves pushed into higher tax brackets and wouldn't even be able to keep even with inflation because they'd be paying a higher income tax. That's bracket creep; and our opponents are for it, and we're against it.\nIt's up to us to see that all our fellow citizens understand that confiscatory taxes, costly social experiments, and economic tinkering were not just the policies of a single administration. For the 26 years prior to January of 1981, the opposition party controlled both Houses of Congress. Every spending bill and every tax for more than a quarter of a century has been of their doing.\nAbout a decade ago, they said Federal spending was out of control, so they passed a budget control act and, in the next 5 years, ran up deficits of $260 billion. Some control.\nIn 1981 we gained control of the Senate and the executive branch. With the help of some concerned Democrats in the House we started a policy of tightening the Federal budget instead of the family budget.\nA task force chaired by Vice President George Bush—the finest Vice President this country has ever had—it eliminated unnecessary regulations that had been strangling business and industry.\nAnd while we have our friends down memory lane, maybe they'd like to recall a gimmick they designed for their 1976 campaign. As President Ford told us the night before last, adding the unemployment and inflation rates, they got what they called a misery index. In '76 it came to 12 1/2 percent. They declared the incumbent had no right to seek reelection with that kind of a misery index. Well, 4 years ago, in the 1980 election, they didn't mention the misery index, possibly because it was then over 20 percent. And do you know something? They won't mention it in this election either. It's down to 11.6 and dropping.\nBy nearly every measure, the position of poor Americans worsened under the leadership of our opponents. Teenage drug use, out-of-wedlock births, and crime increased dramatically. Urban neighborhoods and schools deteriorated. Those whom government intended to help discovered a cycle of dependency that could not be broken. Government became a drug, providing temporary relief, but addiction as well.\nAnd let's get some facts on the table that our opponents don't want to hear. The biggest annual increase in poverty took place between 1978 and 1981—over 9 percent each year, in the first 2 years of our administration. Well, I should—pardon me—I didn't put a period in there. In the first 2 years of our administration, that annual increase fell to 5.3 percent. And 1983 was the first year since 1978 that there was no appreciable increase in poverty at all.\nPouring hundreds of billions of dollars into programs in order to make people worse off was irrational and unfair. It was time we ended this reliance on the government process and renewed our faith in the human process.\nIn 1980 the people decided with us that the economic crisis was not caused by the fact that they lived too well. Government lived too well. It was time for tax increases to be an act of last resort, not of first resort.\nThe people told the liberal leadership in Washington, \"Try shrinking the size of government before you shrink the size of our paychecks.\"\nOur government was also in serious trouble abroad. We had aircraft that couldn't fly and ships that couldn't leave port. Many of our military were on food stamps because of meager earnings, and reenlistments were down. Ammunition was low, and spare parts were in short supply.\nMany of our allies mistrusted us. In the 4 years before we took office, country after country fell under the Soviet yoke. Since January 20th, 1981, not 1 inch of soil has fallen to the Communists.\nAudience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!\nThe President. All right.\nAudience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!\nThe President. But worst of all, Americans were losing the confidence and optimism about the future that has made us unique in the world. Parents were beginning to doubt that their children would have the better life that has been the dream of every American generation.\nWe can all be proud that pessimism is ended. America is coming back and is more confident than ever about the future. Tonight, we thank the citizens of the United States whose faith and unwillingness to give up on themselves or this country saved us all.\nTogether, we began the task of controlling the size and activities of the government by reducing the growth of its spending while passing a tax program to provide incentives to increase productivity for both workers and industry. Today, a working family earning $25,000 has about $2,900 more in purchasing power than if tax and inflation rates were still at the 1980 level.\nToday, of all the major industrial nations of the world, America has the strongest economic growth; one of the lowest inflation rates; the fastest rate of job creations—6 1/2 million jobs in the last year and a half—a record 600,000 business incorporations in 1983; and the largest increase in real, after-tax personal income since World War II. We're enjoying the highest level of business investment in history, and America has renewed its leadership in developing the vast new opportunities in science and high technology. America is on the move again and expanding toward new eras of opportunity for everyone.\nNow, we're accused of having a secret. Well, if we have, it is that we're going to keep the mighty engine of this nation revved up. And that means a future of sustained economic growth without inflation that's going to create for our children and grandchildren a prosperity that finally will last.\nToday our troops have newer and better equipment; their morale is higher. The better armed they are, the less likely it is they will have to use that equipment. But if, heaven forbid, they're ever called upon to defend this nation, nothing would be more immoral than asking them to do so with weapons inferior to those of any possible opponent.\nWe have also begun to repair our valuable alliances, especially our historic NATO alliance. Extensive discussions in Asia have enabled us to start a new round of diplomatic progress there.\nIn the Middle East, it remains difficult to bring an end to historic conflicts, but we're not discouraged. And we shall always maintain our pledge never to sell out one of our closest friends, the State of Israel.\nCloser to home, there remains a struggle for survival for free Latin American States, allies of ours. They valiantly struggle to prevent Communist takeovers fueled massively by the Soviet Union and Cuba. Our policy is simple: We are not going to betray our friends, reward the enemies of freedom, or permit fear and retreat to become American policies—especially in this hemisphere.\nNone of the four wars in my lifetime came about because we were too strong. It's weakness that invites adventurous adversaries to make mistaken judgments. America is the most peaceful, least warlike nation in modern history. We are not the cause of all the ills of the world. We're a patient and generous people. But for the sake of our freedom and that of others, we cannot permit our reserve to be confused with a lack of resolve.\nTen months ago, we displayed this resolve in a mission to rescue American students on the imprisoned island of Grenada. Democratic candidates have suggested that this could be likened to the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan—\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. —the crushing of human rights in Poland or the genocide in Cambodia.\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. Could you imagine Harry Truman, John Kennedy, Hubert Humphrey, or Scoop Jackson making such a shocking comparison?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. Nineteen of our fine young men lost their lives on Grenada, and to even remotely compare their sacrifice to the murderous actions taking place in Afghanistan is unconscionable.\nThere are some obvious and important differences. First, we were invited in by six East Caribbean States. Does anyone seriously believe the people of Eastern Europe or Afghanistan invited the Russians?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. Second, there are hundreds of thousands of Soviets occupying captive nations across the world. Today, our combat troops have come home. Our students are safe, and freedom is what we left behind in Grenada.\nThere are some who've forgotten why we have a military. It's not to promote war; it's to be prepared for peace. There's a sign over the entrance to Fairchild Air Force Base in Washington State, and that sign says it all: \"Peace is our profession.\" Our next administration—\nAudience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!\nThe President. All right.\nAudience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!\nThe President. I heard you. And that administration will be committed to completing the unfinished agenda that we've placed before the Congress and the Nation. It is an agenda which calls upon the national Democratic leadership to cease its obstructionist ways.\nWe've heard a lot about deficits this year from those on the other side of the aisle. Well, they should be experts on budget deficits. They've spent most of their political careers creating deficits. For 42 of the last 50 years, they have controlled both Houses of the Congress.\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. And for almost all of those 50 years, deficit spending has been their deliberate policy. Now, however, they call for an end to deficits. They call them ours. Yet, at the same time, the leadership of their party resists our every effort to bring Federal spending under control. For 3 years straight, they have prevented us from adopting a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution. We will continue to fight for that amendment, mandating that government spend no more than government takes in.\nAnd we will fight, as the Vice President told you, for the right of a President to veto items in appropriations bills without having to veto the entire bill. There is no better way than the line-item veto, now used by Governors in 43 States to cut out waste in government. I know. As Governor of California, I successfully made such vetos over 900 times.\nNow, their candidate, it would appear, has only recently found deficits alarming. Nearly 10 years ago he insisted that a $52 billion deficit should be allowed to get much bigger in order to lower unemployment, and he said that sometimes \"we need a deficit in order to stimulate the economy.\"\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. As a Senator, he voted to override President Ford's veto of billions of dollars in spending bills and then voted no on a proposal to cut the 1976 deficit in half.\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. Was anyone surprised by his pledge to raise your taxes next year if given the chance?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. In the Senate, he voted time and again for new taxes, including a 10-percent income tax surcharge, higher taxes on certain consumer items. He also voted against cutting the excise tax on automobiles. And he was part and parcel of that biggest single, individual tax increase in history—the Social Security payroll tax of 1977. It tripled the maximum tax and still didn't make the system solvent.\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. If our opponents were as vigorous in supporting our voluntary prayer amendment as they are in raising taxes, maybe we could get the Lord back in the schoolrooms and drugs and violence out.\nSomething else illustrates the nature of the choice Americans must make. While we've been hearing a lot of tough talk on crime from our opponents, the House Democratic leadership continues to block a critical anticrime bill that passed the Republican Senate by a 91-to-1 vote. Their burial of this bill means that you and your families will have to wait for even safer homes and streets.\nThere's no longer any good reason to hold back passage of tuition tax credit legislation. Millions of average parents pay their full share of taxes to support public schools while choosing to send their children to parochial or other independent schools. Doesn't fairness dictate that they should have some help in carrying a double burden?\nWhen we talk of the plight of our cities, what would help more than our enterprise zones bill, which provides tax incentives for private industry to help rebuild and restore decayed areas in 75 sites all across America? If they really wanted a future of boundless new opportunities for our citizens, why have they buried enterprise zones over the years in committee?\nOur opponents are openly committed to increasing our tax burden.\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. We are committed to stopping them, and we will.\nThey call their policy the new realism, but their new realism is just the old liberalism. They will place higher and higher taxes on small businesses, on family farms, and on other working families so that government may once again grow at the people's expense. You know, we could say they spend money like drunken sailors, but that would be unfair to drunken sailors— [laughter] —\nAudience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!\nThe President. All right. I agree.\nAudience. 4 more years! 4 more years! 4 more years!\nThe President. I was going to say, it would be unfair, because the sailors are spending their own money. [Laughter]\nOur tax policies are and will remain prowork, progrowth, and profamily. We intend to simplify the entire tax system—to make taxes more fair, easier to understand, and, most important, to bring the tax rates of every American further down, not up. Now, if we bring them down far enough, growth will continue strong; the underground economy will shrink; the world will beat a path to our door; and no one will be able to hold America back; and the future will be ours.\nAudience. U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!\nThe President. All right. Another part of our future, the greatest challenge of all, is to reduce the risk of nuclear war by reducing the levels of nuclear arms. I have addressed parliaments, have spoken to parliaments in Europe and Asia during these last 3 1/2 years, declaring that a nuclear war cannot be won and must never be fought. And those words, in those assemblies, were greeted with spontaneous applause.\nThere are only two nations who by their agreement can rid the world of those doomsday weapons—the United States of America and the Soviet Union. For the sake of our children and the safety of this Earth, we ask the Soviets—who have walked out of our negotiations—to join us in reducing and, yes, ridding the Earth of this awful threat.\nWhen we leave this hall tonight, we begin to place those clear choices before our fellow citizens. We must not let them be confused by those who still think that GNP stands for gross national promises. [Laughter] But after the debates, the position papers, the speeches, the conventions, the television commercials, primaries, caucuses, and slogans—after all this, is there really any doubt at all about what will happen if we let them win this November? Audience. No!\nThe President. Is there any doubt that they will raise our taxes?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. That they will send inflation into orbit again?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. That they will make government bigger then ever?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. And deficits even worse?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. Raise unemployment?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. Cut back our defense preparedness?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. Raise interest rates?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. Make unilateral and unwise concessions to the Soviet Union?\nAudience. No!\nThe President. And they'll do all that in the name of compassion.\nAudience. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. It's what they've done to America in the past. But if we do our job right, they won't be able to do it again.\nAudience. Reagan! Reagan! Reagan!\nThe President. It's getting late.\nAudience. Reagan! Reagan! Reagan!\nThe President. All right. In 1980 we asked the people of America, \"Are you better off than you were 4 years ago?\" Well, the people answered then by choosing us to bring about a change. We have every reason now, 4 years later, to ask that same question again, for we have made a change.\nThe American people joined us and helped us. Let us ask for their help again to renew the mandate of 1980, to move us further forward on the road we presently travel, the road of common sense, of people in control of their own destiny; the road leading to prosperity and economic expansion in a world at peace.\nAs we ask for their help, we should also answer the central question of public service: Why are we here? What do we believe in? Well for one thing, we're here to see that government continues to serve the people and not the other way around. Yes, government should do all that is necessary, but only that which is necessary.\nWe don't lump people by groups or special interests. And let me add, in the party of Lincoln, there is no room for intolerance and not even a small corner for anti-Semitism or bigotry of any kind. Many people are welcome in our house, but not the bigots.\nWe believe in the uniqueness of each individual. We believe in the sacredness of human life. For some time now we've all fallen into a pattern of describing our choice as left or right. It's become standard rhetoric in discussions of political philosophy. But is that really an accurate description of the choice before us?\nGo back a few years to the origin of the terms and see where left or right would take us if we continued far enough in either direction. Stalin. Hitler. One would take us to Communist totalitarianism; the other to the totalitarianism of Hitler.\nIsn't our choice really not one of left or right, but of up or down? Down through the welfare state to statism, to more and more government largesse accompanied always by more government authority, less individual liberty and, ultimately, totalitarianism, always advanced as for our own good. The alternative is the dream conceived by our Founding Fathers, up to the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with an orderly society.\nWe don't celebrate dependence day on the Fourth of July. We celebrate Independence Day.\nAudience. U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!\nThe President. We celebrate the right of each individual to be recognized as unique, possessed of dignity and the sacred right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. At the same time, with our independence goes a generosity of spirit more evident here than in almost any other part of the world. Recognizing the equality of all men and women, we're willing and able to lift the weak, cradle those who hurt, and nurture the bonds that tie us together as one nation under God.\nFinally, we're here to shield our liberties, not just for now or for a few years but forever.\nCould I share a personal thought with you tonight, because tonight's kind of special to me. It's the last time, of course, that I will address you under these same circumstances. I hope you'll invite me back to future conventions. Nancy and I will be forever grateful for the honor you've done us, for the opportunity to serve, and for your friendship and trust.\nI began political life as a Democrat, casting my first vote in 1932 for Franklin Delano Roosevelt. That year, the Democrats called for a 25-percent reduction in the cost of government by abolishing useless commissions and offices and consolidating departments and bureaus, and giving more authority to State governments. As the years went by and those promises were forgotten, did I leave the Democratic Party, or did the leadership of that party leave not just me but millions of patriotic Democrats who believed in the principles and philosophy of that platform?\nOne of the first to declare this was a former Democratic nominee for President-Al Smith, the Happy Warrior, who went before the Nation in 1936 to say, on television—or on radio that he could no longer follow his party's leadership and that he was \"taking a walk.\" As Democratic leaders have taken their party further and further away from its first principles, it's no surprise that so many responsible Democrats feel that our platform is closer to their views, and we welcome them to our side.\nFour years ago we raised a banner of bold colors—no pale pastels. We proclaimed a dream of an America that would be \"a shining city on a hill.\"\nWe promised that we'd reduce the growth of the Federal Government, and we have. We said we intended to reduce interest rates and inflation, and we have. We said we would reduce taxes to provide incentives for individuals and business to get our economy moving again, and we have. We said there must be jobs with a future for our people, not government make-work programs, and, in the last 19 months, as I've said, 6 1/2 million new jobs in the private sector have been created. We said we would once again be respected throughout the world, and we are. We said we would restore our ability to protect our freedom on land, sea, and in the air, and we have.\nWe bring to the American citizens in this election year a record of accomplishment and the promise of continuation.\nWe came together in a national crusade to make America great again, and to make a new beginning. Well, now it's all coming together. With our beloved nation at peace, we're in the midst of a springtime of hope for America. Greatness lies ahead of us.\nHolding the Olympic games here in the United States began defining the promise of this season.\nAudience. U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!\nThe President. All through the spring and summer, we marveled at the journey of the Olympic torch as it made its passage east to west. Over 9,000 miles, by some 4,000 runners, that flame crossed a portrait of our nation.\nFrom our Gotham City, New York, to the Cradle of Liberty, Boston, across the Appalachian springtime, to the City of the Big Shoulders, Chicago. Moving south toward Atlanta, over to St. Louis, past its Gateway Arch, across wheatfields into the stark beauty of the Southwest and then up into the still, snowcapped Rockies. And, after circling the greening Northwest, it came down to California, across the Golden Gate and finally into Los Angeles. And all along the way, that torch became a celebration of America. And we all became participants in the celebration.\nEach new story was typical of this land of ours. There was Ansel Stubbs, a youngster of 99, who passed the torch in Kansas to 4-year-old Katie Johnson. In Pineville, Kentucky, it came at 1 a.m., so hundreds of people lined the streets with candles. At Tupelo, Mississippi, at 7 a.m. on a Sunday morning, a robed church choir sang \"God Bless America\" as the torch went by.\nThat torch went through the Cumberland Gap, past the Martin Luther King, Jr., Memorial, down the Santa Fe Trail, and alongside Billy the Kid's grave.\nIn Richardson, Texas, it was carried by a 14-year-old boy in a special wheelchair. In West Virginia the runner came across a line of deaf children and let each one pass the torch for a few feet, and at the end these youngsters' hands talked excitedly in their sign language. Crowds spontaneously began singing \"America the Beautiful\" or \"The Battle Hymn of the Republic.\"\nAnd then, in San Francisco a Vietnamese immigrant, his little son held on his shoulders, dodged photographers and policemen to cheer a 19-year-old black man pushing an 88-year-old white woman in a wheelchair as she carried the torch. My friends, that's America.\nAudience. U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!\nThe President. We cheered in Los Angeles as the flame was carried in and the giant Olympic torch burst into a billowing fire in front of the teams, the youth of 140 nations assembled on the floor of the Coliseum. And in that moment, maybe you were struck as I was with the uniqueness of what was taking place before a hundred thousand people in the stadium, most of them citizens of our country, and over a billion worldwide watching on television. There were athletes representing 140 countries here to compete in the one country in all the world whose people carry the bloodlines of all those 140 countries and more. Only in the United States is there such a rich mixture of races, creeds, and nationalities—only in our melting pot.\nAnd that brings to mind another torch, the one that greeted so many of our parents and grandparents. Just this past Fourth of July, the torch atop the Statue of Liberty was hoisted down for replacement. We can be forgiven for thinking that maybe it was just worn out from lighting the way to freedom for 17 million new Americans. So, now we'll put up a new one.\nThe poet called Miss Liberty's torch the \"lamp beside the golden door.\" Well, that was the entrance to America, and it still is. And now you really know why we're here tonight.\nThe glistening hope of that lamp is still ours. Every promise, every opportunity is still golden in this land. And through that golden door our children can walk into tomorrow with the knowledge that no one can be denied the promise that is America.\nHer heart is full; her door is still golden, her future bright. She has arms big enough to comfort and strong enough to support, for the strength in her arms is the strength of her people. She will carry on in the eighties unafraid, unashamed, and unsurpassed.\nIn this springtime of hope, some lights seem eternal; America's is.\nThank you, God bless you, and God bless America.", "Words" -> 5217, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 282, "of" -> 194, "to" -> 142, "and" -> 139, "in" -> 111, "a" -> 99, "that" -> 76, "our" -> 68, "we" -> 54, "for" -> 50, "The" -> 47, "President" -> 40, "years" -> 39, "more" -> 34, "is" -> 34, "on" -> 33, "have" -> 32, "Audience" -> 32, "We" -> 30, "they" -> 29, "this" -> 28, "their" -> 28, "by" -> 28, "was" -> 27, "be" -> 27, "And" -> 27, "America" -> 26, "tax" -> 25, "all" -> 24, "us" -> 23, "not" -> 23, "4" -> 23, "will" -> 22, "were" -> 22, "I" -> 21, "people" -> 20, "it" -> 20, "are" -> 20, "or" -> 19, "government" -> 19, "as" -> 19, "with" -> 17, "at" -> 17, "new" -> 15, "you" -> 14, "would" -> 14, "those" -> 14, "In" -> 14, "right" -> 13, "No" -> 13, "has" -> 13, "future" -> 13, "about" -> 13, "U.S.A." -> 12, "them" -> 12, "taxes" -> 12, "no" -> 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"88-year-old" -> 1, "76" -> 1, "7" -> 1, "600,000" -> 1, "6" -> 1, "5.3" -> 1, "4-year-old" -> 1, "4.8-percent" -> 1, "43" -> 1, "42" -> 1, "4,000" -> 1, "26" -> 1, "25-percent" -> 1, "20th" -> 1, "20" -> 1, "19-year-old" -> 1, "1990" -> 1, "1982" -> 1, "1981—over" -> 1, "1936" -> 1, "1932" -> 1, "19" -> 1, "17" -> 1, "14-year-old" -> 1, "12" -> 1, "11.6" -> 1, "10-percent" -> 1, "10" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25955", "Date" -> DateObject[{1988, 8, 18}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "GeorgeWBush::xs353"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"NewOrleans", "Louisiana", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "I have many friends to thank tonight. I thank the voters who supported me. I thank the gallant men who entered the contest for the presidency this year, and who have honored me with their support. And, for their kind and stirring words, I thank Governor Tom Kean of New Jersey - Senator Phil Gramm of Texas - President Gerald Ford - and my friend, President Ronald Reagan.\nI accept your nomination for President. I mean to run hard, to fight hard, to stand on the issues - and I mean to win.\nThere are a lot of great stories in politics about the underdog winning - and this is going to be one of them.\nAnd we're going to win with the help of Senator Dan Quayle of Indiana - a young leader who has become a forceful voice in preparing America's workers for the labor force of the future. Born in the middle of the century, in the middle of America, and holding the promise of the future - I'm proud to have Dan Quayle at my side.\nMany of you have asked, \"When will this campaign really begin?\" I have come to this hall to tell you, and to tell America: Tonight is the night.\nFor seven and a half years I have helped a President conduct the most difficult job on earth. Ronald Reagan asked for, and received, my candor. He never asked for, but he did receive, my loyalty. Those of you who saw the President's speech this week, and listened to the simple truth of his words, will understand my loyalty all these years.\nBut now you must see me for what I am: The Republican candidate for President of the United States. And now I turn to the American people to share my hopes and intentions, and why - and where - I wish to lead.\nAnd so tonight is for big things. But I'll try to be fair to the other side. I'll try to hold my charisma in check. I reject the temptation to engage in personal references. My approach this evening is, as Sergeant Joe Friday used to say, \"Just the facts, ma'm.\"\nAfter all, the facts are on our side.\nI seek the presidency for a single purpose, a purpose that has motivated millions of Americans across the years and the ocean voyages. I seek the presidency to build a better America. It is that simple - and that big.\nI am a man who sees life in terms of missions - missions defined and missions completed. When I was a torpedo bomber pilot they defined the mission for us. Before we took off we all understood that no matter what, you try to reach the target. There have been other missions for me - Congress, China, the CIA. But I am here tonight - and I am your candidate - because the most important work of my life is to complete the mission we started in 1980. How do we complete it? We build it.\nThe stakes are high this year and the choice is crucial, for the differences between the two candidates are as deep and wide as they have ever been in our long history.\nNot only two very different men, but two very different ideas of the future will be voted on this election day.\nWhat it all comes down to is this:\nMy opponent's view of the world sees a long slow decline for our country, an inevitable fall mandated by impersonal historical forces.\nBut America is not a decline. America is a rising nation.\nHe sees America as another pleasant country on the UN roll call, somewhere between Albania and Zimbabwe. I see America as the leader - a unique nation with a special role in the world.\nThis has been called the American Century, because in it we were the dominant force for good in the world. We saved Europe, cured polio, we went to the moon, and lit the world with our culture. Now we are on the verge of a new century, and what country's name will it bear? I say it will be another American century.\nOur work is not done - our force is not spent.\nThere are those who say there isn't much of a difference this year.\nBut America, don't let 'em fool ya.\nTwo parties this year ask for your support. Both will speak of growth and peace. But only one has proved it can deliver. Two parties this year ask for your trust, but only one has earned it.\nEight years ago I stood here with Ronald Reagan and we promised, together, to break with the past and return America to her greatness. Eight years later look at what the American people have produced: the highest level of economic growth in our entire history - and the lowest level of world tensions in more than fifty years.\nSome say this isn't an election about ideology, it's an election about competence. Well, it's nice of them to want to play on our field. But this election isn't only about competence, for competence is a narrow ideal. Competence makes the trains run on time but doesn't know where they're going. Competence is the creed of the technocrat who makes sure the gears mesh but doesn't for a second understand the magic of the machine.\nThe truth is, this election is about the beliefs we share, the values we honor, the principles we hold dear.\nBut since someone brought up competence. ...\nConsider the size of our triumph: A record high percentage of Americans with jobs, a record high rate of new businesses - a record high rate of real personal income.\nThese are the facts. And one way you know our opponents know the facts is that to attack the record they have to misrepresent it. They call it a Swiss cheese economy. Well, that's the way it may look to the three blind mice. But when they were in charge it was all holes and no cheese.\nInflation was 12 percent when we came in. We got it down to four. Interest rates were more than 21. We cut them in half. Unemployment was up and climbing, now it's the lowest in 14 years.\nMy friends, eight years ago this economy was flat on its back - intensive care. We came in and gave it emergency treatment: Got the temperature down by lowering regulation, got the blood pressure down when we lowered taxes. Pretty soon the patient was up, back on his feet, and stronger than ever.\nAnd now who do we hear knocking on the door but the doctors who made him sick. And they're telling us to put them in charge of the case again. My friends, they're lucky we don't hit them with a malpractice suit!\nWe've created seventeen million new jobs in the past five years - more than twice as many as Europe and Japan combined. And they're good jobs. The majority of them created in the past six years paid an average of more than $22,000 a year. Someone better take 'a message to Michael': Tell him we've been creating good jobs at good wages. The fact is, they talk - we deliver. They promise - we perform.\nThere are millions of young Americans in their 20's who barely remember the days of gas lines and unemployment lines. Now they're marrying and starting careers. To those young people I say \" You have the opportunity you deserve - and I'm not going to let them take it away from you.\"\nThere are millions of older Americans who were brutalized by inflation. We arrested it - and we're not going to let it out on furlough. We're going to keep the social security trust fund sound, and out of reach of the big spenders. To America's elderly I say, \"Once again you have the security that is your right - and I'm not going to let them take it away from you.\"\nI know the liberal democrats are worried about the economy. They're worried it's going to remain strong. And they're right, it is. With the right leadership.\nBut let's be frank. Things aren't perfect in this country. There are people who haven't tasted the fruits of the expansion. I've talked to farmers about the bills they can't pay. I've been to the factories that feel the strain of change. I've seen the urban children who play amidst the shattered glass and shattered lives. And there are the homeless. And you know, it doesn't do any good to debate endlessly which policy mistake of the '70's is responsible. They're there. We have to help them.\nBut what we must remember if we are to be responsible - and compassionate - is that economic growth is the key to our endeavors.\nI want growth that stays, that broadens, and that touches, finally, all Americans, form the hollows of Kentucky to the sunlit streets of Denver, from the suburbs of Chicago to the broad avenues of New York, from the oil fields of Oklahoma to the farms of the great plains.\nCan we do it? Of course we can. We know how. We've done it. If we continue to grow at our current rate, we will be able to produce 30 million jobs in the next eight years. We will do it - by maintaining our commitment to free and fair trade, by keeping government spending down, and by keeping taxes down.\nOur economic life is not the only test of our success, overwhelms all the others, and that is the issue of peace.\nOne issue Look at the world on this bright August night. The spirit of Democracy is sweeping the Pacific rim. China feels the winds of change. New democracies assert themselves in South America. One by one the unfree places fall, not to the force of arms but to the force of an idea: freedom works.\nWe have a new relationship with the Soviet Union. The INF treaty - the beginning of the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan - the beginning of the end of the Soviet proxy war in Angola, and with it the independence of Namibia. Iran and Iraq move toward peace.\nIt is a watershed.\nIt is no accident.\nIt happened when we acted on the ancient knowledge that strength and clarity lead to peace - weakness and ambivalence lead to war. Weakness and ambivalence lead to war. Weakness tempts aggressors. Strength stops them. I will not allow this country to be made weak again.\nThe tremors in the Soviet world continue. The hard earth there has not yet settled. Perhaps what is happening will change our world forever. Perhaps what is happening will change our world forever. Perhaps not. A prudent skepticism is in order. And so is hope. Either way, we're in an unprecedented position to change the nature of our relationship. Not by preemptive concession - but by keeping our strength. Not by yielding up defense systems with nothing won in return - but by hard cool engagement in the tug and pull of diplomacy.\nMy life has been lived in the shadow of war - I almost lost my life in one.\nI hate war.\nI love peace. We have peace.\nAnd I am not going to let anyone take it away from us.\nOur economy is strong but not invulnerable, and the peace is broad but can be broken. And now we must decide. We will surely have change this year, but will it be change that moves us forward? Or change that risks retreat?\nIn 1940, when I was barely more than a boy, Franklin Roosevelt said we shouldn't change horses in midstream.\nMy friends, these days the world moves even more quickly, and now, after two great terms, a switch will be made. But when you have to change horses in midstream, doesn't it make sense to switch to the one who's going the same way?\nAn election that is about ideas and values is also about philosophy. And I have one.\nAt the bright center is the individual. And radiating out from him or her is the family, the essential unit of closeness and of love. For it is the family that communicates to our children - to the 21st century - our culture, our religious faith, our traditions and history.\nFrom the individual to the family to the community, and on out to the town, to the church and school, and, still echoing out, to the county, the state, the nation - each doing 'only what it does well, and no more. And I believe that power must always be kept close to the individual - close to the hands that raise the family and run the home.\nI am guided by certain traditions. One is that there is a God and He is good, and his love, while free, has a self imposed cost: We must be good to one another.\nI believe in another tradition that is, by now, embedded in the national soul. It is that learning is good in and of itself. The mothers of the Jewish ghettos of the east would pour honey on a book so the children would learn that learning is sweet. And the parents who settled hungry Kansas would take their children in from the fields when a teacher came. That is our history.\nAnd there is another tradition. And that is the idea of community - a beautiful word with a big meaning. Though liberal democrats have an odd view of it. They see \"community\" as a limited cluster of interest groups, locked in odd conformity. In this view, the country waits passive while Washington sets the rules.\nBut that's not what community means - not to me.\nFor we are a nation of communities, of thousands and tens of thousands of ethnic, religious, social, business, labor union, neighborhood, regional and other organizations, all of them varied, voluntary and unique.\nThis is America: the Knights of Columbus, the Grange, Hadassah, the Disabled American Veterans, the Order of Ahepa, the Business and Professional Women of America, the union hall, the Bible study group, LULAC, \"Holy Name\" - a brilliant diversity spread like stars, like a thousand points of light in a broad and peaceful sky.\nDoes government have a place? Yes. Government is part of the nation of communities - not the whole, just a part.\nI do not hate government. A government that remembers that the people are its master is a good and needed thing.\nI respect old fashioned common sense, and have no great love for the imaginings of social planners. I like what's been tested and found to be true.\nFor instance:\nShould public school teachers be required to lead our children in the pledge of allegiance? My opponent says no - but I say yes.\nShould society be allowed to impose the death penalty on those who commit crimes of extraordinary cruelty and violence? My opponent says no - but I say yes.\nShould our children have the right to say a voluntary prayer, or even observe a moment of silence in the schools? My opponent says no - but I say yes.\nShould free men and women have the right to own a gun to protect their home? My opponent says no - but I say yes.\nIs it right to believe in the sanctity of life and protect the lives of innocent children? My opponent says no - but I say yes. We must change from abortion - to adoption. I have an adopted granddaughter. The day of her christening we wept with joy. I thank God her parents chose life.\nI'm the one who believes it is a scandal to give a weekend furlough to a hardened first degree killer who hasn't even served enough time to be eligible for parole.\nI'm the one who says a drug dealer who is responsible for the death of a policeman should be subject to capital punishment.\nI'm the one who won't raise taxes. My opponent now says he'll raise them as a last resort, or a third resort. When a politician talks like that, you know that's one resort he'll be checking into. My opponent won't rule out raising taxes. But I will. The Congress will push me to raise taxes, and I'll say no, and they'll push, and I'll say no, and they'll push again, and I'll say to them, \"Read my lips: no new taxes.\"\nLet me tell you more about the mission.\nOn jobs, my mission is: 30 in 8.\nThirty million jobs in the next eight years.\nEvery one of our children deserves a first rate school. The liberal democrats want power in the hands of the federal government. I want power in the hands of parents. I will increase the power of parents. I will encourage merit schools. I will give more kids a Head Start. And I'll make it easier to save for college.\nI want a drug free America - and this will not be easy to achieve. But I want to enlist the help of some people who are rarely included. Tonight I challenge the young people of our country to shut down the drug dealers around the world. Unite with us, work with us. \"Zero tolerance\" isn't just a policy, it's an attitude. Tell them what you think of people who underwrite the dealers who put poison in our society. And while you're doing that, my administration will be telling the dealers: whatever we have to do we'll do, but your day is over, you're history.\nI am going to do whatever it takes to make sure the disabled are included in the mainstream. For too long they've been left out. But they're not going to be left out anymore.\nI am going to stop ocean dumping. Our beaches should not be garbage dumps and our harbors should not be cesspools. I am going to have the FBI trace the medical wastes and we are going to punish the people who dump those infected needles into our oceans, lakes and rivers. And we must clean the air. We must reduce the harm done by acid rain.\nI will put incentives back into the domestic energy industry, for I know from personal experience there is no security for the United States in further dependence on foreign oil.\nIn foreign affairs I will continue our policy of peace through strength. I will move toward further cuts in the strategic and conventional arsenals of both the United States and the Soviet Union. I will modernize and preserve our technological edge. I will ban chemical and biological weapons from the face of the earth. And I intend to speak for freedom, stand for freedom, and be a patient friend to anyone, east or west, who will fight for freedom.\nIt seems to me the Presidency provides an incomparable opportunity for \"gentle persuasion.\"\nI hope to stand for a new harmony, a greater tolerance. We've come far, but I think we need a new harmony among the races in our country. We're on a journey to a new century, and we've got to leave the tired old baggage of bigotry behind.\nSome people who are enjoying our prosperity have forgotten what it's for. But they diminish our triumph when they act as if wealth is an end in itself.\nThere are those who have dropped their standards along the way, as if ethics were too heavy and slowed their rise to the top. There's graft in city hall, the greed on Wall Street; there's influence peddling in Washington, and the small corruptions of everyday ambition.\nBut you see, I believe public service is honorable. And every time I hear someone has breached the public trust it breaks my heart.\nI wonder sometimes if we have forgotten who we are. But we're the people who sundered a nation rather than allow a sin called slavery - we're the people who rose from the ghettos and the deserts.\nWe weren't saints - but we lived by standards. We celebrated the individual - but we weren't self -centered. We were practical - but we didn't live only for material things. We believed in getting ahead - but blind ambition wasn't our way.\nThe fact is prosperity has a purpose. It is to allow us to pursue \"the better angels,\" to give us time to think and grow. Prosperity with a purpose means taking your idealism and making it concrete by certain acts of goodness. It means helping a child from an unhappy home learn how to read - and I thank my wife Barbara for all her work in literacy. It means teaching troubled children through your presence that there's such a thing as reliable love. Some would say it's soft and insufficiently tough to care about these things. But where is it written that we must act as if we do not care, as if we are not moved?\nWell I am moved. I want a kinder, gentler nation.\nTwo men this year ask for your support. And you must know us.\nAs for me, I have held high office and done the work of democracy day by day. My parents were prosperous; their children were lucky. But there were lessons we had to learn about life. John Kennedy discovered poverty when he campaigned in West Virginia; there were children there who had no milk. Young Teddy Roosevelt met the new America when he roamed the immigrant streets of New York. And I learned a few things about life in a place called Texas.\nWe moved to west Texas 40 years ago. The war was over, and we wanted to get out and make it on our own. Those were exciting days. Lived in a little shotgun house, one room for the three of us. Worked in the oil business, started my own.\nIn time we had six children. Moved from the shotgun to a duplex apartment to a house. Lived the dream - high school football on Friday night, Little League, neighborhood barbecue.\nPeople don't see their experience as symbolic of an era - but of course we were. So was everyone else who was taking a chance and pushing into unknown territory with kids and a dog and a car. But the big thing I learned is the satisfaction of creating jobs, which meant creating opportunity, which meant happy families, who in turn could do more to help others and enhance their own lives. I learned that the good done by a single good job can be felt in ways you can't imagine.\nI may not be the most eloquent, but I learned early that eloquence won't draw oil from the ground. I may sometimes be a little awkward, but there's nothing self-conscious in my love of country. I am a quiet man - but I hear the quiet people others don't. The ones who raise the family, pay the taxes, meet the mortgage. I hear them and I am moved, and their concerns are mine.\nA President must be many things.\nHe must be a shrewd protector of America's interests; And he must be an idealist who leads those who move for a freer and more democratic planet.\nHe must see to it that government intrudes as little as possible in the lives of the people; and yet remember that it is the nation's character.\nAnd he must be able to define - and lead - a mission.\nFor seven and a half years I have worked with a President - and I have seen what crosses that big desk. I have seen the unexpected crisis that arrive in a cable in a young aide's hand. And I have seen problems that simmer on for decades and suddenly demand resolution. I have seen modest decisions made with anguish, and crucial decisions made with dispatch.\nAnd so I know that what it all comes down to, this election - what it all comes down to, after all the shouting and the cheers - is the man at the desk.\nMy friends, I am that man.\nI say it without boast or bravado, I've fought for my country, I've served, I've built - and I will go from the hills to the hollows, from the cities to the suburbs to the loneliest town on the quietest street to take our message of hope and growth for every American to every American.\nI will keep America moving forward, always forward - for a better America, for an endless enduring dream and a thousand points of light.\nThat is my mission. And I will complete it.\nThank you. 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"accident" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abortion" -> 1, "8" -> 1, "70's" -> 1, "40" -> 1, "21st" -> 1, "21" -> 1, "20's" -> 1, "1980" -> 1, "1940" -> 1, "14" -> 1, "12" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=21352", "Date" -> DateObject[{1992, 8, 20}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "GeorgeWBush::xs353"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Houston", "Texas", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "The President. Thank you all very much. Thank you, thank you very much. And I am proud to receive and I am honored to accept your nomination for President of the United States.\nMay I thank my dear friend and our great leader, Bob Dole, for that wonderful introduction.\nLet me say this: This nomination's not for me alone. It is for the ideas, principles, and values that we stand for.\nMy job has been made easier by a leader who's taken a lot of unfair criticism with grace and humor, the Vice President of the United States, Dan Quayle. And I am very grateful to him.\nI want to talk tonight about the sharp choice that I intend to offer Americans this fall, a choice between different agendas, different directions, and yes, a choice about the character of the man you want to lead this Nation. I know that Americans have many questions about our economy, about our country's future, even questions about me. I'll answer them tonight.\nFirst, I feel great. And I am heartened by the polls, the ones that say that I look better in my jogging shorts than the Governor of Arkansas.\nFour years ago, I spoke about missions for my life and for our country. I spoke of one urgent mission, defending our security and promoting the American ideal abroad.\nJust pause for a moment to reflect on what we've done. Germany is united, and a slab of the Berlin Wall sits right outside this Astrodome. Arabs and Israelis now sit face to face and talk peace, and every hostage held in Lebanon is free. The conflict in El Salvador is over, and free elections brought democracy to Nicaragua. Black and white South Africans cheered each other at the Olympics. The Soviet Union can only be found in history books. The captive nations of Eastern Europe and the Baltics are captive no more. And today on the rural streets of Poland, merchants sell cans of air labeled \"the last breath of communism.\"\nIf I had stood before you 4 years ago and described this as the world we would help to build, you would have said, \"George Bush, you must have been smoking something, and you must have inhaled.\"\nThis convention is the first at which an American President can say the cold war is over, and freedom finished first.\nAudience members. U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!\nThe President. We have a lot to be proud of, a lot. Some want to rewrite history, want to skip over the struggle, claim the outcome was inevitable. And while the U.S. postwar strategy was largely bipartisan, the fact remains that the liberal McGovern wing of the other party, including my opponent, consistently made the wrong choices. In the seventies, they wanted a hollow army. We wanted a strong fighting force. In the eighties -- and you remember this one -- in the eighties, they wanted a nuclear freeze, and we insisted on peace through strength. From Angola to Central America, they said, \"Let's negotiate, deliberate, procrastinate.\" We said, \"Just stand up for freedom.\" Now the cold war is over, and they claim, \"Hey, we were with you all the way.\"\nAudience members. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. You know, their behavior reminds me of the old con man's advice to the new kid. He said, \"Son, if you're being run out of town, just get out in front and make it look like a parade.\"\nWell, make no mistake: The demise of communism wasn't a sure thing. It took the strong leadership of Presidents from both parties, including Republicans like Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford and Ronald Reagan. Without their vision and the support of the American people, the Soviet Union would be a strong superpower today, and we'd be facing a nuclear threat tonight.\nMy opponents say I spend too much time on foreign policy, as if it didn't matter that schoolchildren once hid under their desks in drills to prepare for nuclear war. I saw the chance to rid our children's dreams of the nuclear nightmare, and I did. Over the past 4 years, more people have breathed the fresh air of freedom than in all of human history. I saw a chance to help, and I did. These were the two defining opportunities not of a year, not of a decade, but of an entire span of human history. I seized those opportunities for our kids and our grandkids, and I make no apologies for that.\nNow, the Soviet bear may be gone, but there are still wolves in the woods. We saw that when Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait. The Mideast might have become a nuclear powder keg, our energy supplies held hostage. So we did what was right and what was necessary. We destroyed a threat, freed a people, and locked a tyrant in the prison of his own country.\nWhat about the leader of the Arkansas National Guard, the man who hopes to be Commander in Chief? Well, I bit the bullet, and he bit his nails. Listen to this now. Two days after Congress followed my lead, my opponent said this, and I quote directly: \"I guess I would have voted with the majority if it was a close vote. But I agree with the arguments the minority made.\" Now, sounds to me like his policy can be summed up by a road sign he's probably seen on his bus tour, \"Slippery When Wet.\"\nLook, this is serious business. Think about the impact of our foreign policy failures the last time the Democrats controlled both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue: gas lines, grain embargoes, American hostages blindfolded.\nThere will be more foreign policy challenges like Kuwait in the next 4 years, terrorists and aggressors to stand up to, dangerous weapons to be controlled and destroyed. Freedom's fight is not finished. I look forward to being the first President to visit a free, democratic Cuba. Who will lead the world in the face of these challenges? Not my opponent. In his acceptance speech he devoted just 65 seconds to telling us about the world.\nThen he said that America was, and I quote again -- I want to be fair and factual -- I quote, being \"ridiculed\" everywhere. Well, tell that to the people around the world, for whom America is still a dream. Tell that to leaders around the world, from whom America commands respect. Ridiculed? Tell that to the men and women of Desert Storm.\nAudience members. U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A.!\nThe President. Let me just make an aside comment here because of what you've been reading in the paper. This is a political year, but there's a lot of danger in the world. You can be sure I will never let politics interfere with a foreign policy decision. Forget the election; I will do right, what is right for the national security of the United States of America, and that is a pledge from my heart.\nFifty years ago this summer, I was 18 years of age. I see some young people in the audience tonight, and I remember how I felt in those days. I believed deeply in this country, and we were faced with a world war. So I made a decision to go off and fight a battle much different from political battles.\nI was scared, but I was willing. I was young, but I was ready. I had barely lived when I began to watch men die. I began to see the special place of America in the world. I began to see, even then, that the world would become a much smaller place, and faraway places could become more and more like America.\nFifty years later, after change of almost Biblical proportions, we know that when freedom grows, America grows. Just as a strong America means a safer world, we have learned that a safer world means a stronger America.\nThis election is about change. But that's not unusual, because the American revolution is never ending. Today, the pace of change is accelerating. We face new opportunities and new challenges. The question is: Who do you trust to make change work for you?\nAudience members. George Bush! George Bush! George Bush!\nThe President. My opponent says America is a nation in decline. Of our economy, he says we are somewhere on the list beneath Germany, heading south toward Sri Lanka. Well, don't let anyone tell you that America is second-rate, especially somebody running for President.\nMaybe he hasn't heard that we are still the world's largest economy. No other nation sells more outside its borders. The Germans, the British, the Japanese can't touch the productivity of you, the American worker and the American farmer. My opponent won't mention that. He won't remind you that interest rates are the lowest they've been in 20 years, and millions of Americans have refinanced their homes. You just won't hear that inflation, the thief of the middle class, has been locked in a maximum security prison.\nYou don't hear much about this good news because the media also tends to focus only on the bad. When the Berlin Wall fell, I half expected to see a headline, \"Wall Falls, Three Border Guards Lose Jobs.\" [Laughter] And underneath, it probably says, \"Clinton Blames Bush.\" [Laughter]\nYou don't hear a lot about progress in America. So let me tell you about some good things we've done together.\nJust two weeks ago, all three nations of North America agreed to trade freely from Manitoba to Mexico. This will bring good jobs to Main Street, U.S.A.\nWe passed the Americans with Disabilities Act, bringing 43 million people into the economic mainstream. I must say, it's about time.\nOur children will breathe easier because of our new clean air pact.\nWe are rebuilding our roads, providing jobs for more than half a million Americans.\nWe passed a child care law, and we took a stand for family values by saying that when it comes to raising children, Government doesn't know best; parents know best.\nI have fought against prejudice and anti-Semitism all my life. I am proud that we strengthened our civil rights laws, and we did it without resorting to quotas.\nOne more thing of vital importance to all: Today, cocaine use has fallen by 60 percent among young people. To the teenagers, the parents, and the volunteers who are helping us battle the scourge of drugs in America, we say, thank you; thank you from the bottom of our hearts.\nDo I want to do more? You bet. Nothing hurts me more than to meet with soldiers home from the Persian Gulf who can't find a job or workers who have a job but worry that the next day will bring a pink slip. And what about parents who scrape and struggle to send their kids to college, only to find them back living at home because they can't get work.\nThe world is in transition, and we are feeling that transition in our homes. The defining challenge of the nineties is to win the economic competition, to win the peace. We must be a military superpower, an economic superpower, and an export superpower.\nIn this election, you'll hear two versions of how to do this. Theirs is to look inward and protect what we already have. Ours is to look forward, to open new markets, prepare our people to compete, to restore our social fabric, to save and invest so we can win.\nWe believe that now that the world looks more like America, it's time for America to look more like herself. And so we offer a philosophy that puts faith in the individual, not the bureaucracy; a philosophy that empowers people to do their best, so America can be at its best. In a world that is safer and freer, this is how we will build an America that is stronger, safer, and more secure.\nWe start with a simple fact: Government is too big and spends too much.\nI have asked Congress to put a lid on mandatory spending, except Social Security. I've proposed doing away with over 200 programs and 4,000 wasteful projects and to freeze all other spending.\nThe gridlock Democrat Congress said no.\nAudience members. Boo - o - o!\nThe President. So, beginning tonight, I will enforce the spending freeze on my own. If Congress sends me a bill spending more than I asked for in my budget, I will veto it fast, veto it fast, faster than copies of Millie's book sold.\nNow, Congress won't cut spending, but refuses to give the President the power to eliminate pork-barrel projects that waste your money. Forty-three Governors have that power. So I ask you, the American people: Give me a Congress that will give me the line-item veto.\nLet me tell you about a recent battle fought with the Congress, a battle in which I was aided by Bob Michel and his troops, and Bob Dole and his. This spring, I worked day and night to get two-thirds of the House Members to approve a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution. We almost had it, but we lost by just nine votes. Now, listen how. Just before the vote, the liberal leaders of the Congress convinced 12 Members who cosponsored the bill to switch sides and vote no. Keep in mind, they voted against a bill they had already put their names on. Something fishy is going on.\nAnd look at my opponent on this issue. Look at my opponent. He says he's for balanced budgets. But he came out against the amendment. He's like that on a lot of issues, first on one side, then the other. He's been spotted in more places than Elvis Presley.\nAfter all these years, Congress has become pretty creative at finding ways to waste your money. So we need to be just as creative at finding ways to stop them. I have a brandnew idea. Taxpayers should be given the right to check a box on their tax returns so that up to 10 percent of their payments can go for one purpose alone: to reduce the national debt.\nBut we also need to make sure that Congress doesn't just turn around and borrow more money to spend more money. So I will require that for every tax dollar set aside to cut the debt, the ceilings on spending will be cut by an equal amount. That way, we will cut both debt and spending and take a whack out of the budget deficit.\nMy feelings about big government come from my experience; I spent half my adult life in the private sector. My opponent has a different experience; he's been in government nearly all his life. His passion to expand government knows no bounds.\nHe's already proposed, and listen to this carefully, he has already proposed $220 billion in new spending, along with the biggest tax increase in history, $150 billion. And that's just to start.\nAudience members. Boo-o-o!\nThe President. He says he wants to tax the rich. But folks, he defines rich as anyone who has a job. [Laughter]\nYou've heard of the separations of powers. Well, my opponent practices a different theory: the power of separations. Government has the power to separate you from your wallet. [Laughter]\nNow let me say this: When it comes to taxes, I've learned the hard way. There's an old saying, \"Good judgment comes from experience, and experience comes from bad judgment.\" Two years ago, I made a bad call on the Democrats tax increase. I underestimated Congress' addiction to taxes. With my back against the wall, I agreed to a hard bargain: One tax increase one time in return for the toughest spending limits ever.\nWell, it was a mistake to go along with the Democratic tax increase, and I admit it. But here's the question for the American people. Who do you trust in this election? The candidate who's raised taxes one time and regrets it, or the other candidate who raised taxes and fees 128 times and enjoyed it every time?\nAudience members. Viva Bush! Viva Bush! Viva Bush!\nThe President. Thank you very much.\nAudience members. Hit 'em again! Hit 'em again, harder, harder! Hit 'em again! Hit 'em again, harder, harder!\nThe President. When the new Congress convenes next January, I will propose to further reduce taxes across the board, provided we pay for these cuts with specific spending reductions that I consider appropriate, so that we do not increase the deficit. I will also continue to fight to increase the personal exemption and to create jobs by winning a cut in capital gains taxes.\nThat will especially help small businesses. You know, they create -- small businesses -- they create two-thirds of the new jobs in America. But my opponent's plan for small business is clear, present, and dangerous. Beside new income taxes, his plan will lead to a new payroll tax to pay for a Government takeover of health care and another new tax to pay for training. That is just the beginning.\nIf he gets his way, hardware stores across America will have a new sign up, \"Closed for despair.\" I guess you'd say his plan really is \"Elvis economics.\" America will be checking into the \"Heartbreak Hotel.\"\nI believe that small business needs relief from taxation, regulation, and litigation. And thus, I will extend for one year the freeze on paperwork and unnecessary Federal regulation that I imposed last winter. There is no reason that Federal regulations should live longer than my friend George Burns. I will issue an order to get rid of any rule whose time has come and gone.\nI see something happening in our towns and in our neighborhoods. Sharp lawyers are running wild. Doctors are afraid to practice medicine, and some moms and pops won't even coach Little League any more. We must sue each other less and care for each other more. I am fighting to reform our legal system, to put an end to crazy lawsuits. If that means climbing into the ring with the trial lawyers, well, let me just say, round one starts tonight.\nAfter all, my opponent's campaign is being backed by practically every trial lawyer who ever wore a tasselled loafer. He's not in the ring with them; he's in the tank.\nThere are other things we need to do to get our economy up to speed, prepare our kids for the next century. We must have new incentives for research and new training for workers. Small businesses need capital and credit, and defense workers need new jobs. I have a plan to provide affordable health care for every American, controlling costs by cutting paperwork and lawsuits and expanding coverage to the poorest of the poor.\nWe do not need my opponent's plan for a massive Government takeover of health care, which would ration care and deny you the right to choose a doctor. Who wants health care with a system with the efficiency of the House post office and the compassion of the KGB?\nWhat about our schools? What about our schools? My opponent and I both want to change the way our kids learn. He wants to change our schools a little bit, and I want to change them a lot. Take the issue of whether parents should be able to choose the best school for their kids. My opponent says that's okay, as long as the school is run by government. And I say every parent and child should have a real choice of schools, public, private, or religious.\nSo we have a clear choice to fix our problems. Do we turn to the tattered blanket of bureaucracy that other nations are tossing away? Or do we give our people the freedom and incentives to build security for themselves?\nHere's what I'm fighting for: Open markets for American products; lower Government spending; tax relief; opportunities for small business; legal and health reform; job training; and new schools built on competition, ready for the 21st century.\nNow, okay, why are these proposals not in effect today? Only one reason: the gridlock Democratic Congress.\nAudience members. Clean your House! Clean your House! Clean your House!\nThe President. A very good idea, a very good idea.\nNow, I know Americans are tired of the blame game, tired of people in Washington acting like they're candidates for the next episode of \"American Gladiators.\" I don't like it, either. Neither should you. But the truth is the truth. Our policies have not failed. They haven't even been tried.\nAmericans want jobs, and on January 28th, I put before Congress a plan to create jobs. If it'd been passed back then, 500,000 more Americans would be at work right now. But in a Nation that demands action, Congress has become the master of inaction.\nIt wasn't always this way. I heard President Ford tonight. I served in Congress 22 years ago, under him. And back then, we cooperated. We didn't get personal. We put the people above everything else. Heck, we didn't even own blow dryers back in those days.\nAt my first Inauguration, I said that people didn't send us to bicker. I extended my hand, and I think the American people know this, I extended my hand to the congressional leaders, the Democratic leaders, and they bit it.\nThe House leadership has not changed in 38 years. It is a body caught in a hopelessly tangled web of PAC's, perks, privileges, partnership, and paralysis. Every day, Congress puts politics ahead of principle and above progress.\nNow, let me give you just one example: February 20th, 1991. It was at the height of the Gulf war. On that very same day, I asked American pilots to risk their lives to fly missions over Baghdad. I also wanted to strengthen our economic security for the future. So that very same day, I introduced a new domestic energy strategy which would cut our dependence on foreign oil by 7 million barrels a day.\nHow many days did it take to win the Gulf war? Forty-three. How many did it take Congress to pass a national energy strategy? Five hundred and thirty-two, and still counting. I have ridden stationary bikes that can move faster than the United States House of Representatives and the United States Senate, controlled by the Democrat leadership.\nAudience members. Hit 'em again! Hit 'em again, harder, harder! Hit 'em again! Hit 'em again, harder, harder!\nThe President. Okay. All right. You wait. I'm fixing to.\nWhere does my opponent stand with Congress? Well, up in New York at their convention, they kept the congressional leaders away from the podium, hid them away. They didn't want America to hear from the people who really make the decisions. They hid them for a very good reason, because the American people would recognize a dangerous combination: a rubber-check Congress and a rubber-stamp President.\nGovernor Clinton and Congress know that you've caught on to their lingo. They know when they say \"spending,\" you say \"uh-oh.\" So now they have a new word, \"investment.\" They want to \"invest\" $220 billion more of your money, but I want you to keep it.\nGovernor Clinton and Congress want to put through the largest tax increase in history, but I will not let that happen. Governor Clinton and Congress don't want kids to have the option of praying in school, but I do. Clinton and Congress don't want to close legal loopholes and keep criminals behind bars, but I will. Clinton and Congress will stock the judiciary with liberal judges who write laws they can't get approved by the voters.\nGovernor Clinton even says that Mario Cuomo belongs on the Supreme Court. [Laughter] Wait a minute, though. No, wait. Maybe not a bad idea. If you believe in judicial restraint, you probably ought to be happy. After all, the good Governor of New York can't make up his mind between chocolate and vanilla at Baskin Robbins. He's there, we won't have another court decision for 35 years, and maybe that's all right, too.\nAre my opponent and Congress really in cahoots? Look at one important question: Should we limit the terms of Congress?\nAudience members. Yes.\nThe President. Governor Clinton says no. Congress says no. I say yes.\nWe tried this -- look, we tried this once before, combining the Democratic Governor of a small southern State with a very liberal Vice President and a Democratic Congress. America does not need Carter II. We do not want to take America back to those days of malaise. But Americans want to know: Where's proof that we will have better days in Washington?\nI'll give you 150 reasons. That's how many Members of Congress are expected to leave Washington this year. Some are tainted by scandal; the voters have bounced them the way they bounced their own checks. But others are good Members, Republican and Democrat, and they agree with me. The place just doesn't work anymore.\nOne hundred-fifty new Members, from both parties, will be coming to Washington this fall. Every one will have a fresh view of America's future.\nI pledge today to the American people, immediately after this election, I will meet with every one of these Members, before they get attacked by the PAC's, overwhelmed by their staffs, and cornered by some camera crew. I will lay out my case for change, change that matters, real change that makes a difference, change that is right for America.\nYou see, there is a yearning in America, a feeling that maybe it's time to get back to our roots. Sure we must change, but some values are timeless. I believe in families that stick together, fathers who stick around. I happen to believe very deeply in the worth of each individual human being, born or unborn. I believe in teaching our kids the difference between what's wrong and what's right, teaching them respect for hard work and to love their neighbors. I believe that America will always have a special place in God's heart, as long as He has a special place in ours. Maybe that's why I've always believed that patriotism is not just another point of view.\nThere are times in every young person's life when God introduces you to yourself. I remember such a time. It was back many years ago, when I stood watch at 4 a.m. up on the bridge of a submarine, the United States Finback, U.S.S. Finback. And I would stand there and look out on the blackness of the sky, broken only by the sparkling stars above. And I would think about friends I lost, a country I loved, and about a girl named Barbara. I remember those nights as clearly as any in my life.\nYou know, you can see things from up there that other people don't see. You can see storm clouds rise and then disappear, the first hint of the sun over the horizon, and the first outline of the shore far away.\nNow, I know that Americans are uneasy today. There is anxious talk around our kitchen tables. But from where I stand, I see not America's sunset but a sunrise.\nThe world changes for which we've sacrificed for a generation have finally come to pass, and with them a rare and unprecedented opportunity to pass the sweet cup of prosperity around our American table.\nAre we up to it? I know we are. As I travel our land, I meet veterans who once worked the turrets of a tank and can now master the keyboards of high-tech economy. I see teachers blessed with the incredible American capacity for innovation who are teaching our children a new way to learn for a new century. I meet parents, some working two jobs with hectic schedules, who still find new ways to teach old values to steady their kids in a turbulent world.\nI take heart from what is happening in America, not from those who profess a new passion for government but from those with an old and enduring faith in the human potential, those who understand that the genius of America is our capacity for rebirth and renewal. America is the land where the sun is always peeking over the horizon.\nTonight I appeal to that unyielding, undying, undeniable American spirit. I ask you to consider, now that the entire world is moving our way, why would we want to go back their way? I ask not just for your support for my agenda but for your commitment to renew and rebuild our Nation by shaking up the one institution that has withstood change for over four decades. Join me in rolling away the roadblock at the other end of Pennsylvania Avenue, so that in the next 4 years, we will match our accomplishments outside by building a stronger, safer, more secure America inside.\nForty-four years ago in another age of uncertainty a different President embarked on a similar mission. His name was Harry S Truman. As he stood before his party to accept their nomination, Harry Truman knew the freedom I know this evening, the freedom to talk about what's right for America, and let the chips fall where they may.\nHarry Truman said this: This is more than a political call to arms. Give me your help, not to win votes alone, but to win this new crusade and keep America safe and secure for its own people.\nWell, tonight I say to you: Join me in our new crusade, to reap the rewards of our global victory, to win the peace, so that we may make America safer and stronger for all our people.\nMay God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. 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Entity["City", {"SanDiego", "California", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Thank you. Thank you very much, thank you. Thank you very much, what a night.\nThe folks in Hollywood would be happy to know that I finally found a movie I liked -- the one I just saw.\nThis is a big night for me, and I'm ready. We're ready to go.\nThank you, California. And thank you, San Diego for hosting the greatest Republican convention of them all. The greatest of them all.\nThank you, President Ford and President Bush. And God bless you, Nancy Reagan for your moving tribute to President Reagan.\nBy the way, I spoke to President Reagan this afternoon, and I made him a promise that we would win one more for the Gipper. Are you ready?\nThank you. And he appreciated it very much.\nLadies and gentlemen, delegates to the convention, and fellow citizens, I cannot say it more clearly than in plain speaking. I accept your nomination to lead our party once again to the Presidency of the United States.\nAnd I am profoundly moved by your confidence and trust, and I look forward to leading America into the next century. But this is not my moment, it is yours. It is yours, Elizabeth. It is yours, Robin. It is yours, Jack and Joanne Kemp.\nAnd do not think I have forgotten whose moment this is above all. It is for the people of America that I stand here tonight, and by their generous leave. And as my voice echoes across darkness and desert, as it is heard over car radios on coastal roads, and as it travels above farmland and suburb, deep into the heart of cities that, from space, look tonight like strings of sparkling diamonds, I can tell you that I know whose moment this is: It is yours. It is yours entirely.\nAnd who am I that stands before you tonight?\nI was born in Russell, Kansas, a small town in the middle of the prairie surrounded by wheat and oil wells. As my neighbors and friends from Russell, who tonight sit in front of this hall, know well, Russell, though not the West, looks out upon the West.\nAnd like most small towns on the plains, it is a place where no one grows up without an intimate knowledge of distance.\nAnd the first thing you learn on the prairie is the relative size of a man compared to the lay of the land. And under the immense sky where I was born and raised, a man is very small, and if he thinks otherwise, he is wrong.\nI come from good people, very good people, and I'm proud of it. My father's name was Doran and my mother's name was Bina. I loved them and there's no moment when my memory of them and my love for them does not overshadow anything I do -- even this, even here -- and there is no height to which I have risen that is high enough to allow me to allow me to forget them -- to allow me to forget where I came from, and where I stand and how I stand -- with my feet on the ground, just a man at the mercy of God.\nAnd this perspective has been strengthened and solidified by a certain wisdom that I owe not to any achievement of my own, but to the gracious compensations of age.\nNow I know that in some quarters I may not -- may be expected to run from this, the truth of this, but I was born in 1923, and facts are better than dreams and good presidents and good candidates don't run from the truth.\nI do not need the presidency to make or refresh my soul. That false hope I will gladly leave to others. For greatness lies not in what office you hold, but on how honest you are in how you face adversity and in your willingness to stand fast in hard places.\nAge has its advantages.\nLet me be the bridge to an America than only the unknowing call myth. Let me be the bridge to a time of tranquility, faith and confidence in action.\nAnd to those who say it was never so, that America's not been better, I say you're wrong. And I know because I was there. And I have seen it. And I remember.\nAnd our nation, though wounded and scathed, has outlasted revolutions, civil war, world war, racial oppression and economic catastrophe. We have fought and prevailed on almost every continent. And in almost every sea.\nWe have even lost. But we have lasted, and we have always come through.\nAnd what enabled us to accomplish this has little to do with the values of the present. After decades of assault upon what made America great, upon supposedly obsolete values, what have we reaped? What have we created? What do we have?\nWhat we have in the opinions of millions of Americans is crime and drugs, illegitimacy, abortion, the abdication of duty, and the abandonment of children.\nAnd after the virtual devastation of the American family, the rock upon which this country was founded, we are told that it takes a village, that is collective, and thus the state, to raise a child.\nThe state is now more involved than it ever has been in the raising of children. And children are now more neglected, more abused and more mistreated than they have been in our time.\nThis is not a coincidence. This is not a coincidence. And with all due respect, I am here to tell you it does not take a village to raise a child. It takes a family to raise a child.\nIf I could by magic restore to every child who lacks a father or a mother that father or that mother, I would. And though I cannot, I would never turn my back on them. And I shall as President vote measures that keep families whole.\nAnd I'm here to tell you that permissive and destructive behavior must be opposed. That honor and liberty must be restored and that individual accountability must replace collective excuse.\nAnd I'm here to say I am here to say to America, do not abandon the great traditions that stretch to the dawn of our history. Do not topple the pillars of those beliefs -- God, family, honor, duty, country -- that have brought us through time, and time, and time, and time again.\nAnd to those who believe that I am too combative, I say if I am combative, it is for love of country. It is to uphold a standard that I was I was born and bread to defend. And to those who believe that I live and breathe compromise, I say that in politics honorable compromise is no sin. It is what protects us from absolutism and intolerance.\nBut one must never compromise in regard to God and family and honor and duty and country. And I'm here to set a marker, that all may know that it is possible to rise in politics, with these things firmly in mind, not compromised and never abandoned, never abandoned.\nFor the old values endure and though they may sleep and though they may falter, they endure. I know this is true. And to anyone who believes that restraint honor and trust in the people cannot be returned to government, I say follow me, follow me.\nOnly right conduct, only right conduct distinguishes a great nation from one that cannot rise above itself. It has never been otherwise.\nRight conduct every day, at every level, in all facets of life. The decision of a child not to use drugs; of a student not to cheat; of a young woman or a young man to serve when called; of a screenwriter to refuse to add to mountains of trash; of a businessman not to bribe; of a politician to cast a vote or take action that will put his office or his chances of victory at risk, but which is right.\nAnd why have so many of us -- and I do not exclude myself, for I am not the model of perfection -- why have so many of us been failing these tests for so long? The answer is not a mystery. It is to the contrary quite simple and can be given quite simply.\nIt is because for too long we have had a leadership that has been unwilling to risk the truth, to speak without calculation, to sacrifice itself.\nAn administration, in its very existence, communicates this day by day until it flows down like rain and the rain becomes a river and the river becomes a flood.\nWhich is more important, wealth or honor?\nIt is not as was said by the victors four years ago, the economy stupid. It's a kind of nation we are. It's whether we still possess the wit and determination to deal with many questions including economic questions, but certainly not limited to them. All things do not flow from wealth or poverty. I know this firsthand and so do you.\nAll things flow from doing what is right.\nThe cry of this nation lies not in its material wealth but in courage, and sacrifice and honor. We tend to forget when leaders forget. And we tend to remember it when they remember it.\nThe high office of the presidency requires not a continuous four year campaign for re-election, but rather broad oversight and attention to three essential areas: the material, the moral and the nation's survival in that ascending order of importance.\nIn the last presidential election, you the people were gravely insulted. You were told that the material was not only the most important of these three, but in fact, really the only one that mattered.\nI don't hold to that for a moment. No one can deny the importance of material well-being. And in this regard, it is time to recognize we have surrendered too much of our economic liberty. I do not appreciate the value of economic liberty nearly as much for what it has done in keeping us fed, as to what it's done in keeping us free.\nThe freedom of the marketplace is not merely the best guarantor of our prosperity. It is the chief guarantor of our rights, and a government that seizes control of the economy for the good of the people ends up seizing control of the people for the good of the economy.\nAnd our opponents portray the right to enjoy the fruits of one's own time and labor as a kind selfishness against which they must fight for the good of the nation. But they are deeply mistaken, for when they gather to themselves the authority to take the earnings and direct the activities of the people, they are fighting not for our sake but for the power to tell us what to do.\nAnd you now work from the first of January to May just to pay your taxes so that the party of government can satisfy its priorities with the sweat of your brow because they think that what you would do with your own money would be morally and practically less admirable than what they would do with it.\nAnd that simply has got to stop. It's got to stop in America.\nIt is demeaning to the nation that within the Clinton administration, a core of the elite who never grew up, never did anything real, never sacrificed, never suffered and never learned, should have the power to fund with your earnings their dubious and self-serving schemes.\nSomewhere, a grandmother couldn't afford to call her granddaughter, or a child went without a book, or a family couldn't afford that first home because there was just not enough money to make the call, or to buy the book, or to pay the mortgage. Or, for that matter, to do many other things that one has the right and often the obligation to do.\nWhy? Because some genius in the Clinton administration took the money to fund yet another theory, yet another program and yet another bureaucracy. Are they taking care of you, or are they taking care of themselves?\nI have asked myself that question. And I say, let the people be free. Free to keep. Let the people be free to keep as much of what they earn as the government can strain with all its might not to take, not the other way around.\nI trust the American people to work in the best interest of the people. And I believe that every family, wage earner and small business in America can do better -- if only we have the right policies in Washington, D.C.\nAnd make no mistake about it, my economic program is the right policy for America and for the future, and for the next century.\nHere's what it will mean to you. Here's what it will mean to you. It means you will have a president who will urge Congress to pass and send to the states for ratification a balanced budget amendment to the Constitution.\nIt means you will have a president and a Congress who have the will to balance the budget by the year 2002. It means you will have a president who will reduce taxes 15 percent across-the-board for every taxpayer in America.\nAnd it will include a $500 per child tax credit for lower and middle income families in America. Taxes for a family of four making $35,000 a year would be reduced by more than half -- 56 percent to be exact. And that's a big, big reduction.\nIt means you will have a president who will help small businesses, the businesses that create most new jobs, by reducing the capital gains tax rate by 50 percent. Cut it in half. It means you will have a president who will end the IRS as we know it.\nIt means you will have a president who will expand individual retirement accounts, repeal President Clinton's Social Security tax increase, provide estate tax relief, reduce government regulations, reform our civil justice system, provide educational opportunity scholarships and a host of other proposals that will create more opportunity for all Americans and all across America.\nAnd I will not stop there. Working with Jack Kemp and a Republican Congress I will not be satisfied until we have reformed our entire tax code and made it fairer and flatter and simpler for the American people.\nThe principle involved here is time-honored and true, and that is, it's your money. You shouldn't have to apologize for wanting to keep what you earn. To the contrary, the government should apologize for taking too much of it.\nThe Clinton administration -- the Clinton administration just doesn't get it. And that's why they have got to go.\nThe president -- the president's content with the way things are. I am not. We must commit ourselves to a far more ambitious path that puts growth, expanding opportunities, rising incomes and soaring prosperity at the heart of national policy.\nWe must also commit ourselves to a trade policy that does not suppress pay and threaten American jobs. And by any measure, the trade policies of the Clinton administration has been a disaster. Trade deficits are skyrocketing and middle income families are paying the price.\nMy administration will fully enforce our trade laws and not let our national sovereignty be infringed by the World Trade Organization or any other international body.\nJack Kemp and I will restore the promise of America and get the economy moving again, and we'll do so without leaving anybody behind.\nAnd I have learned in my own life, from my own experience that not every man, woman or child can make it on their own. And that in time of need, the bridge between failure and success can be the government itself. And given all that I have experienced, I shall always remember those in need. That is why I helped to save Social Security in 1983 and that is why I will be, I will be the president who preserves and strengthens and protects Medicare for America's senior citizens.\nFor I will never forget the man who rode on a train from Kansas to Michigan to see his son who was thought to be dying in an Army hospital. When he arrived, his feet were swollen and he could hardly walk because he had to make the trip from Kansas to Michigan standing up most of the way.\nWho was that man? He was my father. My father was poor and I love my father. Do you imagine for one minute that as I sign the bills that will set the economy free, I will not be faithful to Americans in need? You can be certain that I will.\nFor to do otherwise would be to betray those whom I love and honor most. And I will betray nothing.\nLet me speak about immigration. Yes. Let me speak about immigration. The right and obligation of a sovereign nation to control its borders is beyond debate. We should not have here a single illegal immigrant.\nBut the question of immigration is broader than that, and let me specific. A family from Mexico arrives this morning legally has as much right to the American Dream as the direct descents of the Founding Fathers.\nThe Republican Party is broad and inclusive. It represents -- The Republican Party is broad and inclusive. It represents many streams of opinion and many points of view.\nBut if there's anyone who has mistakenly attached themselves to our party in the belief that we are not open to citizens of every race and religion, then let me remind you, tonight this hall belongs to the Party of Lincoln. And the exits which are clearly marked are for you to walk out of as I stand this ground without compromise.\nAnd though, I can only look up -- and though I can look up, and at a very steep angle, to Washington and Lincoln, let me remind you of their concern for the sometimes delicate unity of the people.\nThe notion that we are and should be one people rather than \"peoples\" of the United States seems so self-evident and obvious that it's hard for me to imagine that I must defend it. When I was growing up in Russell, Kansas, it was clear to me that my pride and my home were in America, not in any faction, and not in any division.\nIn this I was heeding, even as I do unto this day, Washington's eloquent rejection of factionalism. I was honoring, even as I do unto this day, Lincoln's word, his life and his sacrifice. The principle of unity has been with us in all our successes.\nThe 10th Mountain Division, in which I served in Italy, and the Black troops of the 92ndm Division who fought nearby were the proof for me once again of the truth I'm here trying to convey.\nThe war was fought just a generation after America's greatest and most intense period of immigration. And yet when the blood of the sons of immigrants and the grandsons of slaves fell on foreign fields, it was American blood. In it you could not read the ethnic particulars of the soldier who died next to you. He was an American.\nAnd when I think how we learned this lesson I wonder how we could have unlearned it. Is the principle of unity, so hard-fought and at the cost of so many lives, having been contested again and again in our history, and at such a terrible price, to be casually abandoned to the urge to divide?\nThe answer is no.\nMust we give in to the senseless drive to break apart that which is beautiful and whole and good?\nAnd so tonight I call on every American to rise above all that may divide us, and to defend the unity of the nation for the honor of generations past, and the sake of those to come.\nThe Constitution of the United States mandates equal protection under the law. This is not code language for racism. It is plain speaking against it.\nAnd the guiding light in my administration will be that in this country, we have no rank order by birth, no claim to favoritism by race, no expectation of judgment other than it be even-handed. And we cannot guarantee the outcome, but we shall guarantee the opportunity in America.\nI will speak plainly -- I will speak plainly on another subject of importance. We're not educating all of our children. Too many are being forced to absorb the fads of the moment.\nNot for the nothing are we the biggest education spenders and among the lowest education achievers among the leading industrial nations.\nThe teachers unions nominated Bill Clinton in 1992. They're funding his re-election now. And they, his most reliable supporters, know he will maintain the status quo.\nAnd I say this -- I say this not to the teachers, but to their unions. I say this, if education were a war, you would be losing it. If it were a business, you would be driving it into bankruptcy. If it were a patient, it would be dying.\nAnd to the teachers union, I say, when I am president, I will disregard your political power for the sake of the parents, the children, the schools and the nation. I plan to enrich your vocabulary with those words you fear -- school choice and competition and opportunity scholarships.\nAll this for low and middle income families so that you will join the rest of us in accountability, while others compete with you for the commendable privilege of giving our children a real education.\nThere is no reason why those who live on any street in America should not have the same right as the person who lives at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue -- the right to send your child to the school of your choice.\nAnd if we want to reduce crime -- if we want to reduce crime and drug use and teen pregnancies, let's start by giving all our children a first-class education.\nAnd I also want these children to inherit a country that is far safer than it is at present. I seek for our children and grandchildren a world more open and with more opportunity than ever before.\nBut in wanting these young Americans to be able to make the best of this, I want first and foremost for them to be safe. I want to remove the shadow that darkens opportunities for every man, woman and child in America.\nWe are a nation paralyzed by crime. And it's time to end that in America.\nAnd to do so, I mean to attack the root cause of crime -- criminals, criminals, violent criminals.\nAnd as our many and voracious criminals go to bed tonight, at say, 6:00 in the morning, they had better pray that I lose this election because if I win, the lives of violent criminals are going to be hell.\nDuring the Reagan administration -- during the Reagan administration we abolished parole at the federal level. In the Dole administration we will work with the nation's governors to abolish parole for violent criminals all across America. And with my national instant check initiative, we will keep all guns out of the hands of criminals.\nAnd I have been asked if I have a litmus tests for judges. I do.\nMy litmus test for judges is that they be intolerant of outrage; that their passion is not to amend, but to interpret the Constitution that they are restrained in regard to those who live within the law, and strict with those who break it.\nAnd for those who say that I should not make President Clinton's liberal judicial appointments an issue in this campaign, I have a simple response. I have heard your argument.\nThe motion is denied.\nI save my respect for the Constitution, not for those who would ignore it, violate it or replace it with conceptions of their own fancy.\nMy administration will zealously protect civil and constitutional rights while never forgetting that our primary duty is protecting law abiding citizens, everybody in this hall.\nI have no intention of ignoring violent -- I said violent criminals, understanding them or buying them off. A nation that cannot defend itself from outrage does not deserve to survive. And a president who cannot lead itself against those who prey upon it does not deserve to be president of the United States of America.\nI am prepared to risk more political capital in defense of domestic tranquility than any president you have ever known. The time for such risk is long overdue.\nAnd in defending our nation from external threats, the requirements of survival cannot merely be finessed. There is no room for margin of error. On this subject perhaps more than any other, a president must level with the people and be prepared to take political risks. And I would rather do what is called for in this regard and be unappreciated, than fail to do so and win universal acclaim.\nAnd it must be said because of misguided priorities there have been massive cuts in funding for our national security. I believe President Clinton has failed to adequately provide for our defense. And for whatever reason the neglect, it is irresponsible.\nI ask that you consider these crystal-clear differences. He believes that it is acceptable to ask our military forces to more with less. I do not.\nHe defends giving a green light to a terrorist state, Iran, to expand its influence in Europe. And he relies on the United Nations to punish Libyan terrorists who murdered American citizens. I will not. He believes that defending our people and our territory from missile attack is unnecessary. I do not.\nAnd on my first day in office, I will put America on a course that will end our vulnerability to missile attack and rebuild our armed forces.\nIt is a course President Clinton has refused to take. And on my first day in office, I will put terrorists on notice. If you harm one American, you harm all Americans. And America will pursue you to the ends of the earth.\nIn short, don't mess with us if you're not prepared to suffer the consequences.\nAnd furthermore, the lesson has always been clear, if we are prepared to defend, if we are prepared to fight many wars and greater wars than any wars that come, we will have to fight fewer wars and lesser wars and perhaps no wars at all.\nIt has always been so and will ever be so. And I'm not the first to say that the long gray line has never failed us, and it never has.\nFor those who might be sharply taken aback and thinking of Vietnam, think again. For in Vietnam the long gray line did not fail us, we failed it in Vietnam.\nThe American soldier -- the American soldier was not made for the casual and arrogant treatment that he suffered there, where he was committed without clear purpose or resolve, bound by rules that prevented victory, and kept waiting in the valley of the shadow of death for 10 years while the nation invaded the undebatable question of his honor.\nNo, the American soldier was not to be thrown into battle without a clear purpose or resolve, not made to be abandoned in the field of battle, not made to give his life for indifference or lack of respect. And I will never commit the American soldier to an ordeal without the prospect of victory.\nAnd when I am president, and when I am president every man, and every women in our armed forces will know the president is Commander-in-Chief, not Boutros Boutros-Ghali or any other UN Secretary General.\nThis I owe not only to the living, but to the dead, to every patriot, to every patriot grave, to the ghosts of Valley Forge, of Flanders Field, of Bataan, the Chosin Reservoir, Khe Sanh, and the Gulf.\nThis I owe to the men who died on the streets of Mogadishu not three year ago, to the shadows on the bluffs of Normandy, to the foot soldiers who never came home, to the airmen who fell to earth, and the sailors who rest perpetually at sea.\nThis is not an issue of politics, but far graver than that. Like the bond of trust between parent and child, it is the lifeblood of the nation. It commands not only sacrifice but a grace in leadership embodying both caution and daring at the same time. And this we owe not only to ourselves. Our Allies demand consistency and resolve, which they deserve from us as we deserve it from them. But even if they falter, we cannot, for history has made us the leader, and we are obliged by history to keep the highest standard possible.\nAnd in this regard may I remind you of the nation's debt to Presidents Nixon, Ford, Reagan and Bush. President Nixon engaged China and the Soviet Union with diplomatic genius. President Ford, who gave me my start in 1976, stood fast in a time of great difficulty, and with the greatest of dignity. Were it not for President Reagan, the Soviet Union would still be standing today.\nHe brought the Cold War to an end, not, as some demanded, through compromise and surrender -- but by winning it. That's how he brought the Cold War to an end.\nAnd President Bush, with a mastery that words fail to convey, guided the Gulf War coalition and its military forces to victory. A war that might have lasted years and taken the lives of tens of thousands of Americans passed so swiftly and passed so smoothly that history has yet to catch its breath and give him the credit he is due.\nHistory is like that. History is like that. Whenever we forget its singular presence, it gives us a lesson in grace and awe.\nAnd when I look back on my life, I see less and less of myself and more and more a history of this civilization that we have made that is called America.\nAnd I am content and always will be content to see my own story subsumed in great events, the greatest of which is the simple onward procession of the American people. What a high privilege it is to be at the center in these times -- and this I owe to you, the American people.\nI owe everything to you. And to make things right, and to close the circle, I will return to you as much as I possibly can. It is incumbent upon me to do so. It is my duty and my deepest desire. And so tonight, I respectfully -- I respectfully ask for your blessing and your support.\nThe election will not be decided -- the election will not be decided by the polls or by the opinion-makers or by the pundits.\nIt will be decided by you. It will be decided by you.\nAnd I ask for your vote so that I may bring you an administration that is able, honest, and trusts in you.\nFor the fundamental issue is not of policy, but of trust -- not merely whether the people trust the president, but whether the president and his party trust the people, trust in their goodness and their genius for recovery.\nThat's what the election is all about.\nFor the government cannot direct the people, the people must direct the government.\nThis is not the outlook of my opponent -- and he is my opponent, not my enemy.\nAnd though he has tried of late to be a good Republican ... and I expect him here tonight ... there are certain distinctions that even he cannot blur. There are distinctions between the two great parties that will be debated and must be debated in the next 82 days.\nHe and his party brought us the biggest tax increase in the history of America. And we are the party of lower taxes -- we are the party of lower taxes and greater opportunity.\nWe are the party whose resolve did not flag as the Cold War dragged on. We did not tremble before a Soviet giant that was just about to fall, and we did not have to be begged to take up arms against Saddam Hussein.\nWe are not the party, as drug use has soared and doubled among the young, hears no evil, sees no evil, and just cannot say, \"Just say no.\"\nWe are the party that trusts in the people. I trust in the people. That is the heart of all I have tried to say tonight.\nMy friends, a presidential campaign is more than a contest of candidates, more than a clash of opposing philosophies.\nIt is a mirror held up to America. It is a measurement of who we are, where we come from, and where we are going. For as much inspiration as we may draw from a glorious past, we recognize American preeminently as a country of tomorrow. For we were placed here for a purpose, by a higher power. There's no doubt about it.\nEvery soldier in uniform, every school child who recites the Pledge of Allegiance, every citizen who places her hand on her heart when the flag goes by, recognizes and responds to our American destiny.\nOptimism is in our blood. I know this as few others can. There once was a time when I doubted the future. But I have learned as many of you have learned that obstacles can be overcome.\nAnd I have unlimited confidence in the wisdom of our people and the future of our country.\nTonight, I stand before you tested by adversity, made sensitive by hardship, a fighter by principle, and the most optimistic man in America.\nMy life is proof that America is a land without limits. And with my feet on the ground and my heart filled with hope, I put my faith in you and in the God who loves us all. For I am convinced that America's best days are yet to come.\nMay God bless you. And may God bless America. 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"rest" -> 2, "respectfully" -> 2, "represents" -> 2, "replace" -> 2, "re-election" -> 2, "recognize" -> 2, "reason" -> 2, "real" -> 2, "rain" -> 2, "race" -> 2, "quite" -> 2, "questions" -> 2, "protects" -> 2, "prosperity" -> 2, "proof" -> 2, "promise" -> 2, "program" -> 2, "privilege" -> 2, "priorities" -> 2, "price" -> 2, "presidential" -> 2, "presidency" -> 2, "present" -> 2, "prairie" -> 2, "possible" -> 2, "policies" -> 2, "plainly" -> 2, "plain" -> 2, "places" -> 2, "perhaps" -> 2, "patriot" -> 2, "past" -> 2, "passed" -> 2, "parole" -> 2, "outrage" -> 2, "order" -> 2, "opportunities" -> 2, "opponent" -> 2, "open" -> 2, "obligation" -> 2, "nothing" -> 2, "No" -> 2, "Nixon" -> 2, "night" -> 2, "name" -> 2, "moving" -> 2, "mother" -> 2, "morning" -> 2, "missile" -> 2, "military" -> 2, "Michigan" -> 2, "May" -> 2, "litmus" -> 2, "line" -> 2, "Lincoln" -> 2, "light" -> 2, "lies" -> 2, "leave" -> 2, "leading" -> 2, "leadership" -> 2, "lead" -> 2, "lasted" -> 2, "land" -> 2, "kind" -> 2, "keeping" -> 2, "judges" -> 2, "jobs" -> 2, "involved" -> 2, "individual" -> 2, "increase" -> 2, "inclusive" -> 2, "important" -> 2, "imagine" -> 2, "hope" -> 2, "honest" -> 2, "hold" -> 2, "History" -> 2, "Here's" -> 2, "heard" -> 2, "harm" -> 2, "hard" -> 2, "half" -> 2, "Gulf" -> 2, "guarantor" -> 2, "guarantee" -> 2, "greater" -> 2, "gray" -> 2, "grace" -> 2, "going" -> 2, "given" -> 2, "get" -> 2, "funding" -> 2, "fund" -> 2, "friends" -> 2, "follow" -> 2, "flow" -> 2, "flag" -> 2, "fell" -> 2, "fast" -> 2, "falter" -> 2, "faith" -> 2, "expand" -> 2, "evil" -> 2, "enough" -> 2, "endure" -> 2, "ends" -> 2, "earth" -> 2, "earnings" -> 2, "earn" -> 2, "dying" -> 2, "due" -> 2, "drugs" -> 2, "drug" -> 2, "done" -> 2, "Do" -> 2, "Division" -> 2, "divide" -> 2, "distinctions" -> 2, "died" -> 2, "defense" -> 2, "defending" -> 2, "debated" -> 2, "days" -> 2, "credit" -> 2, "create" -> 2, "course" -> 2, "couldn't" -> 2, "convey" -> 2, "convention" -> 2, "contrary" -> 2, "combative" -> 2, "collective" -> 2, "coincidence" -> 2, "code" -> 2, "Clinton's" -> 2, "clearly" -> 2, "choice" -> 2, "century" -> 2, "care" -> 2, "capital" -> 2, "candidates" -> 2, "came" -> 2, "businesses" -> 2, "business" -> 2, "budget" -> 2, "break" -> 2, "book" -> 2, "biggest" -> 2, "betray" -> 2, "becomes" -> 2, "battle" -> 2, "back" -> 2, "asked" -> 2, "armed" -> 2, "Are" -> 2, "apologize" -> 2, "anything" -> 2, "anyone" -> 2, "answer" -> 2, "also" -> 2, "almost" -> 2, "ago" -> 2, "after" -> 2, "afford" -> 2, "adversity" -> 2, "action" -> 2, "accountability" -> 2, "able" -> 2, "$500" -> 1, "$35,000" -> 1, "zealously" -> 1, "Yes" -> 1, "wounded" -> 1, "World" -> 1, "Working" -> 1, "word" -> 1, "wonder" -> 1, "women" -> 1, "wit" -> 1, "winning" -> 1, "willingness" -> 1, "Why" -> 1, "whom" -> 1, "Who" -> 1, "Which" -> 1, "Whenever" -> 1, "wheat" -> 1, "whatever" -> 1, "Were" -> 1, "went" -> 1, "wells" -> 1, "well-being" -> 1, "well" -> 1, "we'll" -> 1, "Washington's" -> 1, "waiting" -> 1, "wage" -> 1, "vulnerability" -> 1, "voracious" -> 1, "voice" -> 1, "vocabulary" -> 1, "virtual" -> 1, "violate" -> 1, "view" -> 1, "victors" -> 1, "value" -> 1, "Valley" -> 1, "valley" -> 1, "uphold" -> 1, "unwilling" -> 1, "unnecessary" -> 1, "unlimited" -> 1, "unlearned" -> 1, "unknowing" -> 1, "universal" -> 1, "union" -> 1, "uniform" -> 1, "understanding" -> 1, "undebatable" -> 1, "unappreciated" -> 1, "UN" -> 1, "two" -> 1, "turn" -> 1, "trying" -> 1, "troops" -> 1, "trip" -> 1, "tribute" -> 1, "tremble" -> 1, "treatment" -> 1, "travels" -> 1, "trash" -> 1, "train" -> 1, "traditions" -> 1, "towns" -> 1, "town" -> 1, "topple" -> 1, "took" -> 1, "Too" -> 1, "Tonight" -> 1, "tomorrow" -> 1, "today" -> 1, "To" -> 1, "times" -> 1, "time-honored" -> 1, "thus" -> 1, "thrown" -> 1, "threats" -> 1, "threaten" -> 1, "thousands" -> 1, "thought" -> 1, "thinks" -> 1, "thinking" -> 1, "thing" -> 1, "They're" -> 1, "There's" -> 1, "theory" -> 1, "then" -> 1, "tested" -> 1, "test" -> 1, "terrorist" -> 1, "territory" -> 1, "terrible" -> 1, "tens" -> 1, "teen" -> 1, "taxpayer" -> 1, "Taxes" -> 1, "system" -> 1, "swollen" -> 1, "swiftly" -> 1, "sweat" -> 1, "survive" -> 1, "surrounded" -> 1, "surrendered" -> 1, "surrender" -> 1, "suppress" -> 1, "supposedly" -> 1, "supporters" -> 1, "support" -> 1, "suffer" -> 1, "successes" -> 1, "success" -> 1, "suburb" -> 1, "subsumed" -> 1, "stupid" -> 1, "student" -> 1, "strings" -> 1, "strict" -> 1, "stretch" -> 1, "strengthens" -> 1, "strengthened" -> 1, "streets" -> 1, "street" -> 1, "streams" -> 1, "strain" -> 1, "story" -> 1, "stood" -> 1, "steep" -> 1, "status" -> 1, "states" -> 1, "stands" -> 1, "spoke" -> 1, "spenders" -> 1, "specific" -> 1, "sparkling" -> 1, "space" -> 1, "sovereignty" -> 1, "sovereign" -> 1, "soul" -> 1, "sons" -> 1, "son" -> 1, "Somewhere" -> 1, "sometimes" -> 1, "solidified" -> 1, "soldiers" -> 1, "soaring" -> 1, "soared" -> 1, "smoothly" -> 1, "sleep" -> 1, "slaves" -> 1, "skyrocketing" -> 1, "sky" -> 1, "size" -> 1, "sit" -> 1, "singular" -> 1, "single" -> 1, "sin" -> 1, "simpler" -> 1, "sign" -> 1, "shouldn't" -> 1, "short" -> 1, "sharply" -> 1, "shadows" -> 1, "served" -> 1, "serve" -> 1, "sensitive" -> 1, "senseless" -> 1, "senior" -> 1, "self-serving" -> 1, "selfishness" -> 1, "self-evident" -> 1, "seizing" -> 1, "seizes" -> 1, "sees" -> 1, "seen" -> 1, "seems" -> 1, "seek" -> 1, "security" -> 1, "Secretary" -> 1, "screenwriter" -> 1, "schools" -> 1, "schemes" -> 1, "scathed" -> 1, "saw" -> 1, "satisfy" -> 1, "satisfied" -> 1, "Sanh" -> 1, "San" -> 1, "sailors" -> 1, "safer" -> 1, "safe" -> 1, "Saddam" -> 1, "sacrificed" -> 1, "rules" -> 1, "root" -> 1, "room" -> 1, "rode" -> 1, "rock" -> 1, "Robin" -> 1, "roads" -> 1, "risks" -> 1, "rising" -> 1, "risen" -> 1, "Right" -> 1, "revolutions" -> 1, "returned" -> 1, "return" -> 1, "retirement" -> 1, "restraint" -> 1, "restrained" -> 1, "restored" -> 1, "response" -> 1, "responds" -> 1, "Reservoir" -> 1, "requires" -> 1, "requirements" -> 1, "repeal" -> 1, "remove" -> 1, "religion" -> 1, "relies" -> 1, "relief" -> 1, "reliable" -> 1, "relative" -> 1, "rejection" -> 1, "regulations" -> 1, "refused" -> 1, "refuse" -> 1, "refresh" -> 1, "reformed" -> 1, "reform" -> 1, "reduction" -> 1, "reducing" -> 1, "reduced" -> 1, "recovery" -> 1, "recognizes" -> 1, "recites" -> 1, "rebuild" -> 1, "reaped" -> 1, "really" -> 1, "read" -> 1, "ratification" -> 1, "rate" -> 1, "rank" -> 1, "raising" -> 1, "raised" -> 1, "radios" -> 1, "racism" -> 1, "racial" -> 1, "quo" -> 1, "quarters" -> 1, "puts" -> 1, "pursue" -> 1, "punish" -> 1, "pundits" -> 1, "proud" -> 1, "protection" -> 1, "protecting" -> 1, "protect" -> 1, "prospect" -> 1, "proposals" -> 1, "profoundly" -> 1, "procession" -> 1, "primary" -> 1, "pride" -> 1, "prey" -> 1, "prevented" -> 1, "prevailed" -> 1, "Presidents" -> 1, "presidents" -> 1, "president's" -> 1, "Presidency" -> 1, "preserves" -> 1, "presence" -> 1, "pregnancies" -> 1, "preeminently" -> 1, "pray" -> 1, "practically" -> 1, "poverty" -> 1, "possibly" -> 1, "possess" -> 1, "portray" -> 1, "poor" -> 1, "polls" -> 1, "politician" -> 1, "points" -> 1, "Pledge" -> 1, "plan" -> 1, "plains" -> 1, "placed" -> 1, "place" -> 1, "pillars" -> 1, "philosophies" -> 1, "perspective" -> 1, "person" -> 1, "perpetually" -> 1, "permissive" -> 1, "period" -> 1, "perfection" -> 1, "per" -> 1, "peoples" -> 1, "Pennsylvania" -> 1, "paying" -> 1, "patient" -> 1, "path" -> 1, "passion" -> 1, "pass" -> 1, "parties" -> 1, "particulars" -> 1, "parents" -> 1, "parent" -> 1, "paralyzed" -> 1, "oversight" -> 1, "overshadow" -> 1, "overdue" -> 1, "overcome" -> 1, "over" -> 1, "outlook" -> 1, "outlasted" -> 1, "outcome" -> 1, "Our" -> 1, "Organization" -> 1, "ordeal" -> 1, "Or" -> 1, "optimistic" -> 1, "Optimism" -> 1, "oppression" -> 1, "opposing" -> 1, "opposed" -> 1, "opponents" -> 1, "opinions" -> 1, "opinion-makers" -> 1, "opinion" -> 1, "onward" -> 1, "Only" -> 1, "one's" -> 1, "On" -> 1, "old" -> 1, "oil" -> 1, "often" -> 1, "off" -> 1, "obvious" -> 1, "obstacles" -> 1, "obsolete" -> 1, "obliged" -> 1, "Now" -> 1, "notion" -> 1, "notice" -> 1, "Not" -> 1, "Normandy" -> 1, "nomination" -> 1, "nominated" -> 1, "new" -> 1, "neighbors" -> 1, "neglected" -> 1, "neglect" -> 1, "nearly" -> 1, "nearby" -> 1, "Nations" -> 1, "nations" -> 1, "Nancy" -> 1, "myth" -> 1, "mystery" -> 1, "Must" -> 1, "murdered" -> 1, "movie" -> 1, "moved" -> 1, "mountains" -> 1, "Mountain" -> 1, "motion" -> 1, "mother's" -> 1, "mortgage" -> 1, "morally" -> 1, "moral" -> 1, "Mogadishu" -> 1, "model" -> 1, "mistreated" -> 1, "mistakenly" -> 1, "mistaken" -> 1, "mistake" -> 1, "misguided" -> 1, "mirror" -> 1, "minute" -> 1, "mind" -> 1, "millions" -> 1, "Mexico" -> 1, "mess" -> 1, "mercy" -> 1, "men" -> 1, "memory" -> 1, "Medicare" -> 1, "measures" -> 1, "measurement" -> 1, "measure" -> 1, "mattered" -> 1, "matter" -> 1, "mastery" -> 1, "massive" -> 1, "marketplace" -> 1, "marker" -> 1, "marked" -> 1, "margin" -> 1, "mandates" -> 1, "making" -> 1, "maintain" -> 1, "magic" -> 1, "lowest" -> 1, "low" -> 1, "loves" -> 1, "loved" -> 1, "lost" -> 1, "losing" -> 1, "lose" -> 1, "looks" -> 1, "living" -> 1, "little" -> 1, "Lincoln's" -> 1, "limits" -> 1, "limited" -> 1, "liked" -> 1, "Like" -> 1, "lifeblood" -> 1, "Libyan" -> 1, "liberal" -> 1, "let's" -> 1, "lesser" -> 1, "legally" -> 1, "leaving" -> 1, "learn" -> 1, "leaders" -> 1, "leader" -> 1, "lay" -> 1, "laws" -> 1, "late" -> 1, "last" -> 1, "language" -> 1, "Ladies" -> 1, "lacks" -> 1, "lack" -> 1, "labor" -> 1, "known" -> 1, "knowledge" -> 1, "Khe" -> 1, "kept" -> 1, "justice" -> 1, "Just" -> 1, "judicial" -> 1, "judgment" -> 1, "join" -> 1, "Joanne" -> 1, "January" -> 1, "Italy" -> 1, "Is" -> 1, "IRS" -> 1, "irresponsible" -> 1, "Iran" -> 1, "invaded" -> 1, "intolerant" -> 1, "intolerance" -> 1, "intimate" -> 1, "interpret" -> 1, "international" -> 1, "interest" -> 1, "intention" -> 1, "intense" -> 1, "insulted" -> 1, "instant" -> 1, "inspiration" -> 1, "initiative" -> 1, "inherit" -> 1, "infringed" -> 1, "influence" -> 1, "industrial" -> 1, "indifference" -> 1, "incumbent" -> 1, "incomes" -> 1, "including" -> 1, "include" -> 1, "immigrants" -> 1, "immigrant" -> 1, "immense" -> 1, "illegitimacy" -> 1, "illegal" -> 1, "ignoring" -> 1, "ignore" -> 1, "Hussein" -> 1, "hosting" -> 1, "host" -> 1, "hospital" -> 1, "honoring" -> 1, "honorable" -> 1, "Hollywood" -> 1, "highest" -> 1, "higher" -> 1, "helped" -> 1, "help" -> 1, "hell" -> 1, "held" -> 1, "height" -> 1, "heeding" -> 1, "hears" -> 1, "having" -> 1, "hardship" -> 1, "hardly" -> 1, "hard-fought" -> 1, "happy" -> 1, "hands" -> 1, "hand" -> 1, "guns" -> 1, "guiding" -> 1, "guided" -> 1, "growth" -> 1, "grows" -> 1, "growing" -> 1, "grew" -> 1, "green" -> 1, "greatness" -> 1, "graver" -> 1, "gravely" -> 1, "grave" -> 1, "grandsons" -> 1, "grandmother" -> 1, "granddaughter" -> 1, "grandchildren" -> 1, "gracious" -> 1, "governors" -> 1, "goodness" -> 1, "goes" -> 1, "glorious" -> 1, "gladly" -> 1, "gives" -> 1, "Gipper" -> 1, "giant" -> 1, "ghosts" -> 1, "gentlemen" -> 1, "generous" -> 1, "generations" -> 1, "generation" -> 1, "General" -> 1, "gave" -> 1, "gather" -> 1, "gains" -> 1, "furthermore" -> 1, "fundamental" -> 1, "fully" -> 1, "fruits" -> 1, "front" -> 1, "freedom" -> 1, "Free" -> 1, "Founding" -> 1, "founded" -> 1, "found" -> 1, "forward" -> 1, "forgotten" -> 1, "forgetting" -> 1, "Forge" -> 1, "foremost" -> 1, "foreign" -> 1, "forced" -> 1, "foot" -> 1, "folks" -> 1, "flows" -> 1, "flood" -> 1, "flatter" -> 1, "Flanders" -> 1, "firsthand" -> 1, "first-class" -> 1, "firmly" -> 1, "finessed" -> 1, "finally" -> 1, "filled" -> 1, "fighting" -> 1, "fighter" -> 1, "fields" -> 1, "Field" -> 1, "field" -> 1, "fewer" -> 1, "few" -> 1, "fellow" -> 1, "federal" -> 1, "fed" -> 1, "fear" -> 1, "favoritism" -> 1, "Fathers" -> 1, "father's" -> 1, "farmland" -> 1, "fancy" -> 1, "false" -> 1, "fall" -> 1, "faithful" -> 1, "fairer" -> 1, "failure" -> 1, "failing" -> 1, "fads" -> 1, "facts" -> 1, "factionalism" -> 1, "faction" -> 1, "fact" -> 1, "facets" -> 1, "face" -> 1, "external" -> 1, "experienced" -> 1, "experience" -> 1, "expected" -> 1, "expectation" -> 1, "expect" -> 1, "expanding" -> 1, "exits" -> 1, "existence" -> 1, "excuse" -> 1, "exclude" -> 1, "exact" -> 1, "everything" -> 1, "everybody" -> 1, "Every" -> 1, "events" -> 1, "even-handed" -> 1, "Europe" -> 1, "ethnic" -> 1, "estate" -> 1, "essential" -> 1, "error" -> 1, "equal" -> 1, "entirely" -> 1, "entire" -> 1, "enrich" -> 1, "enjoy" -> 1, "engaged" -> 1, "enforce" -> 1, "enemy" -> 1, "enabled" -> 1, "embodying" -> 1, "eloquent" -> 1, "Elizabeth" -> 1, "elite" -> 1, "educational" -> 1, "educating" -> 1, "echoes" -> 1, "earner" -> 1, "During" -> 1, "during" -> 1, "dubious" -> 1, "driving" -> 1, "drive" -> 1, "dreams" -> 1, "Dream" -> 1, "draw" -> 1, "dragged" -> 1, "down" -> 1, "doubted" -> 1, "doubt" -> 1, "doubled" -> 1, "Doran" -> 1, "domestic" -> 1, "Dole" -> 1, "doing" -> 1, "doesn't" -> 1, "division" -> 1, "distinguishes" -> 1, "distance" -> 1, "disregard" -> 1, "disaster" -> 1, "diplomatic" -> 1, "dignity" -> 1, "difficulty" -> 1, "differences" -> 1, "Diego" -> 1, "diamonds" -> 1, "devastation" -> 1, "determination" -> 1, "destructive" -> 1, "destiny" -> 1, "desire" -> 1, "desert" -> 1, "descents" -> 1, "deny" -> 1, "denied" -> 1, "demeaning" -> 1, "demanded" -> 1, "demand" -> 1, "delicate" -> 1, "delegates" -> 1, "deficits" -> 1, "defends" -> 1, "deeply" -> 1, "deepest" -> 1, "deep" -> 1, "decision" -> 1, "decades" -> 1, "debt" -> 1, "debate" -> 1, "death" -> 1, "deal" -> 1, "dead" -> 1, "D.C." -> 1, "dawn" -> 1, "darkness" -> 1, "darkens" -> 1, "daring" -> 1, "cuts" -> 1, "Cut" -> 1, "crystal-clear" -> 1, "cry" -> 1, "created" -> 1, "courage" -> 1, "cost" -> 1, "core" -> 1, "convinced" -> 1, "continuous" -> 1, "continent" -> 1, "contested" -> 1, "contest" -> 1, "constitutional" -> 1, "consistency" -> 1, "consider" -> 1, "consequences" -> 1, "concern" -> 1, "conceptions" -> 1, "compromised" -> 1, "competition" -> 1, "compete" -> 1, "compensations" -> 1, "compared" -> 1, "communicates" -> 1, "committed" -> 1, "commendable" -> 1, "commands" -> 1, "Commander-in-Chief" -> 1, "coastal" -> 1, "coalition" -> 1, "close" -> 1, "clash" -> 1, "claim" -> 1, "civilization" -> 1, "citizen" -> 1, "cities" -> 1, "circle" -> 1, "Chosin" -> 1, "China" -> 1, "chief" -> 1, "check" -> 1, "cheat" -> 1, "chances" -> 1, "certainly" -> 1, "center" -> 1, "caution" -> 1, "cause" -> 1, "catch" -> 1, "catastrophe" -> 1, "casually" -> 1, "casual" -> 1, "cast" -> 1, "car" -> 1, "California" -> 1, "calculation" -> 1, "By" -> 1, "buying" -> 1, "buy" -> 1, "businessman" -> 1, "bureaucracy" -> 1, "brow" -> 1, "broader" -> 1, "bring" -> 1, "bribe" -> 1, "breathe" -> 1, "breath" -> 1, "bread" -> 1, "Boutros-Ghali" -> 1, "Boutros" -> 1, "bound" -> 1, "both" -> 1, "borders" -> 1, "bond" -> 1, "body" -> 1, "blur" -> 1, "bluffs" -> 1, "blessing" -> 1, "Black" -> 1, "birth" -> 1, "Bina" -> 1, "bills" -> 1, "Bill" -> 1, "beyond" -> 1, "belongs" -> 1, "beliefs" -> 1, "belief" -> 1, "being" -> 1, "behind" -> 1, "behavior" -> 1, "begged" -> 1, "bed" -> 1, "Because" -> 1, "beautiful" -> 1, "Bataan" -> 1, "bankruptcy" -> 1, "balanced" -> 1, "balance" -> 1, "awe" -> 1, "Avenue" -> 1, "authority" -> 1, "attention" -> 1, "attached" -> 1, "assault" -> 1, "ascending" -> 1, "As" -> 1, "arrogant" -> 1, "arrives" -> 1, "arrived" -> 1, "around" -> 1, "Army" -> 1, "arms" -> 1, "argument" -> 1, "areas" -> 1, "appreciated" -> 1, "appreciate" -> 1, "appointments" -> 1, "apart" -> 1, "anybody" -> 1, "angle" -> 1, "An" -> 1, "amendment" -> 1, "amend" -> 1, "ambitious" -> 1, "Allies" -> 1, "Allegiance" -> 1, "airmen" -> 1, "Age" -> 1, "age" -> 1, "afternoon" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "advantages" -> 1, "admirable" -> 1, "adequately" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "activities" -> 1, "across-the-board" -> 1, "achievers" -> 1, "achievement" -> 1, "accounts" -> 1, "accomplish" -> 1, "acclaim" -> 1, "acceptable" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "abused" -> 1, "absorb" -> 1, "absolutism" -> 1, "abortion" -> 1, "abolished" -> 1, "abolish" -> 1, "abiding" -> 1, "abdication" -> 1, "abandonment" -> 1, "abandon" -> 1, "aback" -> 1, "92ndm" -> 1, "82" -> 1, "6:00" -> 1, "56" -> 1, "50" -> 1, "2002" -> 1, "1992" -> 1, "1983" -> 1, "1976" -> 1, "1923" -> 1, "1600" -> 1, "15" -> 1, "10th" -> 1, "10" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25954", "Date" -> DateObject[{2000, 8, 3}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "GeorgeWBush::xs353"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Philadelphia", "Pennsylvania", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. Chairman, delegates, and my fellow citizens ... I accept your nomination. Thank you for this honor. Together, we will renew America's purpose.\nOur founders first defined that purpose here in Philadelphia ... Ben Franklin was here. Thomas Jefferson. And, of course, George Washington -- or, as his friends called him, \"George W.\"\nI am proud to have Dick Cheney at my side. He is a man of integrity and sound judgment, who has proven that public service can be noble service. America will be proud to have a leader of such character to succeed Al Gore as Vice President of the United States.\nI am grateful for John McCain and the other candidates who sought this nomination. Their convictions strengthen our party.\nI am especially grateful tonight to my family.\nNo matter what else I do in life, asking Laura to marry me was the best decision I ever made.\nTo our daughters, Barbara and Jenna, we love you, we're proud of you, and as you head off to college this fall ... ... Don't stay out too late, and e-mail your old dad once in a while, will you?\nAnd mother, everyone loves you and so do I.\nGrowing up, she gave me love and lots of advice. I gave her white hair. And I want to thank my father -- the most decent man I have ever known. All my life I have been amazed that a gentle soul could be so strong. And Dad, I want you to know how proud I am to be your son.\nMy father was the last president of a great generation. A generation of Americans who stormed beaches, liberated concentration camps and delivered us from evil.\nSome never came home.\nThose who did put their medals in drawers, went to work, and built on a heroic scale ... highways and universities, suburbs and factories, great cities and grand alliances -- the strong foundations of an American Century.\nNow the question comes to the sons and daughters of this achievement...\nWhat is asked of us?\nThis is a remarkable moment in the life of our nation. Never has the promise of prosperity been so vivid. But times of plenty, like times of crisis, are tests of American character.\nProsperity can be a tool in our hands -- used to build and better our country. Or it can be a drug in our system -- dulling our sense of urgency, of empathy, of duty.\nOur opportunities are too great, our lives too short, to waste this moment.\nSo tonight we vow to our nation ...\nWe will seize this moment of American promise.\nWe will use these good times for great goals.\nWe will confront the hard issues -- threats to our national security, threats to our health and retirement security -- before the challenges of our time become crises for our children.\nAnd we will extend the promise of prosperity to every forgotten corner of this country.\nTo every man and woman, a chance to succeed. To every child, a chance to learn. To every family, a chance to live with dignity and hope.\nFor eight years, the Clinton/Gore administration has coasted through prosperity.\nAnd the path of least resistance is always downhill.\nBut America's way is the rising road.\nThis nation is daring and decent and ready for change.\nOur current president embodied the potential of a generation. So many talents. So much charm. Such great skill. But, in the end, to what end? So much promise, to no great purpose.\nLittle more than a decade ago, the Cold War thawed and, with the leadership of Presidents Reagan and Bush, that wall came down.\nBut instead of seizing this moment, the Clinton/Gore administration has squandered it. We have seen a steady erosion of American power and an unsteady exercise of American influence.\nOur military is low on parts, pay and morale.\nIf called on by the commander-in-chief today, two entire divisions of the Army would have to report ... Not ready for duty, sir.\nThis administration had its moment.\nThey had their chance. They have not led. We will.\nThis generation was given the gift of the best education in American history. Yet we do not share that gift with everyone. Seven of ten fourth-graders in our highest poverty schools cannot read a simple children's book.\nAnd still this administration continues on the same old path with the same old programs -- while millions are trapped in schools where violence is common and learning is rare.\nThis administration had its chance. They have not led. We will.\nAmerica has a strong economy and a surplus. We have the public resources and the public will -- even the bipartisan opportunities -- to strengthen Social Security and repair Medicare.\nBut this administration -- during eight years of increasing need -- did nothing.\nThey had their moment. They have not led. We will.\nOur generation has a chance to reclaim some essential values -- to show we have grown up before we grow old.\nBut when the moment for leadership came, this administration did not teach our children, it disillusioned them.\nThey had their chance. They have not led. We will.\nAnd now they come asking for another chance, another shot.\nOur answer?\nNot this time.\nNot this year.\nThis is not a time for third chances, it is a time for new beginnings. The rising generations of this country have our own appointment with greatness.\nIt does not rise or fall with the stock market. It cannot be bought with our wealth.\nGreatness is found when American character and American courage overcome American challenges.\nWhen Lewis Morris of New York was about to sign the Declaration of Independence, his brother advised against it, warning he would lose all his property.\nMorris, a plain-spoken Founder, responded ... \"Damn the consequences, give me the pen.\" That is the eloquence of American action.\nWe heard it during World War II, when General Eisenhower told paratroopers on D-Day morning not to worry -- and one replied, \"We're not worried, General ... It's Hitler's turn to worry now.\"\nWe heard it in the civil rights movement, when brave men and women did not say ... \"We shall cope,\" or \"We shall see.\" They said ... \"We shall overcome.\"\nAn American president must call upon that character.\nTonight, in this hall, we resolve to be, not the party of repose, but the party of reform.\nWe will write, not footnotes, but chapters in the American story.\nWe will add the work of our hands to the inheritance of our fathers and mothers -- and leave this nation greater than we found it.\nWe know the tests of leadership. The issues are joined.\nWe will strengthen Social Security and Medicare for the greatest generation, and for generations to come.\nMedicare does more than meet the needs of our elderly, it reflects the values of our society.\nWe will set it on firm financial ground, and make prescription drugs available and affordable for every senior who needs them.\nSocial Security has been called the \"third rail of American politics\" -- the one you're not supposed to touch because it shocks you.\nBut, if you don't touch it, you can't fix it. And I intend to fix it.\nTo seniors in this country ... You earned your benefits, you made your plans, and President George W. Bush will keep the promise of Social Security ... no changes, no reductions, no way.\nOur opponents will say otherwise. This is their last, parting ploy, and don't believe a word of it.\nNow is the time for Republicans and Democrats to end the politics of fear and save Social Security, together.\nFor younger workers, we will give you the option -- your choice -- to put a part of your payroll taxes into sound, responsible investments.\nThis will mean a higher return on your money, and, over 30 or 40 years, a nest egg to help your retirement, or pass along to your children.\nWhen this money is in your name, in your account, it's not just a program, it's your property.\nNow is the time to give American workers security and independence that no politician can ever take away.\nOn education ... Too many American children are segregated into schools without standards, shuffled from grade-to-grade because of their age, regardless of their knowledge.\nThis is discrimination, pure and simple -- the soft bigotry of low expectations.\nAnd our nation should treat it like other forms of discrimination ... We should end it.\nOne size does not fit all when it comes to educating our children, so local people should control local schools.\nAnd those who spend your tax dollars must be held accountable.\nWhen a school district receives federal funds to teach poor children, we expect them to learn. And if they don't, parents should get the money to make a different choice.\nNow is the time to make Head Start an early learning program, teach all our children to read, and renew the promise of America's public schools. Another test of leadership is tax relief.\nThe last time taxes were this high as a percentage of our economy, there was a good reason ... We were fighting World War II.\nToday, our high taxes fund a surplus. Some say that growing federal surplus means Washington has more money to spend.\nBut they've got it backwards.\nThe surplus is not the government's money. The surplus is the people's money.\nI will use this moment of opportunity to bring common sense and fairness to the tax code.\nAnd I will act on principle.\nOn principle ... every family, every farmer and small businessperson, should be free to pass on their life's work to those they love.\nSo we will abolish the death tax.\nOn principle ... no one in America should have to pay more than a third of their income to the federal government.\nSo we will reduce tax rates for everyone, in every bracket.\nOn principle ... those in the greatest need should receive the greatest help.\nSo we will lower the bottom rate from 15 percent to 10 percent and double the child tax credit.\nNow is the time to reform the tax code and share some of the surplus with the people who pay the bills.\nThe world needs America's strength and leadership, and America's armed forces need better equipment, better training, and better pay.\nWe will give our military the means to keep the peace, and we will give it one thing more ... a commander-in-chief who respects our men and women in uniform, and a commander-in-chief who earns their respect.\nA generation shaped by Vietnam must remember the lessons of Vietnam.\nWhen America uses force in the world, the cause must be just, the goal must be clear, and the victory must be overwhelming.\nI will work to reduce nuclear weapons and nuclear tension in the world -- to turn these years of influence into decades of peace.\nAnd, at the earliest possible date, my administration will deploy missile defenses to guard against attack and blackmail.\nNow is the time, not to defend outdated treaties, but to defend the American people.\nA time of prosperity is a test of vision. And our nation today needs vision. That is a fact ... or as my opponent might call it, a \"risky truth scheme.\" Every one of the proposals I've talked about tonight, he has called a \"risky scheme,\" over and over again.\nIt is the sum of his message -- the politics of the roadblock, the philosophy of the stop sign.\nIf my opponent had been there at the moon launch, it would have been a \"risky rocket scheme.\"\nIf he'd been there when Edison was testing the light bulb, it would have been a \"risky anti-candle scheme.\"\nAnd if he'd been there when the Internet was invented well ... I understand he actually was there for that.\nHe now leads the party of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. But the only thing he has to offer is fear itself.\nThat outlook is typical of many in Washington -- always seeing the tunnel at the end of the light.\nBut I come from a different place, and it has made me a different leader. In Midland, Texas, where I grew up, the town motto was \"the sky is the limit\" ... and we believed it.\nThere was a restless energy, a basic conviction that, with hard work, anybody could succeed, and everybody deserved a chance.\nOur sense of community was just as strong as that sense of promise.\nNeighbors helped each other. There were dry wells and sandstorms to keep you humble, and lifelong friends to take your side, and churches to remind us that every soul is equal in value and equal in need.\nThis background leaves more than an accent, it leaves an outlook.\nOptimistic. Impatient with pretense. Confident that people can chart their own course.\nThat background may lack the polish of Washington. Then again, I don't have a lot of things that come with Washington.\nI don't have enemies to fight. And I have no stake in the bitter arguments of the last few years. I want to change the tone of Washington to one of civility and respect.\nThe largest lesson I learned in Midland still guides me as governor ... Everyone, from immigrant to entrepreneur, has an equal claim on this country's promise.\nSo we improved our schools, dramatically, for children of every accent, of every background.\nWe moved people from welfare to work.\nWe strengthened our juvenile justice laws.\nOur budgets have been balanced, with surpluses, and we cut taxes not only once, but twice.\nWe accomplished a lot.\nI don't deserve all the credit, and don't attempt to take it. I worked with Republicans and Democrats to get things done.\nA bittersweet part of tonight is that someone is missing, the late Lt. Governor of Texas Bob Bullock.\nBob was a Democrat, a crusty veteran of Texas politics, and my great friend.\nHe worked by my side, endorsed my re-election, and I know he is with me in spirit in saying to those who would malign our state for political gain... Don't mess with Texas.\nAs governor, I've made difficult decisions, and stood by them under pressure. I've been where the buck stops -- in business and in government. I've been a chief executive who sets an agenda, sets big goals, and rallies people to believe and achieve them.\nI am proud of this record, and I'm prepared for the work ahead.\nIf you give me your trust, I will honor it ... Grant me a mandate, and I will use it... Give me the opportunity to lead this nation, and I will lead ...\nAnd we need a leader to seize the opportunities of this new century -- the new cures of medicine, the amazing technologies that will drive our economy and keep the peace.\nBut our new economy must never forget the old, unfinished struggle for human dignity.\nAnd here we face a challenge to the very heart and founding premise of our nation.\nA couple of years ago, I visited a juvenile jail in Marlin, Texas, and talked with a group of young inmates. They were angry, wary kids. All had committed grownup crimes.\nYet when I looked in their eyes, I realized some of them were still little boys.\nToward the end of conversation, one young man, about 15, raised his hand and asked a haunting question... \"What do you think of me?\"\nHe seemed to be asking, like many Americans who struggle ... \"Is there hope for me? Do I have a chance?\" And, frankly ... \"Do you, a white man in a suit, really care what happens to me?\"\nA small voice, but it speaks for so many. Single moms struggling to feed the kids and pay the rent. Immigrants starting a hard life in a new world. Children without fathers in neighborhoods where gangs seem like friendship, where drugs promise peace, and where sex, sadly, seems like the closest thing to belonging. We are their country, too.\nAnd each of us must share in its promise, or that promise is diminished for all.\nIf that boy in Marlin believes he is trapped and worthless and hopeless -- if he believes his life has no value, then other lives have no value to him -- and we are ALL diminished.\nWhen these problems aren't confronted, it builds a wall within our nation. On one side are wealth and technology, education and ambition.\nOn the other side of the wall are poverty and prison, addiction and despair.\nAnd, my fellow Americans, we must tear down that wall.\nBig government is not the answer. But the alternative to bureaucracy is not indifference.\nIt is to put conservative values and conservative ideas into the thick of the fight for justice and opportunity.\nThis is what I mean by compassionate conservatism. And on this ground we will govern our nation.\nWe will give low-income Americans tax credits to buy the private health insurance they need and deserve.\nWe will transform today's housing rental program to help hundreds of thousands of low-income families find stability and dignity in a home of their own.\nAnd, in the next bold step of welfare reform, we will support the heroic work of homeless shelters and hospices, food pantries and crisis pregnancy centers -- people reclaiming their communities block-by-block and heart-by-heart.\nI think of Mary Jo Copeland, whose ministry called \"Sharing and Caring Hands\" serves 1,000 meals a week in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Each day, Mary Jo washes the feet of the homeless, then sends them off with new socks and shoes.\n\"Look after your feet,\" she tells them ...... \"They must carry you a long way in this world, and then all the way to God.\"\nGovernment cannot do this work. It can feed the body, but it cannot reach the soul. Yet government can take the side of these groups, helping the helper, encouraging the inspired.\nMy administration will give taxpayers new incentives to donate to charity, encourage after-school programs that build character, and support mentoring groups that shape and save young lives.\nWe must give our children a spirit of moral courage, because their character is our destiny.\nWe must tell them, with clarity and confidence, that drugs and alcohol can destroy you, and bigotry disfigures the heart.\nOur schools must support the ideals of parents, elevating character and abstinence from afterthoughts to urgent goals.\nWe must help protect our children, in our schools and streets, by finally and strictly enforcing our nation's gun laws.\nMost of all, we must teach our children the values that defeat violence. I will lead our nation toward a culture that values life -- the life of the elderly and the sick, the life of the young, and the life of the unborn. I know good people disagree on this issue, but surely we can agree on ways to value life by promoting adoption and parental notification, and when Congress sends me a bill against partial-birth abortion, I will sign it into law.\nBehind every goal I have talked about tonight is a great hope for our country.\nA hundred years from now, this must not be remembered as an age rich in possessions and poor in ideals.\nInstead, we must usher in an era of responsibility.\nMy generation tested limits -- and our country, in some ways, is better for it.\nWomen are now treated more equally. Racial progress has been steady, if still too slow. We are learning to protect the natural world around us. We will continue this progress, and we will not turn back.\nAt times, we lost our way. But we are coming home.\nSo many of us held our first child, and saw a better self reflected in her eyes.\nAnd in that family love, many have found the sign and symbol of an even greater love, and have been touched by faith.\nWe have discovered that who we are is more important than what we have. And we know we must renew our values to restore our country.\nThis is the vision of America's founders.\nThey never saw our nation's greatness in rising wealth or advancing armies, but in small, unnumbered acts of caring and courage and self-denial.\nTheir highest hope, as Robert Frost described it, was \"to occupy the land with character.\"\nAnd that, 13 generations later, is still our goal ... to occupy the land with character.\nIn a responsibility era, each of us has important tasks -- work that only we can do.\nEach of us is responsible ... to love and guide our children, and help a neighbor in need.\nSynagogues, churches and mosques are responsible ... not only to worship but to serve.\nCorporations are responsible ... to treat their workers fairly, and leave the air and waters clean.\nOur nation's leaders are responsible ... to confront problems, not pass them on to others.\nAnd to lead this nation to a responsibility era, a president himself must be responsible.\nAnd so, when I put my hand on the Bible, I will swear to not only uphold the laws of our land, I will swear to uphold the honor and dignity of the office to which I have been elected, so help me God.\nI believe the presidency -- the final point of decision in the American government -- was made for great purposes.\nIt is the office of Lincoln's conscience and Teddy Roosevelt's energy and Harry Truman's integrity and Ronald Reagan's optimism.\nFor me, gaining this office is not the ambition of a lifetime, but it IS the opportunity of a lifetime.\nAnd I will make the most of it. I believe great decisions are made with care, made with conviction, not made with polls.\nI do not need to take your pulse before I know my own mind. I do not reinvent myself at every turn. I am not running in borrowed clothes. When I act, you will know my reasons ...When I speak, you will know my heart.\nI believe in tolerance, not in spite of my faith, but because of it.\nI believe in a God who calls us, not to judge our neighbors, but to love them.\nI believe in grace, because I have seen it ... In peace, because I have felt it ... In forgiveness, because I have needed it.\nI believe true leadership is a process of addition, not an act of division. I will not attack a part of this country, because I want to lead the whole of it.\nAnd I believe this will be a tough race, down to the wire.\nTheir war room is up and running ... but we are ready. Their attacks will be relentless ... but they will be answered. We are facing something familiar, but they are facing something new.\nWe are now the party of ideas and innovation ... The party of idealism and inclusion.\nThe party of a simple and powerful hope ...\nMy fellow citizens, we can begin again. After all of the shouting, and all of the scandal. After all of the bitterness and broken faith. We can begin again.\nThe wait has been long, but it won't be long now.\nA prosperous nation is ready to renew its purpose and unite behind great goals ... and it won't be long now.\nOur nation must renew the hopes of that boy I talked with in jail, and so many like him... and it won't be long now.\nOur country is ready for high standards and new leaders ... and it won't be long now.\nAn era of tarnished ideals is giving way to a responsibility era ... and it won't be long now.\nI know how serious the task is before me.\nI know the presidency is an office that turns pride into prayer.\nBut I am eager to start on the work ahead.\nAnd I believe America is ready for a new beginning.\nMy friend, the artist Tom Lea of El Paso, captured the way I feel about our great land.\nHe and his wife, he said, \"live on the east side of the mountain ...\nIt is the sunrise side, not the sunset side.\nIt is the side to see the day that is coming ... not the side to see the day that is gone.\"\nAmericans live on the sunrise side of mountain.\nThe night is passing.\nAnd we are ready for the day to come.\nThank you. And God bless you.\nDick Cheney\nPhiladelphia, Pennsylvania\nWednesday, August 2, 2000\nMr. Chairman, delegates, and fellow citizens:\nI am honored by your nomination, and I accept it.\nI thank you for giving such a warm welcome to Lynne and me and our family.\nAnd, my friends in the Wyoming delegation, I especially want to thank you for your support.\nThe first campaign stop that Lynne and I were privileged to make with Governor and Laura Bush was in Casper, Wyoming ... our home town, where Lynne and I graduated from high school 41 years ago.\nThe love and support and enthusiasm of the people of our home state, have buoyed our spirits and strengthened our resolve.\nWe are going to win this election.\nWe will prevail.\nI have to tell you that I never expected to be in this position.\nEight years ago, when I completed my years as secretary of defense, I loaded a U Haul truck and drove home to Wyoming.\nI didn't plan on a return to public office.\nLynne and I settled into a new private life.\nThere was time for fishing and grandchildren, and we were content.\nBut now I am glad to be back in the arena, and let me tell you why.\nI have been given an opportunity to serve beside a man who has the courage, and the vision, and the goodness, to be a great president:\nGovernor George W. Bush.\nI have been in the company of leaders.\nI was there on August 9, 1974, when Gerald Ford assumed the presidency during our gravest constitutional crisis since the Civil War.\nI saw how character and decency can dignify a great office and unite a great nation.\nI was a congressman when another man of integrity lived in the White House.\nI saw a president restore America's confidence, and prepare the foundation for victory in the cold war.\nI saw how one man's will can set the nation on a new course.\nI learned the meaning of leadership from President Ronald Reagan.\nI left Congress to join the cabinet of President Reagan's successor.\nAnd I'm proud to say that I'm not the only man on this ticket who has learned from the example of President George Bush.\nI saw resolve in times of crisis...the steady hand that shaped an alliance and threw back a tyrant.\nHe earned the respect and confidence of the men and women of America's armed forces.\nI have been in the company of leaders. I know what it takes.\nAnd I see in our nominee the qualities of mind and spirit our nation needs, and our history demands.\nBig changes are coming to Washington.\nTo serve with this man, in this cause, is a chance I would not miss.\nThis country has given me so much opportunity.\nWhen Lynne and I were growing up, we had so many blessings.\nWe went to good public schools, where we had fine, dedicated teachers.\nOur mothers, like our fathers, worked outside the home so that we could go to college.\nWe lived in a caring community, where parents were confident that their children's lives could be even better than their own.\nAnd that is as it should be, and as it can be again.\nWe can make our public schools better.\nWe can reform the tax code, so that families can keep more of what they earn ...more dollars that they can spend on what they value, rather than on what the government thinks is important.\nWe can restore the ideals of honesty and honor that must be a part of our national life, if our children are to thrive.\nWhen I look at the administration now in Washington, I am dismayed by opportunities squandered.\nSaddened by what might have been, but never was.\nThese have been years of prosperity in our land, but little purpose in the White House.\nBill Clinton vowed not long ago to hold onto power \"until the last hour of the last day.\"\nThat is his right.\nBut, my friends, that last hour is coming.\nThat last day is near.\nThe wheel has turned ... and it is time...it is time for them to go.\nGeorge W. Bush will repair what has been damaged.\nHe is a man without pretense and without cynicism. A man of principle, a man of honor.\nOn the first hour of the first day...he will restore decency and integrity to the oval office.\nHe will show us that national leaders can be true to their word...and that they can get things done by reaching across the partisan aisle, and working with political opponents in good faith and common purpose.\nI know he'll do these things, because for the last five years I've watched him do them in Texas.\nGeorge W. Bush came to the Governor's office with a clear view of what he wanted to achieve.\nHe said he would bring higher standards to public schools, and he has.\nWalk into those schools today, and you will see children with better scores ... classrooms with better discipline...and teachers with better pay.\nHe pledged to reduce taxes, and he has. He did it twice, with the biggest tax reduction in state history.\nAnd not only is the budget in balance, it's running a surplus of more than a billion dollars.\nHe promised to reform the legal system...to get rid of junk lawsuits...and he has.\nToday the legal system serves all the people, not just the trial lawyers.\nNone of these reforms came easily.\nWhen he took office, both houses of the Legislature were controlled by Democrats, and the House of Representatives still is.\nBut Governor Bush doesn't accept old lines of argument and division.\nHe brings people together...reaching across party lines to do the people's business.\nHe leads by conviction, not calculation.\nYou will never see him pointing the finger of blame for failure...you will only see him sharing the credit for success. That is exactly the spirit that is missing from Washington. In the last eight years, that city has often become a scene of bitterness, and ill will, and partisan strife. American politics has always been a tough business...even in 1787 here in Philadelphia, when George Washington himself wondered if delegates could ever agree on a constitution. They did agree, as Americans always have when it mattered most...guided by the public interest and a decent regard for one another. But in Washington today, politics has become war by other means...an endless onslaught of accusation...a constant setting of groups one against the other.\nThis is what Bill Bradley was up against, and others before him.\nThe Gore campaign, Senator Bradley said, is \"a thousand promises, a thousand attacks.\"\nWe are all a little weary of the Clinton-Gore routine.\nBut the wheel has turned.\nAnd it is time...it is time for them to go.\nIn this election, they will speak endlessly of risk.. we will speak of progress.\nThey will make accusations...we will make proposals.\nThey will feed fear...we will appeal to hope.\nThey will offer more lectures, and legalisms, and carefully worded denials.\nWe offer another way...a better way... and a stiff dose of truth.\nFor eight years, the achievement gap in our schools has grown worse...poor and disadvantaged children falling further and further behind.\nFor all of their sentimental talk about children, Clinton and Gore have done nothing to help children oppressed by bureaucracy, monopoly, and mediocrity.\nBut those days are ending.\nWhen George W. Bush is President and I am Vice President, tests will be taken, results will be measured, and schools will answer to parents...and no child will be left behind.\nFor eight years, Clinton and Gore have talked about Social Security reform...never acting, never once offering a serious plan to save the system.\nIn the time left to them, I have every confidence they'll go right on talking about it.\nThose days are passing too.\nThere will be no more spreading of fear and panic...no more dividing of generations against one another...no more delaying and excuse making and shirking of our duties to the elderly.\nGeorge W. Bush and I, with the united Congress, will save Social Security.\nFor eight years, Clinton and Gore have extended our military commitments while depleting our military power.\nRarely has so much been demanded of our armed forces, and so little given to them in return.\nGeorge W. Bush and I are going to change that, too.\nI have seen our military at its finest...with the best equipment, the best training, and the best leadership.\nI'm proud of them.\nI have had the responsibility for their wellbeing.\nAnd I can promise them now...help is on the way.\nSoon, our men and women in uniform will once again have a commander- in-chief they can respect.. one who understands their mission and restores their morale.\nAnd now, as the man from Hope goes home to New York...Mr. Gore tries to separate himself from his leader's shadow.\nBut somehow we will never see one without thinking of the other. Does anyone...Republican or Democrat...seriously believe that under Mr. Gore, the next four years would be any different from the last eight?\nIf the goal is to unite our country ... to make a fresh start in Washington...to change the tone of our politics...can anyone say with conviction that the man for the job is Al Gore?\nThey came in together.\nNow let us see them off together.\nLadies and gentlemen, the wheel has turned, and it is time...it is time for them to go.\nThis campaign will not be easy.\nGovernor Bush and I face a real fight.\nWe're ready for it.\nWe know the territory, we know the opposition, and we know what's at stake.\nWe will give all we have to this cause.\nAnd in the end, with your help, George W. Bush will defeat this vice president, and I will replace him.\nLadies and gentlemen, we are so privileged to be citizens of this great republic.\nI was reminded of that time and again when I was in my former job, as Secretary of Defense.\nI traveled a lot...and when I came home, my plane would land at Andrews Air Force Base, and I'd return to the Pentagon by helicopter.\nWhen you make that trip from Andrews to the Pentagon, and you look down on the city of Washington, one of the first things you see is the Capitol, where all the great debates that have shaped 200 years of American history have taken place.\nYou fly down along the Mall and see the monument to George Washington, a structure as grand as the man himself.\nTo the north is the White House, where John Adams once prayed \"that none but honest and wise men [may] ever rule under this roof.\"\nNext you see the memorial to Thomas Jefferson, the third president and the author of our Declaration of Independence.\nAnd then you fly over the memorial to Abraham Lincoln...this greatest of presidents, the man who saved the union.\nThen you cross the Potomac, on approach to the Pentagon.\nBut just before you settle down on the landing pad, you look upon Arlington National Cemetery...its gentle slopes and crosses row on row.\nI never once made that trip without being reminded how enormously fortunate we all are to be Americans, and what a terrible price thousands have paid so that all of us ...and millions more around the world...might live in freedom.\nThis is a great country, ladies and gentlemen, and it deserves great leadership.\nLet us go forth from this hall in confidence and courage, committed to restoring decency and honor to our republic.\nLet us go forth, knowing that our cause is just, and elect George W. Bush the forty third president of the United States.\nThank you.", "Words" -> 6038, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 282, "and" -> 232, "of" -> 195, "to" -> 170, "a" -> 122, "I" -> 116, "in" -> 91, "is" -> 89, "our" -> 82, "will" -> 79, "it" -> 62, "that" -> 57, "we" -> 51, "have" -> 50, "We" -> 48, "this" -> 46, "not" -> 44, "for" -> 44, "And" -> 44, "be" -> 40, "you" -> 37, "with" -> 36, "on" -> 31, "has" -> 31, "are" -> 31, "can" -> 25, "their" -> 24, "was" -> 23, "been" -> 23, "my" -> 22, "But" -> 22, "your" -> 21, "must" -> 21, "time" -> 20, "them" -> 20, "me" -> 19, "great" -> 19, "but" -> 19, "American" -> 19, "years" -> 18, "who" -> 18, "by" -> 18, "as" -> 18, "when" -> 17, "nation" -> 17, "from" -> 17, "children" -> 17, "all" -> 17, "This" -> 16, "They" -> 16, "so" -> 16, "more" -> 16, "man" -> 16, "The" -> 15, "one" -> 15, "now" -> 15, "know" -> 15, "he" -> 15, "an" -> 15, "what" -> 14, "Washington" -> 14, "us" -> 14, "schools" -> 14, "Our" -> 14, "He" -> 14, "George" -> 14, 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"proud" -> 7, "President" -> 7, "politics" -> 7, "On" -> 7, "Now" -> 7, "like" -> 7, "In" -> 7, "if" -> 7, "go" -> 7, "For" -> 7, "end" -> 7, "eight" -> 7, "don't" -> 7, "day" -> 7, "came" -> 7, "Americans" -> 7, "again" -> 7, "without" -> 6, "values" -> 6, "up" -> 6, "those" -> 6, "these" -> 6, "Texas" -> 6, "still" -> 6, "saw" -> 6, "responsible" -> 6, "reform" -> 6, "purpose" -> 6, "pay" -> 6, "opportunity" -> 6, "once" -> 6, "old" -> 6, "money" -> 6, "land" -> 6, "just" -> 6, "its" -> 6, "If" -> 6, "hope" -> 6, "honor" -> 6, "government" -> 6, "first" -> 6, "down" -> 6, "did" -> 6, "Clinton" -> 6, "before" -> 6, "another" -> 6, "against" -> 6, "won't" -> 5, "want" -> 5, "value" -> 5, "tonight" -> 5, "times" -> 5, "third" -> 5, "things" -> 5, "taxes" -> 5, "talked" -> 5, "take" -> 5, "support" -> 5, "say" -> 5, "responsibility" -> 5, "renew" -> 5, "prosperity" -> 5, "principle" -> 5, "peace" -> 5, "own" -> 5, "needs" -> 5, "My" -> 5, "military" -> 5, "men" -> 5, "Lynne" -> 5, 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4, "fear" -> 4, "faith" -> 4, "even" -> 4, "economy" -> 4, "dignity" -> 4, "different" -> 4, "crisis" -> 4, "conviction" -> 4, "coming" -> 4, "citizens" -> 4, "child" -> 4, "change" -> 4, "cause" -> 4, "cannot" -> 4, "always" -> 4, "You" -> 3, "Yet" -> 3, "Wyoming" -> 3, "workers" -> 3, "worked" -> 3, "White" -> 3, "while" -> 3, "wheel" -> 3, "wealth" -> 3, "war" -> 3, "use" -> 3, "unite" -> 3, "under" -> 3, "turned" -> 3, "thing" -> 3, "Thank" -> 3, "thank" -> 3, "tests" -> 3, "tell" -> 3, "succeed" -> 3, "strengthen" -> 3, "steady" -> 3, "state" -> 3, "standards" -> 3, "spend" -> 3, "speak" -> 3, "soul" -> 3, "small" -> 3, "simple" -> 3, "share" -> 3, "shaped" -> 3, "shall" -> 3, "serve" -> 3, "seen" -> 3, "security" -> 3, "running" -> 3, "rising" -> 3, "resolve" -> 3, "reduce" -> 3, "progress" -> 3, "program" -> 3, "presidency" -> 3, "power" -> 3, "poor" -> 3, "Philadelphia" -> 3, "Pentagon" -> 3, "pass" -> 3, "offer" -> 3, "off" -> 3, "Not" -> 3, "nomination" -> 3, "nation's" -> 3, "national" -> 3, "Mr." -> 3, "most" -> 3, "might" -> 3, "Medicare" -> 3, "means" -> 3, "lot" -> 3, "look" -> 3, "left" -> 3, "learning" -> 3, "learned" -> 3, "leader" -> 3, "laws" -> 3, "it's" -> 3, "important" -> 3, "hour" -> 3, "heart" -> 3, "hard" -> 3, "hand" -> 3, "groups" -> 3, "gentlemen" -> 3, "found" -> 3, "forces" -> 3, "fight" -> 3, "feed" -> 3, "federal" -> 3, "fathers" -> 3, "everyone" -> 3, "equal" -> 3, "elderly" -> 3, "education" -> 3, "each" -> 3, "during" -> 3, "drugs" -> 3, "done" -> 3, "dollars" -> 3, "does" -> 3, "Democrats" -> 3, "delegates" -> 3, "decent" -> 3, "decency" -> 3, "credit" -> 3, "course" -> 3, "Congress" -> 3, "common" -> 3, "commander-in-chief" -> 3, "code" -> 3, "campaign" -> 3, "business" -> 3, "behind" -> 3, "become" -> 3, "background" -> 3, "back" -> 3, "asking" -> 3, "armed" -> 3, "answer" -> 3, "agree" -> 3, "act" -> 3, "accept" -> 3, "York" -> 2, "worry" -> 2, "World" -> 2, "word" -> 2, "white" -> 2, "What" -> 2, "We're" -> 2, "went" -> 2, "welfare" -> 2, "ways" -> 2, "violence" -> 2, "Vietnam" -> 2, "victory" -> 2, "Vice" -> 2, "upon" -> 2, "uphold" -> 2, "United" -> 2, "uniform" -> 2, "twice" -> 2, "truth" -> 2, "true" -> 2, "trip" -> 2, "treat" -> 2, "trapped" -> 2, "training" -> 2, "town" -> 2, "tough" -> 2, "touch" -> 2, "tone" -> 2, "Today" -> 2, "threats" -> 2, "thousands" -> 2, "thousand" -> 2, "Those" -> 2, "Thomas" -> 2, "think" -> 2, "Then" -> 2, "test" -> 2, "teachers" -> 2, "taken" -> 2, "swear" -> 2, "sunrise" -> 2, "such" -> 2, "struggle" -> 2, "strengthened" -> 2, "stop" -> 2, "States" -> 2, "start" -> 2, "stake" -> 2, "squandered" -> 2, "sound" -> 2, "something" -> 2, "Some" -> 2, "show" -> 2, "she" -> 2, "sets" -> 2, "set" -> 2, "service" -> 2, "serves" -> 2, "serious" -> 2, "sends" -> 2, "seize" -> 2, "school" -> 2, "same" -> 2, "row" -> 2, "Ronald" -> 2, "right" -> 2, "retirement" -> 2, "Republicans" -> 2, "republic" -> 2, "repair" -> 2, "reminded" -> 2, "Reagan's" -> 2, "Reagan" -> 2, "read" -> 2, "reaching" -> 2, "question" -> 2, "protect" -> 2, "proposals" -> 2, "property" -> 2, "programs" -> 2, "problems" -> 2, "privileged" -> 2, "private" -> 2, "pretense" -> 2, "poverty" -> 2, "political" -> 2, "plan" -> 2, "place" -> 2, "percent" -> 2, "people's" -> 2, "path" -> 2, "passing" -> 2, "partisan" -> 2, "overcome" -> 2, "outlook" -> 2, "others" -> 2, "opponents" -> 2, "opponent" -> 2, "occupy" -> 2, "nuclear" -> 2, "nothing" -> 2, "next" -> 2, "New" -> 2, "mountain" -> 2, "mothers" -> 2, "Morris" -> 2, "morale" -> 2, "missing" -> 2, "mind" -> 2, "millions" -> 2, "Midland" -> 2, "memorial" -> 2, "mean" -> 2, "may" -> 2, "Mary" -> 2, "Marlin" -> 2, "low-income" -> 2, "low" -> 2, "local" -> 2, "lived" -> 2, "lines" -> 2, "light" -> 2, "lifetime" -> 2, "Let" -> 2, "let" -> 2, "legal" -> 2, "leaves" -> 2, "leave" -> 2, "learn" -> 2, "leads" -> 2, "Laura" -> 2, "late" -> 2, "Ladies" -> 2, "kids" -> 2, "juvenile" -> 2, "justice" -> 2, "John" -> 2, "job" -> 2, "Jo" -> 2, "Jefferson" -> 2, "jail" -> 2, "issues" -> 2, "influence" -> 2, "Independence" -> 2, "II" -> 2, "ideas" -> 2, "homeless" -> 2, "highest" -> 2, "higher" -> 2, "heroic" -> 2, "her" -> 2, "held" -> 2, "he'd" -> 2, "heard" -> 2, "health" -> 2, "hands" -> 2, "hall" -> 2, "grown" -> 2, "growing" -> 2, "ground" -> 2, "greatness" -> 2, "greater" -> 2, "grateful" -> 2, "grand" -> 2, "governor" -> 2, "going" -> 2, "giving" -> 2, "gift" -> 2, "gentle" -> 2, "General" -> 2, "gave" -> 2, "further" -> 2, "friend" -> 2, "Franklin" -> 2, "founders" -> 2, "forth" -> 2, "fly" -> 2, "fix" -> 2, "feet" -> 2, "father" -> 2, "families" -> 2, "fall" -> 2, "facing" -> 2, "face" -> 2, "eyes" -> 2, "especially" -> 2, "equipment" -> 2, "energy" -> 2, "election" -> 2, "earned" -> 2, "Each" -> 2, "duty" -> 2, "Don't" -> 2, "Do" -> 2, "division" -> 2, "discrimination" -> 2, "diminished" -> 2, "Dick" -> 2, "deserve" -> 2, "Democrat" -> 2, "defend" -> 2, "defeat" -> 2, "Declaration" -> 2, "decisions" -> 2, "decision" -> 2, "days" -> 2, "daughters" -> 2, "conservative" -> 2, "confront" -> 2, "company" -> 2, "community" -> 2, "committed" -> 2, "comes" -> 2, "college" -> 2, "clear" -> 2, "city" -> 2, "churches" -> 2, "choice" -> 2, "children's" -> 2, "Cheney" -> 2, "changes" -> 2, "challenges" -> 2, "Chairman" -> 2, "caring" -> 2, "care" -> 2, "call" -> 2, "bureaucracy" -> 2, "build" -> 2, "bring" -> 2, "Bradley" -> 2, "boy" -> 2, "Bob" -> 2, "bitterness" -> 2, "Bill" -> 2, "bigotry" -> 2, "Big" -> 2, "believes" -> 2, "begin" -> 2, "August" -> 2, "attacks" -> 2, "attack" -> 2, "asked" -> 2, "around" -> 2, "anyone" -> 2, "Andrews" -> 2, "An" -> 2, "ambition" -> 2, "along" -> 2, "All" -> 2, "Al" -> 2, "ahead" -> 2, "age" -> 2, "After" -> 2, "across" -> 2, "achievement" -> 2, "achieve" -> 2, "accent" -> 2, "15" -> 2, "you're" -> 1, "younger" -> 1, "year" -> 1, "write" -> 1, "worthless" -> 1, "worship" -> 1, "worse" -> 1, "worried" -> 1, "working" -> 1, "worded" -> 1, "wondered" -> 1, "Women" -> 1, "woman" -> 1, 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-> 1, "Toward" -> 1, "toward" -> 1, "touched" -> 1, "tool" -> 1, "took" -> 1, "Too" -> 1, "Tonight" -> 1, "Tom" -> 1, "tolerance" -> 1, "told" -> 1, "Together" -> 1, "today's" -> 1, "ticket" -> 1, "through" -> 1, "thrive" -> 1, "threw" -> 1, "thinks" -> 1, "thinking" -> 1, "thick" -> 1, "they've" -> 1, "they'll" -> 1, "These" -> 1, "thawed" -> 1, "testing" -> 1, "tested" -> 1, "territory" -> 1, "terrible" -> 1, "tension" -> 1, "ten" -> 1, "tells" -> 1, "Teddy" -> 1, "technology" -> 1, "technologies" -> 1, "tear" -> 1, "taxpayers" -> 1, "tasks" -> 1, "task" -> 1, "tarnished" -> 1, "talking" -> 1, "talk" -> 1, "talents" -> 1, "takes" -> 1, "Synagogues" -> 1, "symbol" -> 1, "surpluses" -> 1, "surely" -> 1, "supposed" -> 1, "sunset" -> 1, "sum" -> 1, "suit" -> 1, "Such" -> 1, "successor" -> 1, "success" -> 1, "suburbs" -> 1, "struggling" -> 1, "structure" -> 1, "strife" -> 1, "strictly" -> 1, "strength" -> 1, "streets" -> 1, "story" -> 1, "stormed" -> 1, "stops" -> 1, "stood" -> 1, "stock" -> 1, "stiff" -> 1, "step" -> 1, "stay" -> 1, "starting" -> 1, "Start" -> 1, "stability" -> 1, "spreading" -> 1, "spite" -> 1, "spirits" -> 1, "speaks" -> 1, "sought" -> 1, "Soon" -> 1, "sons" -> 1, "son" -> 1, "someone" -> 1, "somehow" -> 1, "soft" -> 1, "socks" -> 1, "society" -> 1, "slow" -> 1, "slopes" -> 1, "sky" -> 1, "skill" -> 1, "size" -> 1, "sir" -> 1, "Single" -> 1, "since" -> 1, "sick" -> 1, "shuffled" -> 1, "shouting" -> 1, "shot" -> 1, "short" -> 1, "shoes" -> 1, "shocks" -> 1, "shirking" -> 1, "shelters" -> 1, "Sharing" -> 1, "sharing" -> 1, "shape" -> 1, "shadow" -> 1, "sex" -> 1, "Seven" -> 1, "settled" -> 1, "settle" -> 1, "setting" -> 1, "seriously" -> 1, "separate" -> 1, "sentimental" -> 1, "seniors" -> 1, "senior" -> 1, "Senator" -> 1, "self-denial" -> 1, "self" -> 1, "seizing" -> 1, "segregated" -> 1, "seems" -> 1, "seemed" -> 1, "seem" -> 1, "seeing" -> 1, "Secretary" -> 1, "secretary" -> 1, "scores" -> 1, "scene" -> 1, "scandal" -> 1, "scale" -> 1, "saying" -> 1, "saved" -> 1, "sandstorms" -> 1, "sadly" -> 1, "Saddened" -> 1, "rule" -> 1, "routine" -> 1, "Roosevelt's" -> 1, "Roosevelt" -> 1, "room" -> 1, "roof" -> 1, "rocket" -> 1, "Robert" -> 1, "roadblock" -> 1, "road" -> 1, "risk" -> 1, "rise" -> 1, "rights" -> 1, "rid" -> 1, "rich" -> 1, "results" -> 1, "restoring" -> 1, "restores" -> 1, "restless" -> 1, "responded" -> 1, "respects" -> 1, "resources" -> 1, "resistance" -> 1, "Republican" -> 1, "Representatives" -> 1, "repose" -> 1, "report" -> 1, "replied" -> 1, "replace" -> 1, "rental" -> 1, "rent" -> 1, "remind" -> 1, "remembered" -> 1, "remember" -> 1, "remarkable" -> 1, "relief" -> 1, "relentless" -> 1, "reinvent" -> 1, "regardless" -> 1, "regard" -> 1, "reforms" -> 1, "reflects" -> 1, "reflected" -> 1, "re-election" -> 1, "reductions" -> 1, "reduction" -> 1, "record" -> 1, "reclaiming" -> 1, "reclaim" -> 1, "receives" -> 1, "receive" -> 1, "reasons" -> 1, "reason" -> 1, "really" -> 1, "realized" -> 1, "real" -> 1, "reach" -> 1, "rather" -> 1, "rates" -> 1, "rate" -> 1, "Rarely" -> 1, "rare" -> 1, "rallies" -> 1, "raised" -> 1, "rail" -> 1, "Racial" -> 1, "race" -> 1, "qualities" -> 1, "purposes" -> 1, "pure" -> 1, "pulse" -> 1, "proven" -> 1, "prosperous" -> 1, "Prosperity" -> 1, "promoting" -> 1, "promises" -> 1, "promised" -> 1, "process" -> 1, "prison" -> 1, "pride" -> 1, "price" -> 1, "prevail" -> 1, "pressure" -> 1, "Presidents" -> 1, "presidents" -> 1, "prescription" -> 1, "prepared" -> 1, "prepare" -> 1, "premise" -> 1, "pregnancy" -> 1, "prayer" -> 1, "prayed" -> 1, "powerful" -> 1, "Potomac" -> 1, "potential" -> 1, "possible" -> 1, "possessions" -> 1, "position" -> 1, "polls" -> 1, "politician" -> 1, "polish" -> 1, "pointing" -> 1, "point" -> 1, "ploy" -> 1, "plenty" -> 1, "pledged" -> 1, "plans" -> 1, "plane" -> 1, "plain-spoken" -> 1, "philosophy" -> 1, "percentage" -> 1, "Pennsylvania" -> 1, "pen" -> 1, "payroll" -> 1, "Paso" -> 1, "parts" -> 1, "parting" -> 1, "partial-birth" -> 1, "parental" -> 1, "paratroopers" -> 1, "pantries" -> 1, "panic" -> 1, "paid" -> 1, "pad" -> 1, "overwhelming" -> 1, "oval" -> 1, "outside" -> 1, "outdated" -> 1, "out" -> 1, "otherwise" -> 1, "Or" -> 1, "option" -> 1, "Optimistic" -> 1, "optimism" -> 1, "oppressed" -> 1, "opposition" -> 1, "onto" -> 1, "onslaught" -> 1, "One" -> 1, "often" -> 1, "offering" -> 1, "notification" -> 1, "north" -> 1, "None" -> 1, "none" -> 1, "nominee" -> 1, "noble" -> 1, "No" -> 1, "night" -> 1, "Next" -> 1, "Never" -> 1, "nest" -> 1, "Neighbors" -> 1, "neighbors" -> 1, "neighborhoods" -> 1, "neighbor" -> 1, "needed" -> 1, "near" -> 1, "natural" -> 1, "National" -> 1, "name" -> 1, "myself" -> 1, "Mr" -> 1, "movement" -> 1, "moved" -> 1, "motto" -> 1, "mother" -> 1, "Most" -> 1, "mosques" -> 1, "morning" -> 1, "moral" -> 1, "moon" -> 1, "monument" -> 1, "monopoly" -> 1, "moms" -> 1, "mission" -> 1, "missile" -> 1, "miss." -> 1, "Minnesota" -> 1, "Minneapolis" -> 1, "ministry" -> 1, "message" -> 1, "mess" -> 1, 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"abortion" -> 1, "abolish" -> 1, "9" -> 1, "41" -> 1, "40" -> 1, "30" -> 1, "2000" -> 1, "200" -> 1, "2" -> 1, "1974" -> 1, "1787" -> 1, "13" -> 1, "1,000" -> 1, "10" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=72727", "Date" -> DateObject[{2004, 9, 2}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "GeorgeWBush::xs353"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"NewYork", "NewYork", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "When I said those words 4 years ago, none of us could have envisioned what these years would bring. In the heart of this great city, we saw tragedy arrive on a quiet morning. We saw the bravery of rescuers grow with danger. We learned of passengers on a doomed plane who died with a courage that frightened their killers. We have seen a shaken economy rise to its feet. And we have seen Americans in uniform storming mountain strongholds and charging through sandstorms and liberating millions with acts of valor that would make the men of Normandy proud.\nSince 2001, Americans have been given hills to climb and found the strength to climb them. Now, because we have made the hard journey, we can see the valley below. Now, because we have faced challenges with resolve, we have historic goals within our reach and greatness in our future. We will build a safer world and a more hopeful America, and nothing will hold us back.\nIn the work we have done and the work we will do, I am fortunate to have a superb Vice President. I have counted on Dick Cheney's calm and steady judgment in difficult days, and I am honored to have him at my side.\nI am grateful to share my walk in life with Laura Bush. Americans have come to see the goodness and kindness and strength I first saw 26 years ago, and we love our First Lady.\nI'm a fortunate father of two spirited, intelligent, and lovely young women. I'm blessed with a sister and brothers who are my closest friends. And I will always be the proud and grateful son of George and Barbara Bush.\nMy father served 8 years at the side of another great American, Ronald Reagan. His spirit of optimism and good will and decency are in this hall and are in our hearts and will always define our party.\nTwo months from today, voters will make a choice based on the records we have built, the convictions we hold, and the vision that guides us forward. A Presidential election is a contest for the future. Tonight I will tell you where I stand, what I believe, and where I will lead this country in the next 4 years.\nI believe every child can learn and every school must teach, so we passed the most important Federal education reform in history. Because we acted, children are making sustained progress in reading and math; America's schools are getting better; and nothing will hold us back.\nI believe we have a moral responsibility to honor America's seniors, so I brought Republicans and Democrats together to strengthen Medicare. Now seniors are getting immediate help buying medicine; soon every senior will be able to get prescription drug coverage; and nothing will hold us back.\nI believe in the energy and innovative spirit of America's workers, entrepreneurs, farmers, and ranchers, so we unleashed that energy with the largest tax relief in a generation. Because we acted, our economy is growing again and creating jobs, and nothing will hold us back.\nI believe the most solemn duty of the American President is to protect the American people. If America shows uncertainty or weakness in this decade, the world will drift toward tragedy. This will not happen on my watch.\nI'm running for President with a clear and positive plan to build a safer world and a more hopeful America. I'm running with a compassionate conservative philosophy, that government should help people improve their lives, not try to run their lives. I believe this Nation wants steady, consistent, principled leadership, and that is why, with your help, we will win this election.\nThe times in which we work and live are changing dramatically. The workers of our parents' generation typically had one job, one skill, one career, often with one company that provided health care and a pension. And most of those workers were men. Today, workers change jobs, even careers, many times during their lives. And in one of the most dramatic shifts our society has seen, two-thirds of all moms also work outside the home.\nThis changed world can be a time of great opportunity for all Americans to earn a better living, support your family, and have a rewarding career. And Government must take your side. Many of our most fundamental systems, the Tax Code, health coverage, pension plans, worker training, were created for the world of yesterday, not tomorrow. We will transform these systems so that all citizens are equipped, prepared—and thus truly free—to make your own choices and pursue your own dreams.\nMy plan begins with providing the security and opportunity of a growing economy. We now compete in a global market that provides new buyers for our goods but new competition for our workers. To create more jobs in America, America must be the best place in the world to do business. To create jobs, my plan will encourage investment and expansion by restraining Federal spending, reducing regulation, and making the tax relief permanent. To create jobs, we will make our country less dependent on foreign sources of energy. To create jobs, we will expand trade and level the playing field to sell American goods and services across the globe. And we must protect small-business owners and workers from the explosion of frivolous lawsuits that threaten jobs across our country.\nAnother drag on our economy is the current Tax Code, which is a complicated mess, filled with special interest loopholes, saddling our people with more than 6 billion hours of paperwork and headache every year. The American people deserve— and our economic future demands—a simpler, fairer, progrowth system. In a new term, I will lead a bipartisan effort to reform and simplify the Federal Tax Code.\nAnother priority in a new term will be to help workers take advantage of the expanding economy to find better and higher paying jobs. In this time of change, many workers want to go back to school to learn different or higher level skills. So we will double the number of people served by our principal job training program and increase funding for our community colleges. I know that with the right skills, American workers can compete with anyone, anywhere in the world.\nIn this time of change, opportunity in some communities is more distant than in others. To stand with workers in poor communities and those that have lost manufacturing, textile, and other jobs, we will create American opportunity zones. In these areas, we will provide tax relief and other incentives to attract new business and improve housing and job training to bring hope and work throughout all of America.\nAs I've traveled the country, I've met many workers and small-business owners who have told me that they are worried they cannot afford health care. More than half of the uninsured are small-business employees and their families. In a new term, we must allow small firms to join together to purchase insurance at the discounts available to big companies.\nWe will offer a tax credit to encourage small businesses and their employees to set up health savings accounts and provide direct help for low-income Americans to purchase them. These accounts give workers the security of insurance against major illness, the opportunity to save tax-free for routine health expenses, and the freedom of knowing you can take your account with you whenever you change jobs. We will provide low-income Americans with better access to health care. In a new term, I will ensure every poor county in America has a community or rural health center.\nAs I have traveled our country, I have met too many good doctors, especially ob-gyns, who are being forced out of practice because of the high cost of lawsuits. To make health care more affordable and accessible, we must pass medical liability reform now. And in all we do to improve health care in America, we will make sure that health decisions are made by doctors and patients, not by bureaucrats in Washington, DC.\nIn this time of change, Government must take the side of working families. In a new term, we will change outdated labor laws to offer comp-time and flex-time. Our laws should never stand in the way of a more family-friendly workplace.\nAnother priority for a new term is to build an ownership society, because ownership brings security and dignity and independence.\nThanks to our policies, homeownership in America is at an alltime high. Tonight we set a new goal: 7 million more affordable homes in the next 10 years so more American families will be able to open the door and say, \"Welcome to my home.\"\nIn an ownership society, more people will own their health care plans and have the confidence of owning a piece of their retirement. We'll always keep the promise of Social Security for our older workers. With the huge baby boom generation approaching retirement, many of our children and grandchildren understandably worry whether Social Security will be there when they need it. We must strengthen Social Security by allowing younger workers to save some of their taxes in a personal account, a nest egg you can call your own and Government can never take away.\nIn all these proposals, we seek to provide not just a Government program but a path, a path to greater opportunity, more freedom, and more control over your own life.\nAnd the path begins with our youngest Americans. To build a more hopeful America, we must help our children reach as far as their vision and character can take them. Tonight I remind every parent and every teacher, I say to every child: No matter what your circumstance, no matter where you live, your school will be the path to promise of America.\nAudience members. Viva Bush! Viva Bush! Viva Bush!\nWe are making progress—we are making progress, and there is more to do. In this time of change, most new jobs are filled by people with at least 2 years of college, yet only about one in four students gets there. In our high schools, we will fund early intervention programs to help students at risk. We will place a new focus on math and science. As we make progress, we will require a rigorous exam before graduation. By raising performance in our high schools and expanding Pell grants for low- and middle-income families, we will help more Americans start their career with a college diploma.\nAmerica's children must also have a healthy start in life. In a new term, we will lead an aggressive effort to enroll millions of poor children who are eligible but not signed up for the Government's health insurance programs. We will not allow a lack of attention or information to stand between these children and the health care they need.\nAnyone who wants more details on my agenda can find them online. The web address is not very imaginative, but it's easy to remember: georgewbush.com.\nThese changing times can be exciting times of expanded opportunity. And here, you face a choice. My opponent's policies are dramatically different from ours. Senator Kerry opposed Medicare reform and health savings accounts. After supporting my education reforms, he now wants to dilute them. He opposes legal and medical liability reform. He opposed reducing the marriage penalty, opposed doubling the child credit, opposed lowering income taxes for all who pay them.\nHis tax—his policies of tax and spend, of expanding Government rather than expanding opportunity, are the politics of the past. We are on the path to the future, and we're not turning back.\nBecause family and work are sources of stability and dignity, I support welfare reform that strengthens family and requires work. Because a caring society will value its weakest members, we must make a place for the unborn child. Because religious charities provide a safety net of mercy and compassion, our Government must never discriminate against them. Because the union of a man and woman deserves an honored place in our society, I support the protection of marriage against activist judges, and I will continue to appoint Federal judges who know the difference between personal opinion and the strict interpretation of the law.\nThis election will also determine how America responds to the continuing danger of terrorism, and you know where I stand. Three days after September the 11th, I stood where Americans died, in the ruins of the Twin Towers. Workers in hardhats were shouting to me, \"Whatever it takes.\" A fellow grabbed me by the arm, and he said, \"Do not let me down.\" Since that day, I wake up every morning thinking about how to better protect our country. I will never relent in defending America, whatever it takes.\nOur strategy is succeeding.\nThis progress involved careful diplomacy, clear moral purpose, and some tough decisions. And the toughest came on Iraq. We knew Saddam Hussein's record of aggression and support for terror. We knew his long history of pursuing, even using weapons of mass destruction. And we know that September the 11th requires our country to think differently. We must and we will confront threats to America before it is too late.\nIn Saddam Hussein, we saw a threat. Members of both political parties, including——\nAs importantly, we are serving a vital and historic cause that will make our country safer. Free societies in the Middle East will be hopeful societies which no longer feed resentments and breed violence for export. Free governments in the Middle East will fight terrorists instead of harboring them, and that helps us keep the peace. So our mission in Afghanistan and Iraq is clear: We will help new leaders to train their armies and move toward elections and get on the path of stability and democracy as quickly as possible. And then our troops will return home with the honor they have earned.\nOur troops know the historic importance of our work. One Army specialist wrote home: \"We are transforming a once sick society into a hopeful place.\" \"The various terrorist enemies we are facing in Iraq,\" he continued, \"are really aiming at you back in the United States. This is a test of will for our country. We soldiers of yours are doing great and scoring victories and confronting the evil terrorists.\"\nThat young man is right. Our men and women in uniform are doing a superb job for America. Tonight I want to speak to all of them and to their families: You are involved in a struggle of historic proportion. Because of your service and sacrifice, we are defeating the terrorists where they live and plan, and you're making America safer. Because of you, women in Afghanistan are no longer shot in a sports stadium. Because of you, the people of Iraq no longer fear being executed and left in mass graves. Because of you, the world is more just and will be more peaceful. We owe you our thanks, and we owe you something more. We will give you all the resources, all the tools, and all the support you need for victory.\nAgain, my opponent and I have different approaches. I proposed and the Congress overwhelmingly passed $87 billion in funding needed by our troops doing battle in Afghanistan and Iraq. My opponent and his runningmate voted against this money for bullets and fuel and vehicles and body armor.\nOur allies also know the historic importance of our work. About 40 nations stand beside us in Afghanistan and some 30 in Iraq. I deeply appreciate the courage and wise counsel of leaders like Prime Minister Howard, President Kwasniewski, Prime Minister Berlusconi, and, of course, Prime Minister Tony Blair.\nAgain, my opponent takes a different approach. In the midst of war, he has called American allies, quote, \"a coalition of the coerced and the bribed.\" That would be nations like Great Britain, Poland, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Denmark, El Salvador, Australia, and others, allies that deserve the respect of all Americans, not the scorn of a politician. I respect every soldier from every country who serves beside us in the hard work of history. America is grateful, and America will not forget.\nThe people we have freed won't forget either. Not long ago, seven Iraqi men came to see me in the Oval Office. They had X's branded into their foreheads, and their right hands had been cut off by Saddam Hussein's secret police, the sadistic punishment for imaginary crimes. During our emotional visit, one of the Iraqi men used his new prosthetic hand to slowly write out, in Arabic, a prayer for God to bless America. I am proud that our country remains the hope of the oppressed and the greatest force for good on this Earth.\nOthers understand the historic importance of our work. The terrorists know. They know that a vibrant, successful democracy at the heart of the Middle East will discredit their radical ideology of hate. They know that men and women with hope and purpose and dignity do not strap bombs on their bodies and kill the innocent. The terrorists are fighting freedom with all their cunning and cruelty because freedom is their greatest fear. And they should be afraid, because freedom is on the march.\nI believe in the transformational power of liberty. The wisest use of American strength is to advance freedom. As the citizens of Afghanistan and Iraq seize the moment, their example will send a message of hope throughout a vital region. Palestinians will hear the message that democracy and reform are within their reach, and so is peace with our good friend Israel. Young women across the Middle East will hear the message that their day of equality and justice is coming. Young men will hear the message that national progress and dignity are found in liberty, not tyranny and terror. Reformers and political prisoners and exiles will hear the message that their dream of freedom cannot be denied forever. And as freedom advances, heart by heart and nation by nation, America will be more secure and the world more peaceful.\nAmerica has done this kind of work before, and there have always been doubters. In 1946, 18 months after the fall of Berlin to Allied forces, a journalist in the New York Times wrote this: \"Germany is a land in an acute stage of economic, political, and moral crisis. European capitals are frightened. In every military headquarters, one meets alarmed officials doing their utmost to deal with the consequences of the occupation policy that they admit has failed.\" End quote. Maybe that same person is still around, writing editorials. Fortunately, we had a resolute President named Truman who, with the American people, persevered, knowing that a new democracy at the center of Europe would lead to stability and peace. And because that generation of Americans held firm in the cause of liberty, we live in a better and safer world today.\nThe progress we and our friends and allies seek in the broader Middle East will not come easily or all at once. Yet Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of liberty to transform lives and nations. That power brought settlers on perilous journeys, inspired colonies to rebellion, ended the sin of slavery, and set our Nation against the tyrannies of the 20th century. We were honored to aid the rise of democracy in Germany and Japan and Nicaragua and Central Europe and the Baltics, and that noble story goes on. I believe that America is called to lead the cause of freedom in a new century. I believe that millions in the Middle East plead in silence for their liberty. I believe that given the chance, they will embrace the most honorable form of government ever devised by man. I believe all these things because freedom is not America's gift to the world; it is the Almighty God's gift to every man and woman in this world.\nThis moment in the life of our country will be remembered. Generations will know if we kept our faith and kept our word. Generations will know if we seized this moment and used it to build a future of safety and peace. The freedom of many and the future security of our Nation now depend on us. And tonight, my fellow Americans, I ask you to stand with me.\nI am awed that so many have used those meetings to say that I'm in their prayers and to offer encouragement to me. Where does that—strength like that come from? How can people so burdened with sorrow also feel such pride? It is because they know their loved one was last seen doing good, because they know that liberty was precious to the one they lost. And in those military families, I have seen the character of a great nation, decent, idealistic, and strong.\nThe world saw that spirit 3 miles from here when the people of this city faced peril together and lifted a flag over the ruins and defied the enemy with their courage. My fellow Americans, for as long as our country stands, people will look to the resurrection of New York City and they will say, \"Here buildings fell. Here a nation rose.\"\nWe see America's character in our military, which finds a way or makes one. We see it in our veterans, who are supporting military families in their days of worry. We see it in our young people, who have found heroes once again. We see that character in workers and entrepreneurs, who are renewing our economy with their effort and optimism. And all of this has confirmed one belief beyond doubt: Having come this far, our tested and confident Nation can achieve anything.\nTo everything we know there is a season, a time for sadness, a time for struggle, a time for rebuilding. And now we have reached a time for hope. This young century will be liberty's century. By promoting liberty abroad, we will build a safer world. By encouraging liberty at home, we will build a more hopeful America. Like generations before us, we have a calling from beyond the stars to stand for freedom. This is the everlasting dream of America, and tonight, in this place, that dream is renewed. Now we go forward, grateful for our freedom, faithful to our cause, and confident in the future of the greatest nation on Earth.\nMay God bless you, and may God continue to bless our great country. 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"appoint" -> 1, "anywhere" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "Anyone" -> 1, "anyone" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "Almighty" -> 1, "alltime" -> 1, "allowing" -> 1, "Allied" -> 1, "alarmed" -> 1, "aiming" -> 1, "aid" -> 1, "aggressive" -> 1, "aggression" -> 1, "agenda" -> 1, "After" -> 1, "afraid" -> 1, "afford" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "advances" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "admit" -> 1, "address" -> 1, "acute" -> 1, "acts" -> 1, "activist" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accessible" -> 1, "access" -> 1, "abroad" -> 1, "About" -> 1, "8" -> 1, "7" -> 1, "6" -> 1, "40" -> 1, "30" -> 1, "3" -> 1, "26" -> 1, "20th" -> 1, "2001" -> 1, "2" -> 1, "1946" -> 1, "18" -> 1, "10" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=78576", "Date" -> DateObject[{2008, 9, 4}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "JohnMcCain::vw4dk"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"SaintPaul", "Minnesota", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Thank you all very much. Tonight, I have a privilege given few Americans — the privilege of accepting our party's nomination for President of the United States. And I accept it with gratitude, humility and confidence.\nIn my life, no success has come without a good fight, and this nomination wasn't any different. That's a tribute to the candidates who opposed me and their supporters. They're leaders of great ability, who love our country, and wished to lead it to better days. Their support is an honor I won't forget.\nI'm grateful to the President for leading us in those dark days following the worst attack on American soil in our history, and keeping us safe from another attack many thought was inevitable; and to the First Lady, Laura Bush, a model of grace and kindness in public and in private. And I'm grateful to the 41st President and his bride of 63 years, and for their outstanding example of honorable service to our country.\nAs always, I'm indebted to my wife, Cindy, and my seven children. The pleasures of family life can seem like a brief holiday from the crowded calendar of our nation's business. But I have treasured them all the more, and can't imagine a life without the happiness you give me. Cindy said a lot of nice things about me tonight. But, in truth, she's more my inspiration than I am hers. Her concern for those less blessed than we are — victims of land mines, children born in poverty and with birth defects — shows the measure of her humanity. I know she will make a great First Lady.\nWhen I was growing up, my father was often at sea, and the job of raising my brother, sister and me would fall to my mother alone. Roberta McCain gave us her love of life, her deep interest in the world, her strength, and her belief we are all meant to use our opportunities to make ourselves useful to our country. I wouldn't be here tonight but for the strength of her character.\nMy heartfelt thanks to all of you, who helped me win this nomination, and stood by me when the odds were long. I won't let you down. To Americans who have yet to decide who to vote for, thank you for your consideration and the opportunity to win your trust. I intend to earn it.\nFinally, a word to Senator Obama and his supporters. We'll go at it over the next two months. That's the nature of these contests, and there are big differences between us. But you have my respect and admiration. Despite our differences, much more unites us than divides us. We are fellow Americans, an association that means more to me than any other. We're dedicated to the proposition that all people are created equal and endowed by our Creator with inalienable rights. No country ever had a greater cause than that. And I wouldn't be an American worthy of the name if I didn't honor Senator Obama and his supporters for their achievement.\nBut let there be no doubt, my friends, we're going to win this election. And after we've won, we're going to reach out our hand to any willing patriot, make this government start working for you again, and get this country back on the road to prosperity and peace.\nThese are tough times for many of you. You're worried about keeping your job or finding a new one, and are struggling to put food on the table and stay in your home. All you ever asked of government is to stand on your side, not in your way. And that's just what I intend to do: stand on your side and fight for your future.\nAnd I've found just the right partner to help me shake up Washington, Governor Sarah Palin of Alaska. She has executive experience and a real record of accomplishment. She's tackled tough problems like energy independence and corruption. She's balanced a budget, cut taxes, and taken on the special interests. She's reached across the aisle and asked Republicans, Democrats and Independents to serve in her administration. She's the mother of five children. She's helped run a small business, worked with her hands and knows what it's like to worry about mortgage payments and health care and the cost of gasoline and groceries.\nShe knows where she comes from and she knows who she works for. She stands up for what's right, and she doesn't let anyone tell her to sit down. I'm very proud to have introduced our next Vice President to the country. But I can't wait until I introduce her to Washington. And let me offer an advance warning to the old, big spending, do nothing, me first, country second Washington crowd: change is coming.\nI'm not in the habit of breaking promises to my country and neither is Governor Palin. And when we tell you we're going to change Washington, and stop leaving our country's problems for some unluckier generation to fix, you can count on it. We've got a record of doing just that, and the strength, experience, judgment and backbone to keep our word to you.\nYou know, I've been called a maverick; someone who marches to the beat of his own drum. Sometimes it's meant as a compliment and sometimes it's not. What it really means is I understand who I work for. I don't work for a party. I don't work for a special interest. I don't work for myself. I work for you.\nI've fought corruption, and it didn't matter if the culprits were Democrats or Republicans. They violated their public trust, and had to be held accountable. I've fought big spenders in both parties, who waste your money on things you neither need nor want, while you struggle to buy groceries, fill your gas tank and make your mortgage payment. I've fought to get million dollar checks out of our elections. I've fought lobbyists who stole from Indian tribes. I fought crooked deals in the Pentagon. I fought tobacco companies and trial lawyers, drug companies and union bosses.\nI fought for the right strategy and more troops in Iraq, when it wasn't a popular thing to do. And when the pundits said my campaign was finished, I said I'd rather lose an election than see my country lose a war.\nThanks to the leadership of a brilliant general, David Petreaus, and the brave men and women he has the honor to command, that strategy succeeded and rescued us from a defeat that would have demoralized our military, risked a wider war and threatened the security of all Americans.\nI don't mind a good fight. For reasons known only to God, I've had quite a few tough ones in my life. But I learned an important lesson along the way. In the end, it matters less that you can fight. What you fight for is the real test.\nI fight for Americans. I fight for you. I fight for Bill and Sue Nebe from Farmington Hills, Michigan, who lost their real estate investments in the bad housing market. Bill got a temporary job after he was out of work for seven months. Sue works three jobs to help pay the bills.\nI fight for Jake and Toni Wimmer of Franklin County, Pennsylvania. Jake works on a loading dock; coaches Little League, and raises money for the mentally and physically disabled. Toni is a schoolteacher, working toward her Master's Degree. They have two sons, the youngest, Luke, has been diagnosed with autism. Their lives should matter to the people they elect to office. They matter to me.\nI fight for the family of Matthew Stanley of Wolfboro, New Hampshire, who died serving our country in Iraq. I wear his bracelet and think of him every day. I intend to honor their sacrifice by making sure the country their son loved so well and never returned to, remains safe from its enemies.\nI fight to restore the pride and principles of our party. We were elected to change Washington, and we let Washington change us. We lost the trust of the American people when some Republicans gave in to the temptations of corruption. We lost their trust when rather than reform government, both parties made it bigger. We lost their trust when instead of freeing ourselves from a dangerous dependence on foreign oil, both parties and Senator Obama passed another corporate welfare bill for oil companies. We lost their trust, when we valued our power over our principles.\nWe're going to change that. We're going to recover the people's trust by standing up again for the values Americans admire. The party of Lincoln, Roosevelt and Reagan is going to get back to basics.\nWe believe everyone has something to contribute and deserves the opportunity to reach their God-given potential from the boy whose descendents arrived on the Mayflower to the Latina daughter of migrant workers. We're all God's children and we're all Americans.\nWe believe in low taxes; spending discipline, and open markets. We believe in rewarding hard work and risk takers and letting people keep the fruits of their labor.\nWe believe in a strong defense, work, faith, service, a culture of life, personal responsibility, the rule of law, and judges who dispense justice impartially and don't legislate from the bench. We believe in the values of families, neighborhoods and communities.\nWe believe in a government that unleashes the creativity and initiative of Americans. Government that doesn't make your choices for you, but works to make sure you have more choices to make for yourself.\nI will keep taxes low and cut them where I can. My opponent will raise them. I will open new markets to our goods and services. My opponent will close them. I will cut government spending. He will increase it.\nMy tax cuts will create jobs. His tax increases will eliminate them. My health care plan will make it easier for more Americans to find and keep good health care insurance. His plan will force small businesses to cut jobs, reduce wages, and force families into a government run health care system where a bureaucrat stands between you and your doctor.\nKeeping taxes low helps small businesses grow and create new jobs. Cutting the second highest business tax rate in the world will help American companies compete and keep jobs from moving overseas. Doubling the child tax exemption from $3500 to $7000 will improve the lives of millions of American families. Reducing government spending and getting rid of failed programs will let you keep more of your own money to save, spend and invest as you see fit. Opening new markets and preparing workers to compete in the world economy is essential to our future prosperity.\nI know some of you have been left behind in the changing economy and it often seems your government hasn't even noticed. Government assistance for unemployed workers was designed for the economy of the 1950s. That's going to change on my watch. My opponent promises to bring back old jobs by wishing away the global economy. We're going to help workers who've lost a job that won't come back, find a new one that won't go away.\nWe will prepare them for the jobs of today. We will use our community colleges to help train people for new opportunities in their communities. For workers in industries that have been hard hit, we'll help make up part of the difference in wages between their old job and a temporary, lower paid one while they receive retraining that will help them find secure new employment at a decent wage.\nEducation is the civil rights issue of this century. Equal access to public education has been gained. But what is the value of access to a failing school? We need to shake up failed school bureaucracies with competition, empower parents with choice, remove barriers to qualified instructors, attract and reward good teachers, and help bad teachers find another line of work.\nWhen a public school fails to meet its obligations to students, parents deserve a choice in the education of their children. And I intend to give it to them. Some may choose a better public school. Some may choose a private one. Many will choose a charter school. But they will have that choice and their children will have that opportunity.\nSenator Obama wants our schools to answer to unions and entrenched bureaucracies. I want schools to answer to parents and students. And when I'm President, they will.\nMy fellow Americans, when I'm President, we're going to embark on the most ambitious national project in decades. We are going to stop sending $700 billion a year to countries that don't like us very much. We will attack the problem on every front. We will produce more energy at home. We will drill new wells offshore, and we'll drill them now. We will build more nuclear power plants. We will develop clean coal technology. We will increase the use of wind, tide, solar and natural gas. We will encourage the development and use of flex fuel, hybrid and electric automobiles.\nSenator Obama thinks we can achieve energy independence without more drilling and without more nuclear power. But Americans know better than that. We must use all resources and develop all technologies necessary to rescue our economy from the damage caused by rising oil prices and to restore the health of our planet. It's an ambitious plan, but Americans are ambitious by nature, and we have faced greater challenges. It's time for us to show the world again how Americans lead.\nThis great national cause will create millions of new jobs, many in industries that will be the engine of our future prosperity; jobs that will be there when your children enter the workforce.\nToday, the prospect of a better world remains within our reach. But we must see the threats to peace and liberty in our time clearly and face them, as Americans before us did, with confidence, wisdom and resolve.\nWe have dealt a serious blow to al Qaeda in recent years. But they are not defeated, and they'll strike us again if they can. Iran remains the chief state sponsor of terrorism and on the path to acquiring nuclear weapons. Russia's leaders, rich with oil wealth and corrupt with power, have rejected democratic ideals and the obligations of a responsible power. They invaded a small, democratic neighbor to gain more control over the world's oil supply, intimidate other neighbors, and further their ambitions of reassembling the Russian empire. And the brave people of Georgia need our solidarity and prayers. As President I will work to establish good relations with Russia so we need not fear a return of the Cold War. But we can't turn a blind eye to aggression and international lawlessness that threatens the peace and stability of the world and the security of the American people.\nWe face many threats in this dangerous world, but I'm not afraid of them. I'm prepared for them. I know how the military works, what it can do, what it can do better, and what it should not do. I know how the world works. I know the good and the evil in it. I know how to work with leaders who share our dreams of a freer, safer and more prosperous world, and how to stand up to those who don't. I know how to secure the peace.\nWhen I was five years old, a car pulled up in front of our house. A Navy officer rolled down the window, and shouted at my father that the Japanese had bombed Pearl Harbor. I rarely saw my father again for four years. My grandfather came home from that same war exhausted from the burdens he had borne, and died the next day. In Vietnam, where I formed the closest friendships of my life, some of those friends never came home with me. I hate war. It is terrible beyond imagination.\nI'm running for President to keep the country I love safe, and prevent other families from risking their loved ones in war as my family has. I will draw on all my experience with the world and its leaders, and all the tools at our disposal — diplomatic, economic, military and the power of our ideals — to build the foundations for a stable and enduring peace.\nIn America, we change things that need to be changed. Each generation makes its contribution to our greatness. The work that is ours to do is plainly before us. We don't need to search for it.\nWe need to change the way government does almost everything: from the way we protect our security to the way we compete in the world economy; from the way we respond to disasters to the way we fuel our transportation network; from the way we train our workers to the way we educate our children. All these functions of government were designed before the rise of the global economy, the information technology revolution and the end of the Cold War. We have to catch up to history, and we have to change the way we do business in Washington.\nThe constant partisan rancor that stops us from solving these problems isn't a cause, it's a symptom. It's what happens when people go to Washington to work for themselves and not you.\nAgain and again, I've worked with members of both parties to fix problems that need to be fixed. That's how I will govern as President. I will reach out my hand to anyone to help me get this country moving again. I have that record and the scars to prove it. Senator Obama does not.\nInstead of rejecting good ideas because we didn't think of them first, let's use the best ideas from both sides. Instead of fighting over who gets the credit, let's try sharing it. This amazing country can do anything we put our minds to. I will ask Democrats and Independents to serve with me. And my administration will set a new standard for transparency and accountability.\nWe're going to finally start getting things done for the people who are counting on us, and I won't care who gets the credit.\nI've been an imperfect servant of my country for many years. But I have been her servant first, last and always. And I've never lived a day, in good times or bad, that I didn't thank God for the privilege.\nLong ago, something unusual happened to me that taught me the most valuable lesson of my life. I was blessed by misfortune. I mean that sincerely. I was blessed because I served in the company of heroes, and I witnessed a thousand acts of courage, compassion and love.\nOn an October morning, in the Gulf of Tonkin, I prepared for my 23rd mission over North Vietnam. I hadn't any worry I wouldn't come back safe and sound. I thought I was tougher than anyone. I was pretty independent then, too. I liked to bend a few rules, and pick a few fights for the fun of it. But I did it for my own pleasure; my own pride. I didn't think there was a cause more important than me.\nThen I found myself falling toward the middle of a small lake in the city of Hanoi, with two broken arms, a broken leg, and an angry crowd waiting to greet me. I was dumped in a dark cell, and left to die. I didn't feel so tough anymore. When they discovered my father was an admiral, they took me to a hospital. They couldn't set my bones properly, so they just slapped a cast on me. When I didn't get better, and was down to about a hundred pounds, they put me in a cell with two other Americans. I couldn't do anything. I couldn't even feed myself. They did it for me. I was beginning to learn the limits of my selfish independence. Those men saved my life.\nI was in solitary confinement when my captors offered to release me. I knew why. If I went home, they would use it as propaganda to demoralize my fellow prisoners. Our Code said we could only go home in the order of our capture, and there were men who had been shot down before me. I thought about it, though. I wasn't in great shape, and I missed everything about America. But I turned it down.\nA lot of prisoners had it worse than I did. I'd been mistreated before, but not as badly as others. I always liked to strut a little after I'd been roughed up to show the other guys I was tough enough to take it. But after I turned down their offer, they worked me over harder than they ever had before. For a long time. And they broke me.\nWhen they brought me back to my cell, I was hurt and ashamed, and I didn't know how I could face my fellow prisoners. The good man in the cell next door, my friend, Bob Craner, saved me. Through taps on a wall he told me I had fought as hard as I could. No man can always stand alone. And then he told me to get back up and fight again for our country and for the men I had the honor to serve with. Because every day they fought for me.\nI fell in love with my country when I was a prisoner in someone else's. I loved it not just for the many comforts of life here. I loved it for its decency; for its faith in the wisdom, justice and goodness of its people. I loved it because it was not just a place, but an idea, a cause worth fighting for. I was never the same again. I wasn't my own man anymore. I was my country's.\nI'm not running for president because I think I'm blessed with such personal greatness that history has anointed me to save our country in its hour of need. My country saved me. My country saved me, and I cannot forget it. And I will fight for her for as long as I draw breath, so help me God.\nIf you find faults with our country, make it a better one. If you're disappointed with the mistakes of government, join its ranks and work to correct them. Enlist in our Armed Forces. Become a teacher. Enter the ministry. Run for public office. Feed a hungry child. Teach an illiterate adult to read. Comfort the afflicted. Defend the rights of the oppressed. Our country will be the better, and you will be the happier. Because nothing brings greater happiness in life than to serve a cause greater than yourself.\nI'm going to fight for my cause every day as your President. I'm going to fight to make sure every American has every reason to thank God, as I thank Him: that I'm an American, a proud citizen of the greatest country on earth, and with hard work, strong faith and a little courage, great things are always within our reach. Fight with me. Fight with me.\nFight for what's right for our country.\nFight for the ideals and character of a free people.\nFight for our children's future.\nFight for justice and opportunity for all.\nStand up to defend our country from its enemies.\nStand up for each other; for beautiful, blessed, bountiful America.\nStand up, stand up, stand up and fight. Nothing is inevitable here. We're Americans, and we never give up. We never quit. We never hide from history. We make history.\nThank you, and God Bless you.", "Words" -> 3971, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 160, "and" -> 154, "to" -> 153, "I" -> 112, "of" -> 101, "a" -> 83, "for" -> 72, "in" -> 56, "our" -> 48, "will" -> 40, "my" -> 39, "me" -> 37, "it" -> 35, "that" -> 33, "We" -> 32, "you" -> 29, "with" -> 26, "country" -> 25, "we" -> 23, "was" -> 23, "from" -> 23, "on" -> 20, "who" -> 19, "their" -> 19, "have" -> 19, "your" -> 17, "up" -> 17, "And" -> 17, "they" -> 16, "fight" -> 16, "But" -> 16, "Americans" -> 16, "work" -> 15, "us" -> 15, "more" -> 15, "is" -> 15, "I'm" -> 15, "when" -> 14, "them" -> 14, "than" -> 14, "as" -> 14, "an" -> 14, "not" -> 13, "her" -> 13, "going" -> 13, "all" -> 13, "make" -> 12, "are" -> 12, "world" -> 11, "people" -> 11, "life" -> 11, "government" -> 11, "way" -> 10, "President" -> 10, "new" -> 10, "My" -> 10, "know" -> 10, "I've" -> 10, "its" -> 10, "help" -> 10, "had" -> 10, "do" -> 10, "can" -> 10, "been" -> 10, "be" -> 10, "need" -> 9, "jobs" -> 9, "has" -> 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-> 5, "he" -> 5, "great" -> 5, "God" -> 5, "find" -> 5, "day" -> 5, "care" -> 5, "both" -> 5, "blessed" -> 5, "always" -> 5, "without" -> 4, "where" -> 4, "wasn't" -> 4, "two" -> 4, "those" -> 4, "think" -> 4, "That's" -> 4, "thank" -> 4, "taxes" -> 4, "tax" -> 4, "spending" -> 4, "some" -> 4, "serve" -> 4, "saved" -> 4, "said" -> 4, "safe" -> 4, "right" -> 4, "problems" -> 4, "parties" -> 4, "out" -> 4, "opportunity" -> 4, "old" -> 4, "next" -> 4, "men" -> 4, "like" -> 4, "leaders" -> 4, "it's" -> 4, "intend" -> 4, "In" -> 4, "hard" -> 4, "greater" -> 4, "go" -> 4, "future" -> 4, "few" -> 4, "fellow" -> 4, "father" -> 4, "families" -> 4, "did" -> 4, "cut" -> 4, "companies" -> 4, "cell" -> 4, "business" -> 4, "because" -> 4, "any" -> 4, "after" -> 4, "wouldn't" -> 3, "would" -> 3, "worked" -> 3, "win" -> 3, "very" -> 3, "time" -> 3, "thought" -> 3, "these" -> 3, "sure" -> 3, "supporters" -> 3, "strength" -> 3, "Stand" -> 3, "She" -> 3, "see" -> 3, "security" -> 3, "rights" -> 3, "Republicans" -> 3, "remains" -> 3, "record" -> 3, "real" -> 3, "put" -> 3, "prosperity" -> 3, "privilege" -> 3, "prisoners" -> 3, "plan" -> 3, "party" -> 3, "parents" -> 3, "or" -> 3, "opponent" -> 3, "nuclear" -> 3, "nomination" -> 3, "myself" -> 3, "much" -> 3, "money" -> 3, "military" -> 3, "matter" -> 3, "markets" -> 3, "man" -> 3, "low" -> 3, "long" -> 3, "knows" -> 3, "justice" -> 3, "It's" -> 3, "independence" -> 3, "If" -> 3, "if" -> 3, "ideals" -> 3, "I'd" -> 3, "here" -> 3, "give" -> 3, "For" -> 3, "first" -> 3, "family" -> 3, "faith" -> 3, "face" -> 3, "experience" -> 3, "ever" -> 3, "energy" -> 3, "Democrats" -> 3, "create" -> 3, "couldn't" -> 3, "could" -> 3, "corruption" -> 3, "compete" -> 3, "come" -> 3, "choose" -> 3, "choice" -> 3, "can't" -> 3, "big" -> 3, "between" -> 3, "bad" -> 3, "attack" -> 3, "anyone" -> 3, "another" -> 3, "America" -> 3, "ambitious" -> 3, "yourself" -> 2, "worry" -> 2, "working" -> 2, "word" -> 2, "within" -> 2, "wisdom" -> 2, "while" -> 2, "what's" -> 2, "What" -> 2, "we'll" -> 2, "War" -> 2, "want" -> 2, "wages" -> 2, "Vietnam" -> 2, "values" -> 2, "turned" -> 2, "train" -> 2, "toward" -> 2, "tonight" -> 2, "Toni" -> 2, "told" -> 2, "times" -> 2, "threats" -> 2, "This" -> 2, "then" -> 2, "Their" -> 2, "Thank" -> 2, "temporary" -> 2, "tell" -> 2, "technology" -> 2, "teachers" -> 2, "Sue" -> 2, "students" -> 2, "strong" -> 2, "strategy" -> 2, "stop" -> 2, "start" -> 2, "stands" -> 2, "special" -> 2, "something" -> 2, "someone" -> 2, "Some" -> 2, "side" -> 2, "show" -> 2, "should" -> 2, "shake" -> 2, "seven" -> 2, "set" -> 2, "service" -> 2, "servant" -> 2, "secure" -> 2, "second" -> 2, "schools" -> 2, "save" -> 2, "same" -> 2, "running" -> 2, "run" -> 2, "restore" -> 2, "rather" -> 2, "proud" -> 2, "promises" -> 2, "private" -> 2, "principles" -> 2, "pride" -> 2, "prepared" -> 2, "personal" -> 2, "Palin" -> 2, "ourselves" -> 2, "Our" -> 2, "opportunities" -> 2, "open" -> 2, "only" -> 2, "ones" -> 2, "often" -> 2, "office" -> 2, "offer" -> 2, "obligations" -> 2, "nothing" -> 2, "No" -> 2, "no" -> 2, "neither" -> 2, "nature" -> 2, "national" -> 2, "must" -> 2, "moving" -> 2, "mother" -> 2, "most" -> 2, "mortgage" -> 2, "months" -> 2, "millions" -> 2, "meant" -> 2, "means" -> 2, "may" -> 2, "lot" -> 2, "lose" -> 2, "lives" -> 2, "little" -> 2, "liked" -> 2, "let's" -> 2, "lesson" -> 2, "less" -> 2, "left" -> 2, "lead" -> 2, "Lady" -> 2, "keeping" -> 2, "Jake" -> 2, "Iraq" -> 2, "interest" -> 2, "Instead" -> 2, "inevitable" -> 2, "industries" -> 2, "Independents" -> 2, "increase" -> 2, "important" -> 2, "ideas" -> 2, "His" -> 2, "helped" -> 2, "happiness" -> 2, "hand" -> 2, "groceries" -> 2, "greatness" -> 2, "grateful" -> 2, "Governor" -> 2, "Government" -> 2, "got" -> 2, "global" -> 2, "getting" -> 2, "gets" -> 2, "generation" -> 2, "gave" -> 2, "gas" -> 2, "fuel" -> 2, "front" -> 2, "friends" -> 2, "found" -> 2, "forget" -> 2, "force" -> 2, "fix" -> 2, "five" -> 2, "First" -> 2, "fighting" -> 2, "failed" -> 2, "everything" -> 2, "even" -> 2, "enemies" -> 2, "end" -> 2, "election" -> 2, "education" -> 2, "drill" -> 2, "draw" -> 2, "doesn't" -> 2, "does" -> 2, "differences" -> 2, "died" -> 2, "develop" -> 2, "designed" -> 2, "democratic" -> 2, "days" -> 2, "dark" -> 2, "dangerous" -> 2, "crowd" -> 2, "credit" -> 2, "courage" -> 2, "country's" -> 2, "confidence" -> 2, "communities" -> 2, "Cold" -> 2, "Cindy" -> 2, "choices" -> 2, "child" -> 2, "character" -> 2, "came" -> 2, "businesses" -> 2, "bureaucracies" -> 2, "build" -> 2, "broken" -> 2, "brave" -> 2, "Bill" -> 2, "Because" -> 2, "away" -> 2, "asked" -> 2, "As" -> 2, "anything" -> 2, "anymore" -> 2, "answer" -> 2, "alone" -> 2, "All" -> 2, "administration" -> 2, "access" -> 2, "A" -> 2, "$7000" -> 1, "$700" -> 1, "$3500" -> 1, "You're" -> 1, "you're" -> 1, "youngest" -> 1, "You" -> 1, "yet" -> 1, "year" -> 1, "worthy" -> 1, "worth" -> 1, "worst" -> 1, "worse" -> 1, "worried" -> 1, "world's" -> 1, "workforce" -> 1, "won" -> 1, "women" -> 1, "Wolfboro" -> 1, "witnessed" -> 1, "wishing" -> 1, "wished" -> 1, "window" -> 1, "wind" -> 1, "Wimmer" -> 1, "willing" -> 1, "wife" -> 1, "wider" -> 1, "why" -> 1, "who've" -> 1, "whose" -> 1, "We've" -> 1, "we've" -> 1, "went" -> 1, "wells" -> 1, "well" -> 1, "We'll" -> 1, "welfare" -> 1, "wear" -> 1, "weapons" -> 1, "wealth" -> 1, "watch" -> 1, "waste" -> 1, "warning" -> 1, "wants" -> 1, "wall" -> 1, "waiting" -> 1, "wait" -> 1, "wage" -> 1, "vote" -> 1, "violated" -> 1, "victims" -> 1, "Vice" -> 1, "valued" -> 1, "value" -> 1, "valuable" -> 1, "useful" -> 1, "unusual" -> 1, "until" -> 1, "unluckier" -> 1, "unleashes" -> 1, "unites" -> 1, "United" -> 1, "unions" -> 1, "union" -> 1, "unemployed" -> 1, "understand" -> 1, "turn" -> 1, "try" -> 1, "truth" -> 1, "troops" -> 1, "tribute" -> 1, "tribes" -> 1, "trial" -> 1, "treasured" -> 1, "transportation" -> 1, "transparency" -> 1, "tougher" -> 1, "tools" -> 1, "took" -> 1, "too" -> 1, "Tonkin" -> 1, "Tonight" -> 1, "Today" -> 1, "today" -> 1, "tobacco" -> 1, "To" -> 1, "tide" -> 1, "Through" -> 1, "three" -> 1, "threatens" -> 1, "threatened" -> 1, "thousand" -> 1, "though" -> 1, "Those" -> 1, "thinks" -> 1, "thing" -> 1, "They're" -> 1, "they'll" -> 1, "These" -> 1, "Then" -> 1, "themselves" -> 1, "that's" -> 1, "Thanks" -> 1, "thanks" -> 1, "test" -> 1, "terrorism" -> 1, "terrible" -> 1, "temptations" -> 1, "technologies" -> 1, "teacher" -> 1, "Teach" -> 1, "taught" -> 1, "taps" -> 1, "tank" -> 1, "takers" -> 1, "taken" -> 1, "take" -> 1, "tackled" -> 1, "table" -> 1, "system" -> 1, "symptom" -> 1, "support" -> 1, "supply" -> 1, "such" -> 1, "success" -> 1, "succeeded" -> 1, "strut" -> 1, "struggling" -> 1, "struggle" -> 1, "strike" -> 1, "stops" -> 1, "stood" -> 1, "stole" -> 1, "stay" -> 1, "States" -> 1, "state" -> 1, "Stanley" -> 1, "standing" -> 1, "standard" -> 1, "stable" -> 1, "stability" -> 1, "sponsor" -> 1, "spenders" -> 1, "spend" -> 1, "sound" -> 1, "sons" -> 1, "son" -> 1, "Sometimes" -> 1, "sometimes" -> 1, "solving" -> 1, "solitary" -> 1, "solidarity" -> 1, "solar" -> 1, "soil" -> 1, "slapped" -> 1, "sit" -> 1, "sister" -> 1, "sincerely" -> 1, "sides" -> 1, "shows" -> 1, "shouted" -> 1, "shot" -> 1, "she's" -> 1, "sharing" -> 1, "share" -> 1, "shape" -> 1, "serving" -> 1, "services" -> 1, "served" -> 1, "serious" -> 1, "sending" -> 1, "selfish" -> 1, "seems" -> 1, "seem" -> 1, "search" -> 1, "sea" -> 1, "schoolteacher" -> 1, "scars" -> 1, "saw" -> 1, "Sarah" -> 1, "safer" -> 1, "sacrifice" -> 1, "Russia's" -> 1, "Russian" -> 1, "Russia" -> 1, "Run" -> 1, "rules" -> 1, "rule" -> 1, "roughed" -> 1, "Roosevelt" -> 1, "rolled" -> 1, "Roberta" -> 1, "road" -> 1, "risking" -> 1, "risked" -> 1, "risk" -> 1, "rising" -> 1, "rise" -> 1, "rid" -> 1, "rich" -> 1, "rewarding" -> 1, "reward" -> 1, "revolution" -> 1, "returned" -> 1, "return" -> 1, "retraining" -> 1, "responsible" -> 1, "responsibility" -> 1, "respond" -> 1, "respect" -> 1, "resources" -> 1, "resolve" -> 1, "rescued" -> 1, "rescue" -> 1, "remove" -> 1, "release" -> 1, "relations" -> 1, "rejecting" -> 1, "rejected" -> 1, "reform" -> 1, "Reducing" -> 1, "reduce" -> 1, "recover" -> 1, "recent" -> 1, "receive" -> 1, "reassembling" -> 1, "reasons" -> 1, "reason" -> 1, "really" -> 1, "Reagan" -> 1, "read" -> 1, "reached" -> 1, "rate" -> 1, "rarely" -> 1, "ranks" -> 1, "rancor" -> 1, "raising" -> 1, "raises" -> 1, "raise" -> 1, "quite" -> 1, "quit" -> 1, "qualified" -> 1, "Qaeda" -> 1, "pundits" -> 1, "pulled" -> 1, "prove" -> 1, "protect" -> 1, "prosperous" -> 1, "prospect" -> 1, "proposition" -> 1, "properly" -> 1, "propaganda" -> 1, "project" -> 1, "programs" -> 1, "produce" -> 1, "problem" -> 1, "prisoner" -> 1, "prices" -> 1, "prevent" -> 1, "pretty" -> 1, "president" -> 1, "preparing" -> 1, "prepare" -> 1, "prayers" -> 1, "poverty" -> 1, "pounds" -> 1, "potential" -> 1, "popular" -> 1, "pleasures" -> 1, "pleasure" -> 1, "plants" -> 1, "planet" -> 1, "plainly" -> 1, "place" -> 1, "pick" -> 1, "physically" -> 1, "Petreaus" -> 1, "people's" -> 1, "Pentagon" -> 1, "Pennsylvania" -> 1, "Pearl" -> 1, "payments" -> 1, "payment" -> 1, "pay" -> 1, "patriot" -> 1, "path" -> 1, "passed" -> 1, "party's" -> 1, "partner" -> 1, "partisan" -> 1, "part" -> 1, "paid" -> 1, "overseas" -> 1, "outstanding" -> 1, "ours" -> 1, "others" -> 1, "order" -> 1, "oppressed" -> 1, "opposed" -> 1, "Opening" -> 1, "On" -> 1, "offshore" -> 1, "officer" -> 1, "offered" -> 1, "odds" -> 1, "October" -> 1, "now" -> 1, "noticed" -> 1, "Nothing" -> 1, "North" -> 1, "nor" -> 1, "nice" -> 1, "New" -> 1, "network" -> 1, "neighbors" -> 1, "neighborhoods" -> 1, "neighbor" -> 1, "necessary" -> 1, "Nebe" -> 1, "Navy" -> 1, "natural" -> 1, "nation's" -> 1, "name" -> 1, "morning" -> 1, "model" -> 1, "mistreated" -> 1, "mistakes" -> 1, "mission" -> 1, "missed" -> 1, "misfortune" -> 1, "ministry" -> 1, "mines" -> 1, "minds" -> 1, "mind" -> 1, "million" -> 1, "migrant" -> 1, "middle" -> 1, "Michigan" -> 1, "mentally" -> 1, "members" -> 1, "meet" -> 1, "measure" -> 1, "mean" -> 1, "McCain" -> 1, "Mayflower" -> 1, "maverick" -> 1, "Matthew" -> 1, "matters" -> 1, "Master's" -> 1, "market" -> 1, "marches" -> 1, "Many" -> 1, "making" -> 1, "makes" -> 1, "made" -> 1, "Luke" -> 1, "lower" -> 1, "Long" -> 1, "lobbyists" -> 1, "loading" -> 1, "lived" -> 1, "Little" -> 1, "line" -> 1, "Lincoln" -> 1, "limits" -> 1, "liberty" -> 1, "letting" -> 1, "legislate" -> 1, "leg" -> 1, "leaving" -> 1, "learned" -> 1, "learn" -> 1, "League" -> 1, "leading" -> 1, "leadership" -> 1, "lawyers" -> 1, "lawlessness" -> 1, "law" -> 1, "Laura" -> 1, "Latina" -> 1, "last" -> 1, "land" -> 1, "lake" -> 1, "labor" -> 1, "known" -> 1, "knew" -> 1, "kindness" -> 1, "Keeping" -> 1, "judgment" -> 1, "judges" -> 1, "join" -> 1, "Japanese" -> 1, "It" -> 1, "issue" -> 1, "isn't" -> 1, "Iran" -> 1, "investments" -> 1, "invest" -> 1, "invaded" -> 1, "introduced" -> 1, "introduce" -> 1, "into" -> 1, "intimidate" -> 1, "international" -> 1, "interests" -> 1, "insurance" -> 1, "instructors" -> 1, "instead" -> 1, "inspiration" -> 1, "initiative" -> 1, "information" -> 1, "Indian" -> 1, "independent" -> 1, "indebted" -> 1, "increases" -> 1, "inalienable" -> 1, "improve" -> 1, "imperfect" -> 1, "impartially" -> 1, "imagine" -> 1, "imagination" -> 1, "illiterate" -> 1, "idea" -> 1, "hybrid" -> 1, "hurt" -> 1, "hungry" -> 1, "hundred" -> 1, "humility" -> 1, "humanity" -> 1, "housing" -> 1, "house" -> 1, "hour" -> 1, "hospital" -> 1, "honorable" -> 1, "holiday" -> 1, "hit" -> 1, "Him" -> 1, "him" -> 1, "Hills" -> 1, "highest" -> 1, "hide" -> 1, "hers" -> 1, "heroes" -> 1, "Her" -> 1, "helps" -> 1, "held" -> 1, "heartfelt" -> 1, "He" -> 1, "hate" -> 1, "hasn't" -> 1, "harder" -> 1, "Harbor" -> 1, "happier" -> 1, "happens" -> 1, "happened" -> 1, "Hanoi" -> 1, "hands" -> 1, "Hampshire" -> 1, "hadn't" -> 1, "habit" -> 1, "guys" -> 1, "Gulf" -> 1, "growing" -> 1, "grow" -> 1, "greet" -> 1, "greatest" -> 1, "gratitude" -> 1, "grandfather" -> 1, "grace" -> 1, "govern" -> 1, "goods" -> 1, "goodness" -> 1, "God's" -> 1, "God-given" -> 1, "given" -> 1, "Georgia" -> 1, "general" -> 1, "gasoline" -> 1, "gained" -> 1, "gain" -> 1, "further" -> 1, "functions" -> 1, "fun" -> 1, "fruits" -> 1, "friendships" -> 1, "friend" -> 1, "freer" -> 1, "freeing" -> 1, "free" -> 1, "Franklin" -> 1, "four" -> 1, "foundations" -> 1, "formed" -> 1, "foreign" -> 1, "Forces" -> 1, "food" -> 1, "following" -> 1, "flex" -> 1, "fixed" -> 1, "fit" -> 1, "finished" -> 1, "finding" -> 1, "Finally" -> 1, "finally" -> 1, "fill" -> 1, "fights" -> 1, "fell" -> 1, "feel" -> 1, "Feed" -> 1, "feed" -> 1, "fear" -> 1, "faults" -> 1, "Farmington" -> 1, "falling" -> 1, "fall" -> 1, "fails" -> 1, "failing" -> 1, "faced" -> 1, "eye" -> 1, "exhausted" -> 1, "exemption" -> 1, "executive" -> 1, "example" -> 1, "evil" -> 1, "everyone" -> 1, "estate" -> 1, "establish" -> 1, "essential" -> 1, "Equal" -> 1, "equal" -> 1, "entrenched" -> 1, "Enter" -> 1, "enter" -> 1, "enough" -> 1, "Enlist" -> 1, "engine" -> 1, "enduring" -> 1, "endowed" -> 1, "encourage" -> 1, "empower" -> 1, "employment" -> 1, "empire" -> 1, "embark" -> 1, "else's" -> 1, "eliminate" -> 1, "electric" -> 1, "elections" -> 1, "elected" -> 1, "elect" -> 1, "Education" -> 1, "educate" -> 1, "economic" -> 1, "easier" -> 1, "earth" -> 1, "earn" -> 1, "Each" -> 1, "each" -> 1, "dumped" -> 1, "drum" -> 1, "drug" -> 1, "drilling" -> 1, "dreams" -> 1, "doubt" -> 1, "Doubling" -> 1, "door" -> 1, "done" -> 1, "dollar" -> 1, "doing" -> 1, "doctor" -> 1, "dock" -> 1, "divides" -> 1, "disposal" -> 1, "dispense" -> 1, "discovered" -> 1, "discipline" -> 1, "disasters" -> 1, "disappointed" -> 1, "disabled" -> 1, "diplomatic" -> 1, "different" -> 1, "difference" -> 1, "die" -> 1, "diagnosed" -> 1, "development" -> 1, "Despite" -> 1, "deserves" -> 1, "deserve" -> 1, "descendents" -> 1, "dependence" -> 1, "demoralized" -> 1, "demoralize" -> 1, "Degree" -> 1, "defense" -> 1, "Defend" -> 1, "defend" -> 1, "defects" -> 1, "defeated" -> 1, "defeat" -> 1, "deep" -> 1, "dedicated" -> 1, "decide" -> 1, "decent" -> 1, "decency" -> 1, "decades" -> 1, "dealt" -> 1, "deals" -> 1, "David" -> 1, "daughter" -> 1, "damage" -> 1, "Cutting" -> 1, "cuts" -> 1, "culture" -> 1, "culprits" -> 1, "crowded" -> 1, "crooked" -> 1, "Creator" -> 1, "creativity" -> 1, "created" -> 1, "Craner" -> 1, "County" -> 1, "countries" -> 1, "counting" -> 1, "count" -> 1, "cost" -> 1, "corrupt" -> 1, "correct" -> 1, "corporate" -> 1, "control" -> 1, "contribution" -> 1, "contribute" -> 1, "contests" -> 1, "constant" -> 1, "consideration" -> 1, "confinement" -> 1, "concern" -> 1, "compliment" -> 1, "competition" -> 1, "compassion" -> 1, "company" -> 1, "community" -> 1, "command" -> 1, "coming" -> 1, "comforts" -> 1, "Comfort" -> 1, "comes" -> 1, "colleges" -> 1, "Code" -> 1, "coal" -> 1, "coaches" -> 1, "closest" -> 1, "close" -> 1, "clearly" -> 1, "clean" -> 1, "civil" -> 1, "city" -> 1, "citizen" -> 1, "children's" -> 1, "chief" -> 1, "checks" -> 1, "charter" -> 1, "changing" -> 1, "changed" -> 1, "challenges" -> 1, "century" -> 1, "caused" -> 1, "catch" -> 1, "cast" -> 1, "car" -> 1, "capture" -> 1, "captors" -> 1, "cannot" -> 1, "candidates" -> 1, "campaign" -> 1, "called" -> 1, "calendar" -> 1, "buy" -> 1, "Bush" -> 1, "bureaucrat" -> 1, "burdens" -> 1, "budget" -> 1, "brought" -> 1, "brother" -> 1, "broke" -> 1, "brings" -> 1, "bring" -> 1, "brilliant" -> 1, "brief" -> 1, "bride" -> 1, "breath" -> 1, "breaking" -> 1, "bracelet" -> 1, "boy" -> 1, "bountiful" -> 1, "bosses" -> 1, "borne" -> 1, "born" -> 1, "bones" -> 1, "bombed" -> 1, "Bob" -> 1, "blow" -> 1, "blind" -> 1, "Bless" -> 1, "birth" -> 1, "bills" -> 1, "billion" -> 1, "bill" -> 1, "bigger" -> 1, "beyond" -> 1, "best" -> 1, "bend" -> 1, "bench" -> 1, "belief" -> 1, "behind" -> 1, "beginning" -> 1, "Become" -> 1, "beautiful" -> 1, "beat" -> 1, "basics" -> 1, "barriers" -> 1, "balanced" -> 1, "badly" -> 1, "backbone" -> 1, "automobiles" -> 1, "autism" -> 1, "attract" -> 1, "association" -> 1, "assistance" -> 1, "ask" -> 1, "ashamed" -> 1, "arrived" -> 1, "arms" -> 1, "Armed" -> 1, "anointed" -> 1, "angry" -> 1, "ambitions" -> 1, "amazing" -> 1, "am" -> 1, "along" -> 1, "almost" -> 1, "Alaska" -> 1, "al" -> 1, "aisle" -> 1, "ago" -> 1, "aggression" -> 1, "Again" -> 1, "afraid" -> 1, "afflicted" -> 1, "advance" -> 1, "adult" -> 1, "admire" -> 1, "admiration" -> 1, "admiral" -> 1, "acts" -> 1, "across" -> 1, "acquiring" -> 1, "achievement" -> 1, "achieve" -> 1, "accountable" -> 1, "accountability" -> 1, "accomplishment" -> 1, "accepting" -> 1, "accept" -> 1, "ability" -> 1, "63" -> 1, "41st" -> 1, "23rd" -> 1, "1950s" -> 1|>|>, <|"URL" -> "http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=101966", "Date" -> DateObject[{2012, 8, 30}], "Person" -> Entity["Person", "MittRomney::h8jk4"], "Party" -> "Republican", "Location" -> Entity["City", {"Tampa", "Florida", "UnitedStates"}], "Text" -> "Mr. Chairman, delegates. I accept your nomination for President of the United States of America.\nI do so with humility, deeply moved by the trust you have placed in me. It is a great honor. It is an even greater responsibility.\nTonight I am asking you to join me to walk together to a better future. By my side, I have chosen a man with a big heart from a small town. He represents the best of America, a man who will always make us proud – my friend and America's next Vice President, Paul Ryan.\nIn the days ahead, you will get to know Paul and Janna better. But last night America got to see what I saw in Paul Ryan – a strong and caring leader who is down to earth and confident in the challenge this moment demands.\nI love the way he lights up around his kids and how he's not embarrassed to show the world how much he loves his mom.\nBut Paul, I still like the playlist on my iPod better than yours.\nFour years ago, I know that many Americans felt a fresh excitement about the possibilities of a new president. That president was not the choice of our party but Americans always come together after elections. We are a good and generous people who are united by so much more than what divides us.\nWhen that hard fought election was over, when the yard signs came down and the television commercials finally came off the air, Americans were eager to go back to work, to live our lives the way Americans always have – optimistic and positive and confident in the future.\nThat very optimism is uniquely American.\nIt is what brought us to America. We are a nation of immigrants. We are the children and grandchildren and great-grandchildren of the ones who wanted a better life, the driven ones, the ones who woke up at night hearing that voice telling them that life in that place called America could be better.\nThey came not just in pursuit of the riches of this world but for the richness of this life.\nFreedom.\nFreedom of religion.\nFreedom to speak their mind.\nFreedom to build a life.\nAnd yes, freedom to build a business. With their own hands.\nThis is the essence of the American experience.\nWe Americans have always felt a special kinship with the future.\nWhen every new wave of immigrants looked up and saw the Statue of Liberty, or knelt down and kissed the shores of freedom just ninety miles from Castro's tyranny, these new Americans surely had many questions. But none doubted that here in America they could build a better life, that in America their children would be more blessed than they.\nBut today, four years from the excitement of the last election, for the first time, the majority of Americans now doubt that our children will have a better future.\nIt is not what we were promised.\nEvery family in America wanted this to be a time when they could get ahead a little more, put aside a little more for college, do more for their elderly mom who's living alone now or give a little more to their church or charity.\nEvery small business wanted these to be their best years ever, when they could hire more, do more for those who had stuck with them through the hard times, open a new store or sponsor that Little League team.\nEvery new college graduate thought they'd have a good job by now, a place of their own, and that they could start paying back some of their loans and build for the future.\nThis is when our nation was supposed to start paying down the national debt and rolling back those massive deficits.\nThis was the hope and change America voted for.\nIt's not just what we wanted. It's not just what we expected.\nIt's what Americans deserved.\nYou deserved it because during these years, you worked harder than ever before. You deserved it because when it cost more to fill up your car, you cut out movie nights and put in longer hours. Or when you lost that job that paid $22.50 an hour with benefits, you took two jobs at 9 bucks an hour and fewer benefits. You did it because your family depended on you. You did it because you're an American and you don't quit. You did it because it was what you had to do.\nBut driving home late from that second job, or standing there watching the gas pump hit 50 dollars and still going, when the realtor told you that to sell your house you'd have to take a big loss, in those moments you knew that this just wasn't right.\nBut what could you do? Except work harder, do with less, try to stay optimistic. Hug your kids a little longer; maybe spend a little more time praying that tomorrow would be a better day.\nI wish President Obama had succeeded because I want America to succeed. But his promises gave way to disappointment and division. This isn't something we have to accept. Now is the moment when we CAN do something. With your help we will do something.\nNow is the moment when we can stand up and say, \"I'm an American. I make my destiny. And we deserve better! My children deserve better! My family deserves better. My country deserves better!\"\nSo here we stand. Americans have a choice. A decision.\nTo make that choice, you need to know more about me and about where I will lead our country.\nI was born in the middle of the century in the middle of the country, a classic baby boomer. It was a time when Americans were returning from war and eager to work. To be an American was to assume that all things were possible. When President Kennedy challenged Americans to go to the moon, the question wasn't whether we'd get there, it was only when we'd get there.\nThe soles of Neil Armstrong's boots on the moon made permanent impressions on OUR souls and in our national psyche. Ann and I watched those steps together on her parent's sofa. Like all Americans we went to bed that night knowing we lived in the greatest country in the history of the world.\nGod bless Neil Armstrong.\nTonight that American flag is still there on the moon. And I don't doubt for a second that Neil Armstrong's spirit is still with us: that unique blend of optimism, humility and the utter confidence that when the world needs someone to do the really big stuff, you need an American.\nThat's how I was brought up.\nMy dad had been born in Mexico and his family had to leave during the Mexican revolution. I grew up with stories of his family being fed by the US Government as war refugees. My dad never made it through college and apprenticed as a lath and plaster carpenter. And he had big dreams. He convinced my mom, a beautiful young actress, to give up Hollywood to marry him. He moved to Detroit, led a great automobile company and became Governor of the Great State of Michigan.\nWe were Mormons and growing up in Michigan; that might have seemed unusual or out of place but I really don't remember it that way. My friends cared more about what sports teams we followed than what church we went to.\nMy mom and dad gave their kids the greatest gift of all – the gift of unconditional love. They cared deeply about who we would BE, and much less about what we would DO.\nUnconditional love is a gift that Ann and I have tried to pass on to our sons and now to our grandchildren. All the laws and legislation in the world will never heal this world like the loving hearts and arms of mothers and fathers. If every child could drift to sleep feeling wrapped in the love of their family – and God's love -- this world would be a far more gentle and better place.\nMom and Dad were married 64 years. And if you wondered what their secret was, you could have asked the local florist – because every day Dad gave Mom a rose, which he put on her bedside table. That's how she found out what happened on the day my father died – she went looking for him because that morning, there was no rose.\nMy mom and dad were true partners, a life lesson that shaped me by everyday example. When my mom ran for the Senate, my dad was there for her every step of the way. I can still hear her saying in her beautiful voice, \"Why should women have any less say than men, about the great decisions facing our nation?\"\nI wish she could have been here at the convention and heard leaders like Governor Mary Fallin, Governor Nikki Haley, Governor Susana Martinez, Senator Kelly Ayotte and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice.\nAs Governor of Massachusetts, I chose a woman Lt. Governor, a woman chief of staff, half of my cabinet and senior officials were women, and in business, I mentored and supported great women leaders who went on to run great companies.\nI grew up in Detroit in love with cars and wanted to be a car guy, like my dad. But by the time I was out of school, I realized that I had to go out on my own, that if I stayed around Michigan in the same business, I'd never really know if I was getting a break because of my dad. I wanted to go someplace new and prove myself.\nThose weren't the easiest of days – too many long hours and weekends working, five young sons who seemed to have this need to re-enact a different world war every night. But if you ask Ann and I what we'd give, to break up just one more fight between the boys, or wake up in the morning and discover a pile of kids asleep in our room. Well, every mom and dad knows the answer to that.\nThose days were toughest on Ann, of course. She was heroic. Five boys, with our families a long way away. I had to travel a lot for my job then and I'd call and try to offer support. But every mom knows that doesn't help get the homework done or the kids out the door to school.\nI knew that her job as a mom was harder than mine. And I knew without question, that her job as a mom was a lot more important than mine. And as America saw Tuesday night, Ann would have succeeded at anything she wanted to.\nLike a lot of families in a new place with no family, we found kinship with a wide circle of friends through our church. When we were new to the community it was welcoming and as the years went by, it was a joy to help others who had just moved to town or just joined our church. We had remarkably vibrant and diverse congregants from all walks of life and many who were new to America. We prayed together, our kids played together and we always stood ready to help each other out in different ways.\nAnd that's how it is in America. We look to our communities, our faiths, our families for our joy, our support, in good times and bad. It is both how we live our lives and why we live our lives. The strength and power and goodness of America has always been based on the strength and power and goodness of our communities, our families, our faiths.\nThat is the bedrock of what makes America, America. In our best days, we can feel the vibrancy of America's communities, large and small.\nIt's when we see that new business opening up downtown. It's when we go to work in the morning and see everybody else on our block doing the same.\nIt's when our son or daughter calls from college to talk about which job offer they should take….and you try not to choke up when you hear that the one they like is not far from home.\nIt's that good feeling when you have more time to volunteer to coach your kid's soccer team, or help out on school trips.\nBut for too many Americans, these good days are harder to come by. How many days have you woken up feeling that something really special was happening in America?\nMany of you felt that way on Election Day four years ago. Hope and Change had a powerful appeal. But tonight I'd ask a simple question: If you felt that excitement when you voted for Barack Obama, shouldn't you feel that way now that he's President Obama? You know there's something wrong with the kind of job he's done as president when the best feeling you had was the day you voted for him.\nThe President hasn't disappointed you because he wanted to. The President has disappointed America because he hasn't led America in the right direction. He took office without the basic qualification that most Americans have and one that was essential to his task. He had almost no experience working in a business. Jobs to him are about government.\nI learned the real lessons about how America works from experience.\nWhen I was 37, I helped start a small company. My partners and I had been working for a company that was in the business of helping other businesses.\nSo some of us had this idea that if we really believed our advice was helping companies, we should invest in companies. We should bet on ourselves and on our advice.\nSo we started a new business called Bain Capital. The only problem was, while WE believed in ourselves, nobody else did. We were young and had never done this before and we almost didn't get off the ground. In those days, sometimes I wondered if I had made a really big mistake. I had thought about asking my church's pension fund to invest, but I didn't. I figured it was bad enough that I might lose my investors' money, but I didn't want to go to hell too. Shows what I know. Another of my partners got the Episcopal Church pension fund to invest. Today there are a lot of happy retired priests who should thank him.\nThat business we started with 10 people has now grown into a great American success story. Some of the companies we helped start are names you know. An office supply company called Staples – where I'm pleased to see the Obama campaign has been shopping; The Sports Authority, which became a favorite of my sons. We started an early childhood learning center called Bright Horizons that First Lady Michelle Obama rightly praised. At a time when nobody thought we'd ever see a new steel mill built in America, we took a chance and built one in a corn field in Indiana. Today Steel Dynamics is one of the largest steel producers in the United States.\nThese are American success stories. And yet the centerpiece of the President's entire re-election campaign is attacking success. Is it any wonder that someone who attacks success has led the worst economic recovery since the Great Depression? In America, we celebrate success, we don't apologize for it.\nWe weren't always successful at Bain. But no one ever is in the real world of business.\nThat's what this President doesn't seem to understand. Business and growing jobs is about taking risk, sometimes failing, sometimes succeeding, but always striving. It is about dreams. Usually, it doesn't work out exactly as you might have imagined. Steve Jobs was fired at Apple. He came back and changed the world.\nIt's the genius of the American free enterprise system – to harness the extraordinary creativity and talent and industry of the American people with a system that is dedicated to creating tomorrow's prosperity rather than trying to redistribute today's.\nThat is why every president since the Great Depression who came before the American people asking for a second term could look back at the last four years and say with satisfaction: \"you are better off today than you were four years ago.\"\nExcept Jimmy Carter. And except this president.\nThis president can ask us to be patient.\nThis president can tell us it was someone else's fault.\nThis president can tell us that the next four years he'll get it right.\nBut this president cannot tell us that YOU are better off today than when he took office.\nAmerica has been patient. Americans have supported this president in good faith.\nBut today, the time has come to turn the page.\nToday the time has come for us to put the disappointments of the last four years behind us.\nTo put aside the divisiveness and the recriminations.\nTo forget about what might have been and to look ahead to what can be.\nNow is the time to restore the Promise of America. Many Americans have given up on this president but they haven't ever thought about giving up. Not on themselves. Not on each other. And not on America.\nWhat is needed in our country today is not complicated or profound. It doesn't take a special government commission to tell us what America needs.\nWhat America needs is jobs.\nLots of jobs.\nIn the richest country in the history of the world, this Obama economy has crushed the middle class. Family income has fallen by $4,000, but health insurance premiums are higher, food prices are higher, utility bills are higher, and gasoline prices have doubled. Today more Americans wake up in poverty than ever before. Nearly one out of six Americans is living in poverty. Look around you. These are not strangers. These are our brothers and sisters, our fellow Americans.\nHis policies have not helped create jobs, they have depressed them. And this I can tell you about where President Obama would take America:\nHis plan to raise taxes on small business won't add jobs, it will eliminate them;\nHis assault on coal and gas and oil will send energy and manufacturing jobs to China;\nHis trillion dollar cuts to our military will eliminate hundreds of thousands of jobs, and also put our security at greater risk;\nHis $716 billion cut to Medicare to finance Obamacare will both hurt today's seniors, and depress innovation – and jobs – in medicine.\nAnd his trillion-dollar deficits will slow our economy, restrain employment, and cause wages to stall.\nTo the majority of Americans who now believe that the future will not be better than the past, I can guarantee you this: if Barack Obama is re-elected, you will be right.\nI am running for president to help create a better future. A future where everyone who wants a job can find one. Where no senior fears for the security of their retirement. An America where every parent knows that their child will get an education that leads them to a good job and a bright horizon.\nAnd unlike the President, I have a plan to create 12 million new jobs. It has 5 steps.\nFirst, by 2020, North America will be energy independent by taking full advantage of our oil and coal and gas and nuclear and renewables.\nSecond, we will give our fellow citizens the skills they need for the jobs of today and the careers of tomorrow. When it comes to the school your child will attend, every parent should have a choice, and every child should have a chance.\nThird, we will make trade work for America by forging new trade agreements. And when nations cheat in trade, there will be unmistakable consequences.\nFourth, to assure every entrepreneur and every job creator that their investments in America will not vanish as have those in Greece, we will cut the deficit and put America on track to a balanced budget.\nAnd fifth, we will champion SMALL businesses, America's engine of job growth. That means reducing taxes on business, not raising them. It means simplifying and modernizing the regulations that hurt small business the most. And it means that we must rein in the skyrocketing cost of healthcare by repealing and replacing Obamacare.\nToday, women are more likely than men to start a business. They need a president who respects and understands what they do.\nAnd let me make this very clear – unlike President Obama, I will not raise taxes on the middle class.\nAs president, I will protect the sanctity of life. I will honor the institution of marriage. And I will guarantee America's first liberty: the freedom of religion.\nPresident Obama promised to begin to slow the rise of the oceans and heal the planet. MY promise...is to help you and your family.\nI will begin my presidency with a jobs tour. President Obama began with an apology tour. America, he said, had dictated to other nations. No Mr. President, America has freed other nations from dictators.\nEvery American was relieved the day President Obama gave the order, and Seal Team Six took out Osama bin Laden. But on another front, every American is less secure today because he has failed to slow Iran's nuclear threat.\nIn his first TV interview as president, he said we should talk to Iran. We're still talking, and Iran's centrifuges are still spinning.\nPresident Obama has thrown allies like Israel under the bus, even as he has relaxed sanctions on Castro's Cuba. He abandoned our friends in Poland by walking away from our missile defense commitments, but is eager to give Russia's President Putin the flexibility he desires, after the election. Under my administration, our friends will see more loyalty, and Mr. Putin will see a little less flexibility and more backbone.\nWe will honor America's democratic ideals because a free world is a more peaceful world. This is the bipartisan foreign policy legacy of Truman and Reagan. And under my presidency we will return to it once again.\nYou might have asked yourself if these last years are really the America we want, the America won for us by the greatest generation.\nDoes the America we want borrow a trillion dollars from China? No.\nDoes it fail to find the jobs that are needed for 23 million people and for half the kids graduating from college? No.\nAre its schools lagging behind the rest of the developed world? No.\nAnd does the America we want succumb to resentment and division? We know the answer.\nThe America we all know has been a story of the many becoming one, uniting to preserve liberty, uniting to build the greatest economy in the world, uniting to save the world from unspeakable darkness.\nEverywhere I go in America, there are monuments that list those who have given their lives for America. There is no mention of their race, their party affiliation, or what they did for a living. They lived and died under a single flag, fighting for a single purpose. They pledged allegiance to the UNITED States of America.\nThat America, that united America, can unleash an economy that will put Americans back to work, that will once again lead the world with innovation and productivity, and that will restore every father and mother's confidence that their children's future is brighter even than the past.\nThat America, that united America, will preserve a military that is so strong, no nation would ever dare to test it.\nThat America, that united America, will uphold the constellation of rights that were endowed by our Creator, and codified in our Constitution.\nThat united America will care for the poor and the sick, will honor and respect the elderly, and will give a helping hand to those in need.\nThat America is the best within each of us. That America we want for our children.\nIf I am elected President of these United States, I will work with all my energy and soul to restore that America, to lift our eyes to a better future. That future is our destiny. That future is out there. It is waiting for us. Our children deserve it, our nation depends upon it, the peace and freedom of the world require it. And with your help we will deliver it. Let us begin that future together tonight.", "Words" -> 4088, "WordCounts" -> <|"the" -> 174, "and" -> 124, "to" -> 118, "a" -> 93, "of" -> 89, "that" -> 71, "in" -> 58, "I" -> 58, "America" -> 53, "our" -> 46, "we" -> 45, "is" -> 42, "will" -> 41, "you" -> 38, "for" -> 34, "have" -> 32, "was" -> 31, "on" -> 29, "it" -> 29, "what" -> 23, "when" -> 22, "And" -> 22, "with" -> 21, "my" -> 21, "more" -> 21, "are" -> 21, "Americans" -> 21, "had" -> 20, "this" -> 19, "world" -> 18, "who" -> 18, "up" -> 18, "their" -> 18, "President" -> 18, "better" -> 18, "us" -> 16, "not" -> 16, "has" -> 16, "by" -> 16, "But" -> 16, "about" -> 16, "than" -> 15, "president" -> 15, "every" -> 15, "were" -> 14, "We" -> 14, "That" -> 14, "new" -> 14, "from" -> 14, "business" -> 14, "be" -> 14, "American" -> 14, "or" -> 13, "Obama" -> 13, "jobs" -> 13, "future" -> 13, "because" -> 13, "years" -> 12, "they" -> 12, "out" -> 12, "job" -> 12, "he" -> 12, "It" -> 11, "can" -> 11, "as" -> 11, "an" -> 11, "your" -> 10, 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1, "someplace" -> 1, "Some" -> 1, "soles" -> 1, "sofa" -> 1, "soccer" -> 1, "SMALL" -> 1, "sleep" -> 1, "skyrocketing" -> 1, "skills" -> 1, "Six" -> 1, "six" -> 1, "sisters" -> 1, "simplifying" -> 1, "simple" -> 1, "signs" -> 1, "side" -> 1, "sick" -> 1, "Shows" -> 1, "show" -> 1, "shouldn't" -> 1, "shores" -> 1, "shopping" -> 1, "She" -> 1, "shaped" -> 1, "seniors" -> 1, "send" -> 1, "Senator" -> 1, "Senate" -> 1, "sell" -> 1, "seem" -> 1, "secure" -> 1, "Secretary" -> 1, "secret" -> 1, "Second" -> 1, "Seal" -> 1, "schools" -> 1, "saying" -> 1, "save" -> 1, "satisfaction" -> 1, "sanctity" -> 1, "sanctions" -> 1, "Russia's" -> 1, "running" -> 1, "run" -> 1, "room" -> 1, "rolling" -> 1, "rise" -> 1, "rights" -> 1, "rightly" -> 1, "richness" -> 1, "richest" -> 1, "riches" -> 1, "Rice" -> 1, "revolution" -> 1, "returning" -> 1, "return" -> 1, "retirement" -> 1, "retired" -> 1, "restrain" -> 1, "rest" -> 1, "responsibility" -> 1, "respects" -> 1, "respect" -> 1, "resentment" -> 1, 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-> 1, "pleased" -> 1, "playlist" -> 1, "played" -> 1, "plaster" -> 1, "planet" -> 1, "placed" -> 1, "pile" -> 1, "permanent" -> 1, "peaceful" -> 1, "peace" -> 1, "pass" -> 1, "parent's" -> 1, "paid" -> 1, "page" -> 1, "over" -> 1, "OUR" -> 1, "Our" -> 1, "others" -> 1, "Osama" -> 1, "order" -> 1, "Or" -> 1, "opening" -> 1, "open" -> 1, "officials" -> 1, "oceans" -> 1, "North" -> 1, "none" -> 1, "nomination" -> 1, "ninety" -> 1, "Nikki" -> 1, "nights" -> 1, "Nearly" -> 1, "names" -> 1, "myself" -> 1, "MY" -> 1, "must" -> 1, "movie" -> 1, "mothers" -> 1, "mother's" -> 1, "Mormons" -> 1, "monuments" -> 1, "money" -> 1, "moments" -> 1, "modernizing" -> 1, "mistake" -> 1, "missile" -> 1, "mind" -> 1, "mill" -> 1, "miles" -> 1, "Michelle" -> 1, "Mexico" -> 1, "Mexican" -> 1, "mentored" -> 1, "mention" -> 1, "medicine" -> 1, "Medicare" -> 1, "maybe" -> 1, "massive" -> 1, "Massachusetts" -> 1, "Mary" -> 1, "Martinez" -> 1, "marry" -> 1, "married" -> 1, "marriage" -> 1, "manufacturing" -> 1, 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-> 1, "important" -> 1, "imagined" -> 1, "ideals" -> 1, "idea" -> 1, "hundreds" -> 1, "Hug" -> 1, "How" -> 1, "house" -> 1, "Horizons" -> 1, "horizon" -> 1, "Hope" -> 1, "hope" -> 1, "homework" -> 1, "Hollywood" -> 1, "hit" -> 1, "hire" -> 1, "heroic" -> 1, "hell" -> 1, "he'll" -> 1, "hearts" -> 1, "heart" -> 1, "hearing" -> 1, "heard" -> 1, "healthcare" -> 1, "health" -> 1, "haven't" -> 1, "harness" -> 1, "happy" -> 1, "happening" -> 1, "happened" -> 1, "hands" -> 1, "hand" -> 1, "Haley" -> 1, "guy" -> 1, "growth" -> 1, "grown" -> 1, "ground" -> 1, "Greece" -> 1, "great-grandchildren" -> 1, "graduating" -> 1, "graduate" -> 1, "Government" -> 1, "going" -> 1, "God's" -> 1, "God" -> 1, "giving" -> 1, "getting" -> 1, "gentle" -> 1, "genius" -> 1, "generous" -> 1, "generation" -> 1, "gasoline" -> 1, "full" -> 1, "front" -> 1, "friend" -> 1, "fresh" -> 1, "freed" -> 1, "Fourth" -> 1, "Four" -> 1, "fought" -> 1, "forging" -> 1, "forget" -> 1, "foreign" -> 1, "food" -> 1, "followed" -> 1, "florist" -> 1, "Five" -> 1, "five" -> 1, "fired" -> 1, "finance" -> 1, "finally" -> 1, "fill" -> 1, "figured" -> 1, "fighting" -> 1, "fight" -> 1, "fifth" -> 1, "field" -> 1, "fewer" -> 1, "fed" -> 1, "fears" -> 1, "favorite" -> 1, "fault" -> 1, "fathers" -> 1, "Family" -> 1, "Fallin" -> 1, "fallen" -> 1, "faith" -> 1, "failing" -> 1, "failed" -> 1, "fail" -> 1, "facing" -> 1, "eyes" -> 1, "extraordinary" -> 1, "expected" -> 1, "except" -> 1, "example" -> 1, "exactly" -> 1, "Everywhere" -> 1, "everyone" -> 1, "everyday" -> 1, "everybody" -> 1, "essential" -> 1, "essence" -> 1, "Episcopal" -> 1, "entrepreneur" -> 1, "entire" -> 1, "enterprise" -> 1, "enough" -> 1, "engine" -> 1, "endowed" -> 1, "employment" -> 1, "embarrassed" -> 1, "else's" -> 1, "elections" -> 1, "Election" -> 1, "elected" -> 1, "education" -> 1, "economic" -> 1, "easiest" -> 1, "earth" -> 1, "early" -> 1, "Dynamics" -> 1, "driving" -> 1, "driven" -> 1, "drift" -> 1, "downtown" -> 1, "doubted" -> 1, "doubled" -> 1, "door" -> 1, "dollar" -> 1, "doing" -> 1, "does" -> 1, "DO" -> 1, "divisiveness" -> 1, "divides" -> 1, "diverse" -> 1, "discover" -> 1, "disappointments" -> 1, "disappointment" -> 1, "direction" -> 1, "dictators" -> 1, "dictated" -> 1, "developed" -> 1, "desires" -> 1, "depressed" -> 1, "depress" -> 1, "depends" -> 1, "depended" -> 1, "democratic" -> 1, "demands" -> 1, "deliver" -> 1, "delegates" -> 1, "deficit" -> 1, "defense" -> 1, "dedicated" -> 1, "decisions" -> 1, "decision" -> 1, "debt" -> 1, "Day" -> 1, "daughter" -> 1, "darkness" -> 1, "dare" -> 1, "cuts" -> 1, "Cuba" -> 1, "crushed" -> 1, "Creator" -> 1, "creator" -> 1, "creativity" -> 1, "creating" -> 1, "course" -> 1, "corn" -> 1, "convinced" -> 1, "convention" -> 1, "Constitution" -> 1, "constellation" -> 1, "consequences" -> 1, "congregants" -> 1, "Condoleezza" -> 1, "complicated" -> 1, "community" -> 1, "commitments" -> 1, "commission" -> 1, "commercials" -> 1, "comes" -> 1, "codified" -> 1, "coach" -> 1, "clear" -> 1, 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"bed" -> 1, "becoming" -> 1, "BE" -> 1, "basic" -> 1, "based" -> 1, "balanced" -> 1, "backbone" -> 1, "baby" -> 1, "Ayotte" -> 1, "automobile" -> 1, "Authority" -> 1, "attend" -> 1, "attacks" -> 1, "attacking" -> 1, "At" -> 1, "assure" -> 1, "assume" -> 1, "assault" -> 1, "asleep" -> 1, "Armstrong" -> 1, "arms" -> 1, "Are" -> 1, "apprenticed" -> 1, "Apple" -> 1, "appeal" -> 1, "apology" -> 1, "apologize" -> 1, "anything" -> 1, "Another" -> 1, "another" -> 1, "also" -> 1, "alone" -> 1, "allies" -> 1, "allegiance" -> 1, "All" -> 1, "air" -> 1, "agreements" -> 1, "affiliation" -> 1, "advantage" -> 1, "administration" -> 1, "add" -> 1, "actress" -> 1, "abandoned" -> 1, "9" -> 1, "64" -> 1, "50" -> 1, "5" -> 1, "37" -> 1, "23" -> 1, "2020" -> 1, "12" -> 1, "10" -> 1|>|>}, TypeSystem`Vector[TypeSystem`Struct[{"URL", "Date", "Person", "Party", "Location", "Text", "Words", "WordCounts"}, {TypeSystem`Atom[String], TypeSystem`Atom[DateObject], TypeSystem`Atom[Entity["Person"]], TypeSystem`Atom[TypeSystem`Enumeration["Democrat", "Republican"]], TypeSystem`Atom[Entity["City"]], TypeSystem`Atom[String], TypeSystem`Atom[Integer], TypeSystem`Assoc[TypeSystem`Atom[String], TypeSystem`Atom[Integer], TypeSystem`AnyLength]}], 51], <|"ID" -> 203121959314525|>]